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Residence

Residence is the place, especially a house or other building, in which a person lives or dwells as their home, encompassing the act of residing there as a fixed or principal abode rather than a temporary stay.^[1]^[2] The term derives from late 14th-century Old French résidence and Medieval Latin residentia, rooted in the Latin verb residere ("to sit back" or "remain"), signifying settlement or dwelling.^[3] In legal frameworks, residence refers to an individual's actual place of general abode or principal dwelling, often distinguished from domicile, which implies a more permanent legal tie to a location for matters such as taxation, voting, or jurisdiction, without requiring intent to remain indefinitely.^[4]^[5]^[6] For instance, under U.S. immigration law, it denotes the factual principal home, irrespective of formal declarations.^[5] Architecturally, residences encompass a broad category of structures designed for habitation, with residential architecture prioritizing the integration of practical living requirements—such as spatial efficiency, durability, and environmental adaptation—with aesthetic and cultural elements tailored to occupants' needs.^[7]^[8] This field spans diverse styles and scales, from single-family homes to multi-unit dwellings, influencing urban planning and personal well-being through evidence-based design principles like natural lighting and spatial flow.^[9]^[10]

Definition and Etymology

Core Definition

Residence denotes the place of a person's habitual or principal dwelling, encompassing both the physical structure and the state or act of living there for an extended period. In general usage, it refers to a building or location used as a home, such as a house, apartment, or other abode where an individual or family resides.^[1] This contrasts with temporary lodging, emphasizing continuity rather than mere visitation.^[11] Legally, residence is typically the actual place of abode, defined as the principal dwelling without regard to formal intent to remain indefinitely, distinguishing it from domicile, which requires both physical presence and the intention to make a location one's permanent home.^[4] For instance, under U.S. immigration law, residence means "the place of general abode," interpreted as the primary factual living place, potentially allowing multiple residences but only one domicile.^[5] Courts often assess residence based on factors like duration of stay, economic ties, and daily living patterns, rather than legal formalities alone.^[6] This definition influences jurisdictions for taxation, voting, and personal status, underscoring residence's role in establishing legal connections to a locale.^[12]

Etymology and Linguistic Variations

The English noun residence, denoting a dwelling place or the act of dwelling, entered the language in the late 14th century as a borrowing from Old French résidence and Medieval Latin residentia.^[3] ^[13] This form derives from the present participle residēns of the Latin verb residēre, meaning "to sit back," "settle," or "remain," composed of the intensive prefix re- ("back") and sidēre ("to sit").^[14] The earliest attested use in English appears around 1398, initially conveying the sense of a fixed abode or official seat, as in ecclesiastical or noble contexts.^[13] Cognates of residence appear prominently in Romance languages, reflecting their shared Latin heritage. In French, résidence retains a near-identical form and meaning, encompassing both private homes and institutional dwellings, with roots traceable to the same Medieval Latin residentia.^[3] Spanish residencia, Italian residenza, and Portuguese residência similarly derive from residēre, often extending to legal or administrative senses like official headquarters or periods of stay.^[15] These terms maintain phonetic and semantic continuity, though regional variations exist; for instance, in some Iberian dialects, residencia may emphasize temporary lodging over permanent settlement.^[16] Beyond Romance tongues, Germanic languages exhibit partial borrowings rather than direct inheritance. German Residenz, adopted in the 17th century via Latin or French, primarily denotes a sovereign's palace or capital city, diverging semantically from everyday housing toward historical and architectural connotations.^[3] In contrast, non-Indo-European languages lack true cognates, relying on native equivalents like Japanese kyojū (from Sino-Japanese roots meaning "dwelling place") or Arabic iqāma (denoting settlement or permit), which convey similar concepts through unrelated etymological paths.^[16] This pattern underscores how residence and its derivatives spread through Latin's influence on European legal and administrative vocabularies, adapting to cultural contexts without universal phonetic preservation.^[17]

