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Josef Bachmann

Josef Erwin Bachmann (12 October 1944 – 24 February 1970) was a German laborer infamous for attempting to assassinate Rudi Dutschke, a prominent Marxist student activist, on 11 April 1968 in West Berlin.^[1]^[2] Born in Reichenbach im Vogtland in Soviet-occupied Saxony, Bachmann relocated to West Germany in his youth, eventually settling in Munich as an unskilled house painter with documented ties to right-wing groups.^[3]^[2] Approaching Dutschke on Kurfürstendamm street and confirming his identity, Bachmann shouted "Dirty Communist Pig" before firing three shots—two to the head and one to the shoulder—inflicting life-altering brain damage that contributed to Dutschke's death a decade later.^[1]^[4] The assailant, armed with a Beretta pistol and carrying a Springer Press newspaper article portraying Dutschke as a radical threat, had traveled from Munich explicitly for the act, reportedly inspired in part by the recent assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.^[5]^[6] Bachmann's attack, rooted in fervent anti-communist convictions amid escalating left-wing activism and media portrayals of student radicals as subversives, ignited massive protests against perceived establishment complicity, including arson attacks on department stores and clashes that accelerated the radicalization of West Germany's 1968 movement.^[1]^[4] Wounded in a subsequent shootout with police, he was convicted of attempted murder but died by suicide via plastic bag asphyxiation in a Berlin prison cell on 24 February 1970, shortly before his trial's resumption.^[7]^[8]

Personal Background

Early Life and Family

Josef Erwin Bachmann was born on October 12, 1944, in Reichenbach im Vogtland, Saxony, during the final months of World War II.^[9] He spent his early childhood in the Soviet occupation zone of post-war Germany, which became the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in 1949, amid widespread economic shortages and reconstruction efforts that characterized the region.^[10] Bachmann originated from a working-class family; his parents had affiliated with the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP), with his father joining as early as 1932 when the party was still illegal.^[11] The family environment was marked by limited resources and instability, including the father's absence or limited involvement, as Bachmann later lived primarily with his mother, Gertrud Brandt (née Bachmann). In 1956, the family fled the GDR, relocating first to an aunt in the Ruhr region of West Germany to escape the communist regime's restrictions.^[12] This migration exposed him to the contrasts between East and West German societies during the early Cold War period, though biographical records emphasize personal hardships over ideological formation in these formative years.^[13]

Employment, Criminal History, and Mental Health

Bachmann's employment was characterized by sporadic and low-skilled work, primarily as a house painter and general laborer. In the months leading up to April 1968, he relocated from his hometown to Munich seeking job opportunities, where he temporarily lodged with a housepainting employer.^[14] ^[4] This pattern of transience and intermittent unemployment underscored his unstable adult trajectory, marked by frequent moves and difficulty maintaining steady work as an unskilled laborer.^[14] His criminal history included multiple petty offenses prior to the assassination attempt, such as house-breaking, theft, illegal possession of a firearm, and resisting arrest, reflecting repeated non-compliance with legal and social norms.^[14] Indicators of mental health struggles emerged from personal accounts and behavioral patterns, including his mother's description of him as "peculiar," alongside the evident instability in his employment and criminal record, though no formal psychiatric diagnosis was documented before the incident.^[14] These factors contributed to a profile of personal failings but do not mitigate responsibility for his actions.