Historical Development

Prehistoric and Ancient Residences

In the Paleolithic era, spanning approximately 2.5 million to 10,000 BCE, human ancestors and early modern humans primarily utilized temporary shelters such as caves, rock overhangs, and rudimentary huts constructed from available natural materials like wood, animal hides, and bones.^[18] Evidence of structured shelters includes wooden huts dating to around 380,000 BCE and more elaborate mammoth-bone huts in Eastern Europe approximately 25,000 years ago, often featuring hearths for fire control and social gatherings.^[19]^[20] These dwellings reflected nomadic hunter-gatherer lifestyles, with mobility dictated by resource availability rather than fixed architecture.^[21] The Neolithic Revolution, beginning around 10,000 BCE in the Fertile Crescent, marked the shift to sedentary living and permanent residences enabled by agriculture and animal domestication. Jericho, established circa 9000 BCE, represents one of the earliest known proto-urban settlements, initially featuring circular stone-foundation houses that evolved into rectangular mud-brick structures by 7000 BCE, often clustered without streets and incorporating plastered floors and storage facilities.^[22] Çatalhöyük in Anatolia, occupied from approximately 7400 to 6000 BCE, exemplifies dense Neolithic housing with multi-room mud-brick dwellings accessed via rooftops, housing up to 8,000 inhabitants in a honeycomb-like layout emphasizing communal living and symbolic wall paintings.^[23]^[24] These structures, built from sun-dried bricks and timber, prioritized defensibility and resource storage, laying foundations for urbanism.^[25] In ancient Mesopotamia, from the Uruk period onward around 4000 BCE, residences consisted of multi-room mud-brick houses arranged in rows, typically one or two stories high, with flat roofs, courtyards, and materials supplemented by reeds and wood in marshy areas for lower-status homes.^[26]^[27] Ancient Egyptian homes, dating back to the predynastic period circa 6000 BCE and persisting through the Old Kingdom (c. 2686–2181 BCE), were predominantly single-story mud-brick constructions with flat, whitewashed roofs, internal courtyards for ventilation, and minimal windows to deter thieves and insects, reflecting adaptation to the Nile's flood cycles. Elite residences incorporated limestone elements for durability, while commoners' homes featured reed mats and basic furnishings.^[28] Classical Greek residences, known as oikoi from the 5th century BCE, were inward-facing courtyard houses built of mud-brick, stone, or sun-dried bricks, designed for family privacy with separate women's quarters (gynaikonitis) and men's areas (andron), often featuring colonnaded peristyles in wealthier examples to facilitate social gatherings.^[29]^[30] In ancient Rome, from the Republic era (c. 509 BCE) through the Empire, elite domus featured axial layouts with atriums for rainwater collection and peristyle gardens, constructed from concrete, brick, and marble facing, while the urban poor occupied insulae—multi-story (up to six levels) wooden-framed apartment blocks housing multiple families per unit, prone to fires and collapses despite regulations limiting heights.^[31]^[32] These forms addressed population density in expanding cities, prioritizing functionality over luxury for the majority.^[33]

Medieval to Early Modern Dwellings

In medieval Europe, spanning roughly 500 to 1500 CE, residential dwellings were predominantly constructed from locally available materials such as timber, stone, clay, and thatch, reflecting resource constraints and agrarian economies.^[34] Peasant cottages and longhouses, typically measuring 15 to 30 feet in length with one or two rooms, often housed extended families alongside livestock under a single steeply pitched thatched roof to shed rainwater and snow.^[34] These structures employed wattle and daub techniques—woven branches plastered with a mixture of clay, dung, and straw—for walls, providing basic insulation against harsh climates, while central hearths served for cooking and heating, with smoke venting through roof openings.^[34] In urban settings and among the emerging merchant class, timber-framed houses became common, featuring oak frameworks joined by mortise-and-tenon methods secured with wooden pegs, often with overhanging upper stories (jetties) to maximize street-front space and protect lower levels from street waste.^[34]^[35] Elite residences, including manor houses and early castles adapted for domestic use, utilized more durable stone construction with thick walls and small windows for security and thermal regulation, centered around a great hall for communal living, dining, and administration.^[34]^[35] By the late medieval period, particularly from the 14th century, social shifts toward greater privacy prompted the addition of separate chambers and solar rooms for family use, alongside garderobes for sanitation and cellars for food storage via smoking or salting.^[34] Timber framing persisted widely in England and northern Europe through the Middle Ages, as stone remained labor-intensive and reserved for fortifications or ecclesiastical buildings, underscoring a causal link between material availability, labor costs, and class-based dwelling forms.^[35] The transition to early modern dwellings from around 1500 onward incorporated Renaissance influences, particularly in Italy and among elites, where architects like Leon Battista Alberti advocated humanist principles of proportion, symmetry, and classical motifs drawn from antiquity, elevating domestic design beyond mere functionality.^[36] Structures such as the Palazzo Medici in Florence (constructed 1444–1460) exemplified this shift with rusticated stone facades, courtyards for light and ventilation, and compartmentalized interiors separating public reception areas from private family quarters.^[37] In northern Europe, vernacular housing evolved more gradually, retaining timber framing but adopting brick for fire resistance and uniformity—evident in Tudor-era long galleries and chimney stacks—while urban growth spurred terraced row houses with larger glazed windows, reflecting commercial prosperity and reduced feudal defensiveness.^[35] These changes were driven by empirical advances in glass production and trade, enabling better illumination and hygiene, alongside a societal move toward nuclear families and individual property rights, though peasant dwellings largely preserved medieval simplicity into the 17th century.^[38] By the 18th century, elite country houses integrated Palladian elements like pediments and porticos, marking a broader causal progression from communal, enclosure-focused medieval forms to privatized, aesthetically ordered spaces.^[39]