Historical and Political Context

The Radical Student Movement of 1968

The Extraparliamentary Opposition (APO), a student-dominated coalition in West Germany, gained prominence in the late 1960s as a response to the Grand Coalition government under Kurt Georg Kiesinger, protesting measures like the 1968 emergency laws that expanded executive powers during crises.^[15] Active primarily from 1966 to 1969, the APO rejected traditional parliamentary politics in favor of extralegal agitation against perceived continuities of Nazi-era authoritarianism, U.S. imperialism in Vietnam, and capitalist structures, often drawing on Marxist-Leninist frameworks to advocate subversion of established institutions.^[16] This movement, centered in universities like Berlin's Freie Universität and Frankfurt's Goethe University, positioned itself as an anti-authoritarian force seeking revolutionary overhaul rather than reform.^[17] Rudi Dutschke, as spokesman for the Socialist German Student Union (SDS)—the APO's intellectual core—emerged as a charismatic figure promoting escalated confrontation with the state.^[18] Influenced by Maoist protracted struggle and Antonio Gramsci's cultural hegemony, Dutschke championed the "long march through the institutions," a strategy for radicals to infiltrate universities, media, and bureaucracy to erode democratic norms from within and foster socialist upheaval.^[19] His rhetoric framed West German democracy as a facade for fascism, urging students to bypass electoral processes for direct, transformative action that alarmed observers as undermining post-war stability.^[20] Documented violence within the movement revealed its militant undercurrents, countering narratives of purely peaceful dissent. On April 2, 1968, APO affiliates Andreas Baader and Gudrun Ensslin ignited fires at two Frankfurt department stores using gasoline-soaked rags, causing approximately 200,000 Deutsche Marks in damage and endangering lives as an purported protest against Vietnam War consumerism.^[21] The perpetrators defended the arson as "counter-violence against objects," rationalizing property destruction as legitimate resistance, which presaged the Red Army Faction's terrorist trajectory and highlighted the APO's tolerance for escalatory tactics.^[22] Such incidents, amid broader clashes in events like the 1968 Easter Marches—where thousands confronted police with stones and barricades—underscored empirical patterns of disruption that fueled concerns over the movement's compatibility with liberal order.^[15]

Conservative Media Response and Claims of Incitement

Following the April 11, 1968, assassination attempt on Rudi Dutschke, student activists and left-wing groups accused Axel Springer's conservative publications, particularly Bild-Zeitung, of inciting Josef Bachmann through sustained criticism of the student movement and its leaders.^[23]^[20] These outlets had run headlines and cartoons portraying Dutschke as a communist agitator, including depictions of him in poses evoking authoritarian figures, which critics claimed fueled public hostility toward radicals perceived as threats to democratic stability.^[24] Springer papers emphasized warnings about communist influences in the protests, reflecting widespread postwar German anxieties over left-wing extremism amid events like the Prague Spring suppression.^[20]^[25] Conservative media outlets, including Springer, rejected these incitement claims, asserting that their reporting constituted legitimate journalistic scrutiny of a fringe radical minority—comprising less than 0.1% of West Berlin's population—whose actions included violent disruptions and arson attacks, such as the March 1968 Frankfurt department store fires that killed two people days before the shooting.^[20]^[24] They highlighted that Bachmann carried a copy of the far-right Deutsche National-Zeitung at the time of the attack, not a Springer title, and that his motives stemmed from personal anti-communist zeal, exacerbated by news of Martin Luther King Jr.'s assassination, rather than mainstream conservative commentary.^[24] Springer defended press freedom amid student-led riots targeting their facilities, including van burnings and building assaults, framing such coverage as a reflection of broader public concerns over escalating unrest rather than targeted agitation.^[20]^[26] The dispute underscored 1960s media polarization, where tabloid critiques of student provocation—such as calls for street marches mimicking historical authoritarian tactics—mirrored reciprocal escalations from both sides, with no empirical evidence establishing a direct causal path from Springer rhetoric to Bachmann's actions, given his documented criminal history and ideological fringe affiliations.^[20]^[24] Conservative voices argued that left-wing narratives overlooked the movement's own inflammatory tactics, including demands for Springer's expropriation predating the shooting, which intensified mutual hostilities without substantiating one-sided blame.^[27]^[25] This exchange highlighted tensions between press accountability and the right to critique perceived threats to social order, with Springer's stance emphasizing that their warnings against radicalism addressed genuine risks rather than manufactured enmity.^[20]

The Assassination Attempt

Bachmann's Motivation and Travel to Berlin

Josef Bachmann, a 23-year-old house painter harboring deep-seated anti-communist animosity, fixated on Rudi Dutschke as a symbol of leftist subversion in West Germany.^[28] Upon locating Dutschke on Kurfürstendamm in West Berlin, Bachmann verbally accosted him by shouting "Schmutziges Kommunistenschwein" ("Dirty Communist Pig"), a direct expression of his personal revulsion toward Dutschke's activism.^[24] ^[29] Bachmann perceived Dutschke as a direct threat to societal order, influenced by his own pathological hatred of communists rather than solely doctrinal adherence.^[28] ^[30] Bachmann's resolve was amplified by coverage in conservative tabloids, particularly those from Axel Springer Verlag such as Bild, which had intensified public antipathy toward Dutschke through headlines framing him and the student protests as anarchic dangers—e.g., calls to "stop Dutschke now."^[24] As a member of a right-wing political party, Bachmann's sentiments echoed broader anti-leftist currents, yet his impulsive targeting suggests personal volatility played a more immediate role than structured group directives.^[1] In the days leading to April 11, 1968, Bachmann departed Munich, where he resided, and traveled northward to West Berlin expressly to seek out and confront Dutschke, armed with a pistol acquired for the purpose.^[28] ^[24] This journey, spanning approximately 550 kilometers by train or hitchhiking, underscored his singular focus on Dutschke amid escalating media-fueled tensions.^[24]