Industrial and Modern Evolution

The Industrial Revolution, commencing in Britain around 1760 and spreading to Europe and North America by the early 19th century, accelerated urbanization as agricultural workers migrated to factory centers, transforming rural dwellings into dense urban housing. In the United States, cities expanded by approximately 15 million residents between 1880 and 1900 due to industrial growth, resulting in overcrowded tenements where single-family homes were partitioned into multiple units lacking basic amenities.^[40] By 1900 in New York City, roughly 43,000 tenement buildings accommodated 1.6 million people, or 80% of the city's 2 million residents, with structures featuring dim interiors, shared privies, and no running water, exacerbating outbreaks of cholera and typhoid.^[41] Similar conditions prevailed in British industrial towns like Manchester, where back-to-back terraces were erected rapidly without sanitation, contributing to infant mortality rates exceeding 200 per 1,000 births in the 1840s.^[42] Reform efforts in the late 19th century addressed these deficiencies through nascent building regulations and sanitation improvements, driven by public health crises. Indoor plumbing emerged gradually from the 1840s onward, with flushing toilets and piped water becoming feasible via industrial advances in cast iron and ceramics, though adoption lagged; by 1940, nearly half of U.S. homes still lacked hot piped water.^[43] In the U.S., early codes like New York's 1867 Tenement House Law mandated fire escapes and ventilation shafts, while broader standards evolved from municipal ordinances responding to documented slum conditions. These measures reflected causal links between poor housing design—such as inadequate drainage—and disease transmission, prioritizing empirical fixes like sewage separation over aesthetic concerns.^[40] The 20th century saw residential evolution toward mass-produced, functional designs, culminating in post-World War II suburban expansion. The GI Bill of 1944 enabled low-interest loans for veterans, spurring developments like Levittown, New York, where 17,000 single-family homes were constructed between 1947 and 1951 using assembly-line techniques, featuring standardized two-bedroom layouts with modern appliances.^[44] U.S. suburban population share rose from 19.5% in 1940 to 30.7% by 1950, facilitated by federal highway investments and affordable automobiles, shifting residences from urban density to low-rise, owner-occupied tracts with yards and garages.^[45] Mid-century modernist influences, evident in styles emphasizing open plans and large windows from the 1950s onward, prioritized efficiency and natural light, though critiques emerged by the 1960s against uniform "cookie-cutter" aesthetics in favor of contextual variations.^[46] Contemporary trends build on these foundations, incorporating energy-efficient prefabrication and zoning reforms to counter sprawl-induced inefficiencies.^[47]

Types of Residences

Permanent Single-Unit Homes

Permanent single-unit homes, also known as single-family detached dwellings, are free-standing residential structures designed for occupancy by one household, featuring no shared walls or common areas with adjacent units.^[48]^[49] These homes typically include independent utilities, a private entrance, dedicated kitchen and bathroom facilities, and often a yard or lot for exclusive use by the residents.^[50] Unlike multi-unit buildings, they emphasize autonomy and isolation from neighboring households, which facilitates customization and reduces interpersonal conflicts over shared spaces.^[51] Such residences dominate global housing stock, comprising approximately 62% of all dwellings as of 2023, particularly prevalent in rural and suburban areas where land availability supports detached construction.^[52] In the United States, single-family homes accounted for about 82% of homes sold in recent years, reflecting strong demand for their privacy and space despite higher costs compared to attached or multi-unit options.^[53] Construction predominantly employs stick-built methods using wood framing, which constitutes over 90% of new single-family builds in markets like the U.S., supplemented by materials such as concrete foundations, brick or stone exteriors, and engineered wood products for efficiency.^[54]^[55] Key advantages include greater personal space and reduced noise from neighbors, enabling families to maintain distinct living environments that correlate with preferences for autonomy in housing surveys.^[56]^[57] However, these homes often incur elevated maintenance responsibilities and energy expenses due to larger footprints and isolated utilities, with average U.S. construction timelines reaching 9.1 months from start to completion in 2024.^[58] Land ownership integral to these structures further amplifies costs, as lots must accommodate setbacks and zoning requirements that prevent dense packing.^[59]

Multi-Unit and Communal Dwellings

Multi-unit dwellings, also known as multifamily residential structures or multi-dwelling units (MDUs), consist of buildings containing two or more separate housing units designed for residential occupancy by distinct households.^[60] These structures range from low-rise garden-style apartments to high-rise towers, with units typically accessed via shared common areas such as hallways, stairwells, or elevators.^[61] In the United States, multiple dwelling buildings encompass various forms of residential construction, including those occupied for permanent residence, and are subject to specific building codes for safety and habitability.^[62] Common types include attached multifamily units, such as townhouses or row homes sharing walls but with individual entrances, and detached multifamily buildings like apartment complexes.^[63] Construction materials and fire safety classifications vary; for instance, Type I buildings often use non-combustible concrete and steel for high-rises, while Type III may incorporate wood framing for mid-rise structures.^[64] Globally, new multifamily housing construction is projected to reach 25.7 million units by 2029, growing at an annual rate of 2.7%, driven by urbanization and land scarcity in dense population centers.^[65] In the U.S., approximately 47% of renting households reside in apartment buildings with five or more units, compared to 31% in single-family homes.^[66] Communal dwellings differ from multi-unit structures by emphasizing shared living spaces and collective resource use among residents, often fostering intentional social interaction beyond mere proximity. These include cohousing developments, where private units adjoin extensive common facilities like kitchens and gardens; housing cooperatives, in which residents collectively own the property; and coliving arrangements tailored for short-term or transient groups such as students or professionals.^[67] Examples span ecovillages focused on sustainability, spiritual communities like monasteries, and urban shared houses, such as Japan's LT Josai Shared House, which accommodates unrelated individuals in a single structure with communal amenities.^[68] Prevalence of communal dwellings remains niche compared to standard multi-unit housing. In the U.S., cohousing communities typically comprise 7 to 67 private units with shared spaces, though only about 160 such intentional communities have been purpose-built nationwide.^[69] Many intentional communities fail early, with estimates indicating up to 90% dissolving within the first few years due to governance conflicts, financial strains, or mismatched expectations among members.^[70] Despite challenges, communal models persist in addressing affordability and social isolation, particularly in high-cost urban areas, where shared expenses can reduce individual housing burdens.^[71]

Temporary and Mobile Residences

Temporary residences refer to accommodations designed for short-term human habitation, typically spanning from a few days to several months, including hotels, serviced apartments, corporate housing, and short-term rentals. These are commonly employed during transitional periods such as job relocations, property renovations, business travel, or recovery from events like natural disasters.^[72]^[73]^[74] Mobile residences, distinct in their transportability, include structures engineered for occupancy while being movable by road, water, or other means, such as recreational vehicles (RVs), manufactured mobile homes, and houseboats. Mobile homes are prefabricated units constructed for highway transport under vehicle permits and placed in designated parks or lots, where they function as fixed dwellings post-setup.^[75] In jurisdictions like California, the Mobilehome Residency Law (enacted in 1975 and amended through 2022) governs park tenancies, enforcing standards for rent control, eviction procedures, and park maintenance to protect residents from arbitrary landlord actions.^[76]^[77] RVs, often classified as personal property rather than real estate unless permanently affixed to land, feature self-contained facilities for cooking, sanitation, and sleeping, enabling full-time living.^[78] Under U.S. Internal Revenue Service rules, an RV or houseboat qualifies as a primary residence for mortgage interest deductions if used as the taxpayer's main home for more than 14 days annually and equipped with essential living amenities.^[79]^[80] However, local zoning ordinances frequently restrict RV or houseboat residency in urban or residential zones to prevent health hazards or nuisances, as seen in California regulations permitting such use only with administrative approval for temporary setups.^[81]^[82] Globally, demand for temporary and mobile housing reflects economic and crisis-driven needs; the temporary shelters market, encompassing modular and emergency units, reached $40.9 billion in 2024 and is projected to grow to $42.97 billion in 2025 at a compound annual rate driven by prefabricated solutions.^[83] In the manufactured housing sector, a 2022 U.S. study reported 85% resident satisfaction, up 7% from prior assessments, attributing appeal to affordability and customization despite perceptions of lower permanence.^[84] These forms enable flexibility for nomadic lifestyles or cost-sensitive populations but encounter regulatory barriers favoring stationary builds, with legal status varying by attachment to land—treating affixed mobile homes as real property in some U.S. states while unattached units remain personal assets.^[85]