Execution of the Attack on April 11, 1968

On April 11, 1968, Josef Bachmann approached Rudi Dutschke on the Kurfürstendamm in West Berlin, near the intersection with Joachim-Friedrich-Straße, as Dutschke was en route to a pharmacy.^[4] Bachmann confirmed Dutschke's identity by asking if he was the student leader, to which Dutschke nodded.^[24] Bachmann then shouted "Dirty Communist Pig" and fired three shots at close range, hitting Dutschke in the head, neck, and back.^[29] ^[24] Dutschke immediately collapsed from the severe wounds and was rushed to a hospital for emergency treatment.^[4] Bachmann fled on foot but was quickly pursued by police officers who had witnessed the shooting.^[31] In the ensuing exchange of gunfire, Bachmann sustained serious injuries and was subdued and captured shortly thereafter.^[14] ^[32]

Legal Consequences

Arrest, Trial, and Sentencing

Following the shooting of Rudi Dutschke on April 11, 1968, Bachmann exchanged gunfire with pursuing police officers, sustaining serious injuries in the process, before being apprehended at the scene and taken into custody.^[32] He was immediately charged with attempted murder under West German law, reflecting the deliberate nature of the close-range attack involving three shots fired from a handgun.^[33] Bachmann remained in pretrial detention for several months, during which procedural delays arose. In December 1968, he secured an indefinite postponement of his trial by objecting to the composition of the Berlin court, which had recently acquitted a former Nazi judge accused of war crimes, arguing it compromised impartiality.^[33] The case was rescheduled and proceeded in early 1969 before a different judicial panel. At trial, prosecutors presented evidence of Bachmann's intent, including witness accounts of the targeted approach to Dutschke's residence, the verbal provocation—"Dirty Communist Pig"—immediately before firing, and the use of a sawed-off revolver acquired for the purpose.^[24] No psychiatric evaluation resulted in a finding of diminished responsibility that would alter the proceedings; Bachmann was deemed fully accountable for the act. On March 15, 1969, the court convicted him of attempted murder and imposed a sentence of seven years' imprisonment.^[34]

Imprisonment and Death

Prison Life and Correspondence with Dutschke

Following his conviction on March 19, 1969, for attempted murder, Josef Bachmann was sentenced to seven years' imprisonment in a West Berlin facility, where conditions reflected standard West German penal practices of the era, including structured daily routines and limited privileges for inmates with behavioral issues. Bachmann exhibited signs of remorse during his incarceration, a shift noted in court proceedings and subsequent communications, contrasting his initial ideological fervor. In late 1968, prior to sentencing but while in pretrial detention, Rudi Dutschke initiated correspondence with Bachmann after learning of his suicide attempts, aiming to engage him on political manipulation and class solidarity rather than personal enmity. Dutschke's first letter, dated December 7, 1968, from Milan, urged Bachmann to cease self-harm and redirect his anger toward "ruling elites" through anti-authoritarian socialism, stating, "Höre auf mit den Selbstmordversuchen, der antiautoritäre Sozialismus steht auch noch für Dich da."^[35] A second letter followed on December 31, 1968, expressing no hatred and critiquing both capitalism and Stalinism while inviting further reply.^[36] Bachmann responded on January 10, 1969, from Berlin, explicitly apologizing for the attack: "Ich möchte nochmals mein Bedauern über das aussprechen, was ich Ihnen angetan habe," while expressing hope for Dutschke's recovery and reflecting on his own improved mental state amid political disillusionment.^[36] ^[35] This exchange, documented in Dutschke's writings, highlighted Bachmann's emerging regret over his actions, influenced by isolation and confrontation with consequences, though it did not alter his sentence or broader circumstances.^[35] No verified accounts detail extensive interactions with fellow inmates or authorities beyond these letters, which Dutschke later referenced as an attempt at humanizing dialogue across ideological divides.^[37]

Suicide on February 24, 1970

On the night of February 23–24, 1970, Josef Bachmann, aged 25 and serving a seven-year sentence for the attempted murder of Rudi Dutschke, was found dead in his prison cell in Berlin after suffocating himself by placing a plastic bag over his head.^[7] Prison authorities confirmed the act as suicide, noting that Bachmann had made several prior attempts on his life during pretrial detention, though none succeeded.^[7] ^[38] Official records from the time indicate no formal investigation into potential external factors or foul play, with the death accepted as self-inflicted based on the circumstances and Bachmann's history of suicidal behavior.^[7] The prison environment provided access to the plastic bag, a common item, enabling the method without evident intervention.^[39]

Legacy and Interpretations

Immediate Political Repercussions

The assassination attempt on Rudi Dutschke on April 11, 1968, immediately sparked widespread protests across West Germany, with demonstrators in Berlin marching that evening from the Technical University to the Axel Springer publishing house headquarters, accusing the press conglomerate of fostering a climate conducive to the attack through its critical coverage of the student movement.^[40] Over the subsequent Easter weekend, these escalated into the "Easter Riots" (Osterunruhen), involving clashes in at least 27 cities, including Berlin, Munich, Frankfurt, and Hanover, where protesters targeted Springer delivery vehicles and facilities, blocking streets and engaging in rock-throwing and arson.^[41] ^[14] Approximately 300,000 participants confronted 21,000 police officers, resulting in around 400 injuries and two deaths in Munich on April 15—a photojournalist and a student, amid disturbances involving either direct clashes or a related traffic incident.^[15] ^[42] Student leaders framed the shooting as symptomatic of a resurgent fascist threat, linking Bachmann's actions to Springer headlines that had vilified Dutschke and the SDS (Socialist German Student League), thereby justifying intensified mobilization against perceived authoritarian structures.^[20] This narrative fueled demands to halt the ratification of the government's emergency laws (Notstandsgesetze), portraying them as enabling suppression akin to Nazi-era measures, though empirical evidence tied Bachmann's stated motivation more directly to personal ideological fixation amplified by media reports rather than systemic orchestration.^[26] Critics, including some moderate voices within the protest spectrum, highlighted the riots' disproportionate escalation, noting how the shift from symbolic marches to property destruction and lethal confrontations alienated public sympathy and prompted student leadership calls on April 17 to pause aggressive actions for self-examination of the violence.^[26] ^[43] Government responses emphasized containment, deploying heightened police forces and declaring states of emergency in affected areas to restore order, which temporarily stalled parliamentary debates on the emergency laws amid the chaos but reinforced conservative arguments for stronger security measures against radical unrest.^[14] Public opinion polarized further, with polls indicating a majority rejection of the Springer-targeted violence as excessive, even as it amplified left-wing grievances; this short-term backlash underscored critiques that the movement's reactive militancy, while rooted in genuine fears of right-wing extremism, empirically heightened societal tensions without immediate policy concessions.^[44]