Legal and Jurisdictional Aspects

Residence Versus Domicile

Residence denotes the factual, physical place where an individual habitually lives, often temporarily, and a person may maintain multiple residences simultaneously without legal restriction.^[86] In legal terms, it emphasizes actual presence and use of a dwelling, irrespective of long-term intent, as seen in contexts like temporary housing or seasonal stays.^[87] Domicile, by contrast, constitutes the single, permanent legal home of an individual under common law principles, requiring both physical residence and the animus manendi—the intent to remain indefinitely or return after absence.^[88] This concept originated in Roman law and persists in Anglo-American jurisdictions, where domicile determines key legal affiliations such as nationality for inheritance purposes or the applicable law in conflicts of laws.^[86] Unlike residence, domicile cannot be plural; it is acquired at birth (domicile of origin) or changed through deliberate acts like relocating with intent, evidenced by actions such as registering to vote, obtaining a driver's license, or owning primary property in the new location.^[88]^[87] The distinction carries significant jurisdictional weight: for taxation, domicile typically governs state income and estate tax liability, as states tax domiciliaries on worldwide income while residents (based on physical presence) face taxation only on local-source income.^[89] In voting, eligibility hinges on domicile as the permanent home, allowing military personnel or expatriates to vote based on their last state of domicile rather than transient residence.^[90] Courts assess domicile through objective factors like time spent, economic ties, and declarations, rejecting mere physical presence absent intent, as in cases where prolonged foreign stays do not alter U.S. domicile without relinquishing ties.^[87] Misalignment between the two can lead to disputes, such as challenges to tax avoidance claims where individuals assert non-domicile status despite substantial U.S. residences.^[89]

Residency for Taxation and Voting

Residency for taxation purposes determines an individual's liability to income taxes on worldwide earnings in many jurisdictions, contrasting with non-residents who are typically taxed only on domestically sourced income. Under the U.S. Internal Revenue Code, a non-citizen qualifies as a tax resident via the green card test—holding lawful permanent resident status—or the substantial presence test, which counts days physically present in the U.S. over a three-year period weighted as 1 for the current year, 1/3 for the prior year, and 1/6 for the year before that, exceeding 183 days.^[91] This framework ensures taxation aligns with economic ties, though dual residency conflicts are resolved via tie-breaker rules in bilateral tax treaties, often prioritizing the location of permanent home or center of vital interests as per OECD Model Convention Article 4.^[92] Tax residency criteria vary globally but commonly incorporate physical presence thresholds, such as 183 days in a calendar year or over rolling periods, alongside factors like habitual abode, family residence, or economic center. For instance, in the United Kingdom, an individual is resident if present for 183 days in a tax year or has a home available there with recurrent visits, triggering worldwide income taxation; non-domiciled residents may elect remittance basis to limit liability to U.K.-sourced or remitted foreign income.^[93] OECD jurisdictions committing to automatic information exchange under the Common Reporting Standard generally define residency domestically but harmonize reporting to combat evasion, with over 100 countries participating as of 2023.^[94] These rules reflect causal links between prolonged presence and resource utilization, prioritizing empirical indicators over self-declaration to prevent abuse. Voting residency, by contrast, hinges on domicile—the place of permanent home with intent to return—rather than transient physical presence, enabling citizens abroad to maintain electoral ties to their last U.S. state of residence for federal and state elections under the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act of 1986, as amended.^[90] In the U.S., this domicile-based approach decouples voting rights from tax residency, allowing expatriates to vote without triggering state income tax obligations solely through registration, though states like New York scrutinize intent via factors including voter registration and property ownership.^[95] Physical residency requirements apply for local elections in many states, mandating 30 days' prior residence, but federal law supersedes to protect citizen franchise irrespective of relocation.^[96] In the United Kingdom, voting eligibility for parliamentary elections requires British, Irish, or qualifying Commonwealth citizenship with residence in a constituency, while non-U.K. residents can register if previously resident; overseas electors, limited to 15 years post-emigration until reforms proposed in 2024, vote based on last U.K. address without residency duration minimums.^[97] EU nationals resident in the U.K. retain local voting rights under pre-Brexit reciprocity, but post-2020 Withdrawal Agreement, only specified categories like Irish citizens vote nationally.^[98] Across EU member states, Directive 93/109/EC grants resident EU citizens voting and candidacy rights in municipal and European Parliament elections in the host country, based on at least three months' prior residence, fostering cross-border participation while preserving national election sovereignty.^[99] These distinctions underscore that voting residency emphasizes legal intent and historical ties for democratic representation, whereas tax residency enforces fiscal accountability via objective presence metrics, occasionally leading to mismatches where voters avoid taxes or vice versa.^[95]