Long-Term Debates on Causality and Ideology

Left-leaning interpretations, prevalent in student movement analyses and subsequent academic narratives, framed Bachmann's attack as a manifestation of resurgent right-wing extremism fomented by conservative media, particularly the Axel Springer publishing empire's tabloids like Bild, which routinely depicted Dutschke and protesters as communist agitators threatening social order.^[45]^[46] Proponents argued that inflammatory headlines—such as those equating student actions with "leftist fascism" or foreign subversion—directly incited isolated individuals like Bachmann, who carried a Springer clipping on Dutschke at the time of the shooting, positioning the event as causal evidence of fascist undercurrents in postwar West Germany amplified by press sensationalism rather than isolated pathology.^[47]^[46] This view, echoed in leftist historiography, often overlooks empirical counters, such as the absence of organized right-wing affiliations in Bachmann's profile—he operated alone without ties to neo-Nazi groups—and the broader context of student-led disruptions, including riots and revolutionary rhetoric from figures like Dutschke, who advocated a "long march through the institutions" rooted in Marxist-Leninist strategy, which fueled public perceptions of existential threat among working-class readers.^[48] Realist perspectives, emphasizing causal chains grounded in individual agency over systemic narratives, attribute the attack primarily to Bachmann's personal failures and resentment rather than ideological fervor or media determinism. Bachmann, a 23-year-old untrained house painter with a history of petty crime, unemployment, and social isolation, exhibited traits of a maladjusted loner projecting failures onto perceived societal enemies, including "communists" portrayed in tabloids as destabilizing forces; his anti-communist outburst during the shooting reflected reactive animus amid widespread reporting on student extremism, not doctrinal commitment.^[46]^[47] Empirical scrutiny reveals no direct media causation—Springer's coverage criticized protests factually, including violent incidents like the 1967 department store arson by activists, without advocating assassination—while Bachmann's later suicide by hanging on February 24, 1970, suggests underlying personal despair, potentially compounded by alcoholism and rejection, over collective ideology.^[49] These accounts, often marginalized in academia due to prevailing left-oriented biases in 1968-era scholarship, prioritize verifiable individual drivers: Bachmann's lack of extremist network involvement and the attack's singularity amid millions of press exposures underscore pathology in a volatile cultural milieu, where left-wing agitation genuinely alarmed segments of the populace, rather than a coordinated fascist revival.^[50] Disputes over psychological versus media causality persist, with scant evidence for severe mental disorder in Bachmann— no formal diagnosis preceded the act, unlike retrospective projections in biased narratives—but indicators of untreated distress, including his rapid descent into suicidal ideation post-incarceration, point to endogenous factors like chronic failure and isolation as proximal causes, exacerbated by but not originating from press influence.^[51] Longitudinal data on similar lone-actor violence in the era, absent systemic right-wing mobilization, supports realism: media amplified existing grievances without fabricating them, as ordinary citizens reacted to tangible leftist threats, including Dutschke's endorsements of Third World guerrilla tactics, rather than vice versa. Left-leaning sources, including student publications, systematically overemphasize incitement to validate anti-capitalist critiques of press monopolies, downplaying how such interpretations excused parallel extremism on the left, where empirical violence (e.g., bombings by nascent groups) exceeded reactive incidents.^[52]^[42]

Cultural Representations

Depictions in Film, Literature, and Media

In the 2008 film The Baader Meinhof Complex, directed by Uli Edel and based on Stefan Aust's book, the April 11, 1968, assassination attempt on Rudi Dutschke is portrayed as a catalyst for left-wing radicalization, with Josef Bachmann depicted as a neo-Nazi shooter motivated by anti-communist fervor and influenced by conservative media.^[53] This representation aligns with a broader narrative framing Bachmann as an ideological extremist, though critics have noted the film's selective emphasis on systemic right-wing threats over individual pathologies, potentially amplifying causal links to press incitement amid post-1968 cultural retrospectives.^[46] The 2009 docu-drama Dutschke, directed by Stefan Krohmer for ZDF, chronicles Dutschke's life and includes the shooting as a climactic event, presenting Bachmann as a right-wing agitator amid student unrest and press hostility. Similarly, Harun Farocki's 1968 short film Three Shots at Rudi captures the immediate aftermath through news footage and analysis, portraying the attack as emblematic of escalating political violence, with Bachmann's act tied to broader societal tensions rather than personal instability.^[54] These early and mid-2000s cinematic works often prioritize ideological framing—casting Bachmann as a fascist archetype to underscore media's role in polarization—over evidence of his alcoholism, petty criminality, and erratic life, which biographical accounts indicate were significant drivers absent deep organizational ties to extremism.^[55] A 2020 ARD docu-drama, Dutschke – Schüsse von Rechts, directed by Cordt Schnibben and Peter Dörfler, delves into Bachmann's connections to right-extremist networks in Peine, portraying him as embedded in a subculture of anti-communist resentment, while exploring investigative lapses that downplayed such links.^[56] This depiction critiques institutional failures but has been faulted for retrospective overemphasis on structured ideology, potentially influenced by prevailing left-leaning historiographical biases that minimize Bachmann's documented status as a troubled loner with sporadic, unaffiliated prejudices.^[55] In literature, Yaak Karsunke's 1970 work Josef Bachmann, Sonny Liston: Versuche aus der Unterklasse auszusteigen examines Bachmann alongside figures like boxer Sonny Liston as emblematic of futile lower-class aspirations, framing the assassin as a product of socioeconomic despair and thwarted mobility rather than pure ideological zeal.^[57] This non-fiction essay collection offers a rarer counterpoint to media sensationalism, highlighting personal alienation over fascist caricature, though its niche reception limits broader cultural impact. Contemporary media depictions, particularly in 1968 print and broadcast outlets, sensationalized Bachmann as a "dirty communist pig"-shouting fanatic incited by Axel Springer publications, fueling protests against the press while eliding his pre-existing mental health issues and vagrancy.^[31] Later analyses, including in left-influenced academia and documentaries, have perpetuated this selective lens, often critiqued for causal overreach that attributes the act primarily to media rhetoric despite evidence of Bachmann's independent volatility, as evidenced by his prison correspondence revealing remorse unmoored from organized politics.^[58] Such framings reflect systemic biases in post-war German cultural institutions, prioritizing narrative symmetry over empirical nuance in portraying right-wing actors.