International Variations in Legal Residence

Legal residence, the legal status determining an individual's connection to a jurisdiction for purposes such as taxation, inheritance, and personal jurisdiction, exhibits significant variations across countries, primarily shaped by common law and civil law traditions. In common law jurisdictions like the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia, domicile serves as a core concept, defined as the place where a person has their permanent home with the intention to remain indefinitely or return if absent. This requires both physical residence and animus manendi (intent to stay), distinguishing it from mere temporary presence; for instance, U.S. courts assess domicile through factors like voting registration, driver's licenses, and property ownership to establish jurisdiction or tax liability.^[100]^[101] In contrast, civil law systems prevalent in continental Europe, such as France and Germany, prioritize habitual residence or centre des intérêts vitaux (center of vital interests), focusing on factual circumstances like duration of stay, family ties, and economic activities rather than subjective intent. This approach, reflected in instruments like the Hague Conference conventions, deems an individual resident where they habitually live, often without requiring proof of permanence; for example, under EU regulations, habitual residence determines applicable law in family matters based on objective life connections.^[102]^[103] Tax residency rules further highlight these divergences, with most countries employing residency-based taxation triggered by physical presence thresholds, while the United States uniquely applies citizenship-based taxation on worldwide income irrespective of residence. Over 180 jurisdictions, including those committed to OECD automatic exchange of information, commonly use a 183-day rule—presence for more than half the year establishing residency—or a permanent home test, though some like Canada incorporate a "ties" assessment weighing residential, social, and economic links.^[94]^[104]^[105] The U.S., however, taxes non-citizen residents via the substantial presence test (at least 31 days in the current year plus a weighted 183 days over three years) or green card status, creating dual residency risks resolved through tax treaties.^[91] These variations can lead to conflicts, mitigated by bilateral treaties that prioritize source-country taxation or tie-breaker rules favoring habitual residence over citizenship.^[106]

Sociological and Anthropological Dimensions

Kinship-Based Residence Patterns

Kinship-based residence patterns describe the normative rules in human societies dictating the post-marital living arrangements of spouses relative to their kin groups, influencing family structure, inheritance, and social organization. These patterns emerge from ethnographic studies of over 1,000 societies and reflect adaptations to economic, ecological, and reproductive demands, with patrilocality—residence with or near the husband's kin—predominating in approximately 70% of documented cases according to cross-cultural databases like George P. Murdock's Ethnographic Atlas.^[107] Matrilocality, residence with or near the wife's kin, occurs in about 15-20% of societies, often linked to horticultural economies where female labor in kin groups is central, while neolocality—independent residence away from both sets of kin—is rare in pre-industrial contexts but normative in industrialized settings due to mobility and nuclear family emphasis.^[108]^[109] Patrilocal residence, also termed virilocal, requires the wife to relocate to the husband's natal group or vicinity, preserving male lineage continuity and facilitating patrilineal inheritance of land and resources in agrarian and pastoralist societies. This pattern correlates with male-biased warfare and plow agriculture, as it retains sons for defense and labor-intensive farming, evidenced in analyses of 186 societies where patrilocality aligns with higher frequencies of such activities.^[108] In contrast, matrilocal (uxorilocal) arrangements keep daughters in their natal groups, supporting matrilineal descent and female-centered production, as seen among the Minangkabau of Indonesia, where over 4 million adherents maintain uxorilocal norms tied to wet-rice cultivation and maternal property transmission.^[110] Ambilocal or bilocal flexibility, allowing choice between kin groups, appears in transitional economies, comprising about 10% of cases, while rarer forms like avunculocal residence—with the sister's son near the maternal uncle—occur in specific matrilineal systems such as the Trobriand Islanders, reinforcing uncle-nephew bonds over father-son ties.^[108] Empirical data indicate patrilocality's evolutionary persistence through lineage-specific inheritance, with Bayesian phylogenetic models of 146 societies showing independent transitions toward it in multiple cultural clades, driven by factors like resource defense rather than universal female exogamy. However, patrilocal systems have been associated with reduced maternal social support networks, as quantified in studies of 16 small-scale societies where women in such arrangements exhibit smaller proximate kin groups and higher allomaternal care burdens compared to matrilocal counterparts. Neolocal patterns, prevalent in post-World War II Western Europe and North America by the 1950s, reflect wage labor and state welfare reducing kin dependence, but ethnographic reversions occur under economic stress, underscoring kinship rules' responsiveness to causal pressures like subsistence mode over ideological shifts.^[111]^[110]^[109]

Urbanization and Residence Choices

Urbanization refers to the increasing concentration of populations in urban areas, driven primarily by economic opportunities such as higher wages, industrial and service sector jobs, and access to markets, which pull rural migrants to cities.^[112] ^[113] Globally, 57.5% of the world's population resided in urban areas as of 2023, up from lower shares in prior decades, with an annual urbanization rate of approximately 1.75% between 2020 and 2025.^[114] This shift is most pronounced in developing regions, where cities like those in Asia and Africa are absorbing millions annually due to agricultural mechanization reducing rural labor needs and urban centers offering diversified employment.^[115] ^[116] Residence choices amid urbanization balance economic necessities with preferences for space, amenities, and quality of life, often resulting in suburban or peri-urban expansion rather than dense core living. In the United States, for instance, urban population growth reached 6.4% from 2010 to 2020, yet surveys indicate a majority of Americans prefer communities with larger single-family homes, even if it means longer commutes to urban amenities, reflecting a revealed preference for lower-density options over high-rise apartments.^[117] ^[118] Economic agglomeration in cities amplifies these choices, as GDP per capita growth correlates with half of urban land expansion, enabling sprawl where infrastructure allows, though regulatory constraints like zoning can force denser configurations.^[119] Post-2020 trends show a partial reversal of pandemic-induced counter-urbanization, with urban cores reviving through immigration and remote work flexibility, yet persistent preferences for suburban residences persist due to factors like family size and cost differentials.^[120] ^[121] In Europe and North America, households often select edge-city locations for proximity to urban jobs without the premiums of central districts, while in rapidly urbanizing Asia, informal settlements emerge as initial choices before formal housing markets respond to demand.^[122] These patterns underscore causal links between urbanization's job-pull and adaptive residence decisions, tempered by infrastructure availability and policy-induced supply limits.^[123]