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14 | 1968: Berlin student unrest worsens - BBC ON THIS DAY
A massive student rally in West Berlin has ended in violent clashes between police and protesters. Students blocked the city's main thoroughfare, the ...
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Cultural Revolution or Cultural Shock? Student Radicalism ... - jstor
' The 1968 Easter riots marked a turning poin. Germany. During these confrontations more th injured, and a student and a journalist died. F was the starting ...<|separator|>
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[PDF] The Theory and Praxis of the West German Student Movement
department store fire was an arson attack by an anti-war group, the Kommune satirical pamphlets were meant to incite violent acts in West Germany, the students.
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Fassbinder and the Red Army Faction - Jacobin
Though his relationship to them was unusual and complex, Fassbinder liked both his parents and never resented his upbringing, later casting his mother in ...
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Axel Springer, the Media Magnate Who Repaired German-Israeli ...
May 7, 2013 · The animosity between Springer and the left took a violent turn in 1968 when a far-right house painter named Josef Bachmann attempted to ...
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Red Army Faction - ProleWiki
This culminated on 11 April, when right-wing worker named Josef Bachmann attempted to kill Rudi Dutschke, shooting him three times, once in the head, nearly ...Missing: motives debates<|separator|>
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Suizid - Unionpedia
Oktober 1944 in Reichenbach im Vogtland; † 24. Februar 1970) war ein deutscher antikommunistischer Attentäter. Sehen Suizid und Josef Bachmann · Josef Bühler.
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[PDF] Political Generations in Federal Germany - New Left Review
After Rudi Dutschke was critically wounded on 11 April 1968, by three shots fired by the labourer Josef Bachmann, the Berlin sds distrib- uted a flier that ...
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Rudi Dutschke - Fremder Revolutionär - Politik - SZ.de
Mar 30, 2018 · ... Josef Bachmann der öffentlichen Laufbahn Dutschkes ein Ende setzte. ... psychische Erkrankung. Darüber hat er nun ein bemerkenswert ...
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A Right-Wing German News Conglomerate Bought Politico for a ...
Sep 1, 2021 · One of Bild's most-hated figures was Rudi Dutschke. Hyped up by the Springer press, Bild-reader Josef Bachmann shot Dutschke in 1968. Dutschke ...<|separator|>
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The Baader Meinhof Complex (2008) - IMDb
Rating 7.3/10 (41,286) A look at Germany's terrorist group, The Red Army Faction (RAF), which organized bombings, robberies, kidnappings, and assassinations in the late 1960s and '70s ...Full cast & crew · Awards · FAQ · Filming & production
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Three Shots at Rudi - Harun Farocki
On Easter 1968 an assassination attempt on Rudi Dutschke was carried out. Shortly afterwards street battles resulted throughout West Germany.
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ARD-Film zu Dutschke-Attentat:Die Spur führt nach Peine - Medien
Nov 3, 2020 · Ein ARD-Dokudrama beleuchtet die Verbindungen des Dutschke-Attentäters Josef Bachmann in die rechtsextreme Szene. Von Willi Winkler.<|separator|>
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Geschichte im Ersten: Dutschke – Schüsse von Rechts | ARD History
Rating 4.6 (18) Nov 3, 2020 · Am 11. April 1968 wird in West-Berlin ein Attentat auf Rudi Dutschke verübt. Er gilt als Wortführer und Symbolfigur der gesellschaftskritischen, ...
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Representations in the West German Print Media of the 1960s and ...
Aug 10, 2025 · This thesis examines the representation of racial violence in black British literature. Long part of the black British experience, from racial ...