Cultural Influences on Residential Norms

Anthropological studies identify post-marital residence rules as fundamental cultural mechanisms shaping where individuals and families establish homes, often aligning with kinship descent systems to maintain social cohesion and resource inheritance. Patrilocal residence, where a married couple lives with or near the husband's kin, predominates in approximately 70% of societies documented in cross-cultural databases, facilitating patrilineal inheritance and labor cooperation in agrarian contexts such as traditional Chinese and Indian communities.^[108] Matrilocal residence, conversely, directs couples to the wife's kin and prevails in about 15% of societies, supporting matrilineal descent as seen among the Minangkabau of Indonesia or the Hopi of North America, where property passes through female lines.^[108]^[109] Neolocal residence, involving independent household formation away from kin, characterizes individualistic cultures, particularly in post-industrial Western societies, where it correlates with nuclear family norms and geographic mobility for economic opportunities. This pattern emerged prominently in Europe and North America from the 19th century onward, driven by urbanization and wage labor, contrasting with collectivist norms elsewhere. In the United States as of 2021, only 13% of White Americans lived in multigenerational households, reflecting neolocal preferences, compared to 24% of Asian Americans adhering to extended family models rooted in Confucian or filial piety traditions.^[124]^[125] Global data underscore persistent cultural divergences: in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, over 50% of older persons resided with children or extended kin as of 2019, embedding residential norms in intergenerational support systems, whereas Western Europe favors solitary or couple-only living for the elderly at rates exceeding 30%. These patterns endure among immigrant groups; for instance, Hispanic and Asian households in the U.S. maintain higher multigenerational rates due to cultural emphases on familial obligation over individualism. Religious traditions further reinforce such norms, as in patrilocal preferences among Hindu and Muslim communities in South Asia, where scriptural emphases on ancestral property sustain joint family residences.^[126]^[125]^[127] Cultural evolution, however, introduces hybrid norms; modernization in East Asia has reduced patrilocal rigidity since the mid-20th century, with Japan's multigenerational households dropping from 70% in 1950 to under 30% by 2020, yet residual values preserve co-residence for elder care. In contrast, sub-Saharan African norms favor flexible extended arrangements, adapting to economic pressures while prioritizing kinship proximity for mutual aid. These variations highlight how cultural transmission, via socialization and institutions, causally determines residential clustering, influencing everything from urban density to community solidarity.^[128]^[126]

Economic and Market Dynamics

Factors Influencing Residence Costs

Supply constraints, particularly from zoning and land-use regulations, exert a substantial upward pressure on residence costs by limiting the availability of developable land and permissible construction density. Empirical analyses indicate that restrictive zoning in U.S. metropolitan areas correlates with house price-to-construction-cost ratios exceeding 5:1 in high-regulation locales, compared to near parity in less regulated ones, as these rules prevent efficient supply responses to demand surges.^[129] For instance, reforms easing density restrictions have been associated with 0.8% increases in housing units three to nine years post-implementation, modestly alleviating price escalation.^[130] Such regulations, often justified for preserving neighborhood character, empirically prioritize incumbent homeowners' interests over broader affordability, inflating costs beyond marginal production expenses.^[131] Financing conditions, especially mortgage interest rates, influence affordability and thus effective residence costs through their impact on borrowing capacity and investor demand. A 1% rise in long-term rates typically depresses house prices by approximately 0.3% in panel data across developed economies, with U.S. evidence showing even stronger long-run elasticities near 10% for rate changes.^[132] ^[133] During periods of ultra-low rates from 2020 to 2022, this dynamic fueled price surges of 20-40% in many markets, as fixed-rate mortgages locked in low costs, sustaining demand despite rising nominal prices; however, subsequent rate hikes to 7-8% by 2023-2025 have slowed appreciation to 3% annually without proportionally reducing prices due to supply rigidities.^[134] ^[135] Construction input costs, including materials and labor, contribute to baseline residence expenses but exhibit weak explanatory power for cross-sectional price variations. From 2020 to 2024, U.S. building material prices rose 19.6%, pushing construction shares of new home prices to 64.4%, yet national house prices decoupled, with urban premiums driven more by scarcity than inputs—correlations between city-level costs and prices have historically hovered below 0.3.^[136] ^[137] ^[138] Labor shortages and regulatory compliance, such as environmental reviews, further elevate per-unit costs by 20-30% in constrained markets, but these factors alone fail to account for persistent affordability gaps where prices outpace incomes by factors of 5-7 in coastal cities.^[139] Local attributes, including proximity to employment centers, school quality, and infrastructure, drive differential costs via hedonic pricing models, where premiums for desirable locations can add 10-20% to values. Studies confirm that air quality, crime rates, and pupil-teacher ratios inversely affect prices, with a one-standard-deviation improvement in school performance boosting values by 2-5%.^[140] Population inflows and income growth amplify these effects, as seen in Sun Belt migrations post-2020, which correlated with 15-25% price hikes amid demand-supply mismatches.^[141] Overall, these elements interact causally: regulatory barriers exacerbate location premiums, while monetary policy modulates demand intensity, underscoring that costs reflect not just production but institutional frictions on supply elasticity.^[142]

Supply Constraints and Market Responses

Supply constraints in residential markets primarily arise from regulatory barriers, including zoning laws, building codes, and land-use restrictions that limit the quantity and type of housing that can be constructed. Empirical studies indicate that these regulations significantly reduce housing supply relative to demand, leading to elevated prices; for instance, local land-use regulations have been shown to restrict construction and raise house prices by limiting the elasticity of new supply. In the United States, zoning rules are estimated to account for a substantial portion of high housing costs in major cities, with evidence from metropolitan areas demonstrating that stricter regulations correlate with lower housing output and higher per-unit prices. A 2019 analysis further quantified the macroeconomic impact, finding that restrictive zoning in high-productivity cities lowered U.S. aggregate growth by 36 percent by constraining labor mobility and housing development.^[143]^[144]^[129]^[145] These constraints manifest through mechanisms such as minimum lot sizes, height limitations, and requirements for off-street parking, which prevent denser development even on underutilized land. Construction costs are exacerbated by labor shortages, material price volatility, and environmental impact assessments, but regulatory delays—often extending permitting processes to years—represent a dominant barrier, with studies showing that regulated markets build fewer units per capita than unregulated ones. Internationally, similar patterns hold; for example, in Europe and Asia, stringent urban planning rules have contributed to chronic undersupply in growing cities, where supply growth lags population and income increases. While natural limits like geography play a role in some areas, evidence attributes the majority of shortages to policy-induced scarcity rather than inherent resource depletion.^[146]^[147]^[148] In response, markets exhibit price signals that ration limited supply, resulting in sharp rent and home price escalations that outpace wage growth; Federal Reserve analysis reveals that supply constraints amplify housing market volatility by reducing responsiveness to demand shocks, leading to boom-bust cycles. Homeowners and existing residents benefit from capital gains, incentivizing "not-in-my-backyard" (NIMBY) opposition to new projects, which perpetuates shortages. Demand-side adaptations include household formation delays, increased multigenerational living, and out-migration to less-regulated regions, such as from California to Texas, where looser zoning correlates with higher supply elasticity and slower price growth. Black markets for subletting and informal conversions emerge under rent controls, but these are inefficient and limited by enforcement.^[147]^[149] Efforts to circumvent constraints have spurred innovations like modular and prefabricated construction, which can reduce build times by up to 50 percent, though regulatory approvals often hinder adoption. Upzoning reforms, which relax density limits, have empirically boosted supply by 9 percent over 5-10 years in affected areas, though effects on rents vary due to lagged construction and speculative responses. Alternative models, such as accessory dwelling units (ADUs) and co-living spaces, gain traction in permissive jurisdictions, increasing effective supply without large-scale rezoning. However, without broader deregulation, these responses remain marginal, as markets cannot fully offset policy-induced inelasticity.^[150]^[146]^[130]

Government Interventions' Effects

Rent control policies, implemented in cities like San Francisco and New York, have empirically reduced the supply of rental housing by discouraging new construction and incentivizing conversions to owner-occupied units. A 2017 NBER study of San Francisco's 1994 rent control expansion found that affected buildings were 10% more likely to convert to condominiums or tenancies in common, leading to a net loss of rental stock.^[151] Meta-analyses confirm this pattern, with 12 of 16 studies showing negative effects on housing supply and most indicating reduced maintenance and quality due to capped revenues failing to cover costs.^[152] ^[153] These interventions also spill over, elevating rents in uncontrolled segments by 5-10% through reduced mobility and supply constraints, as tenants in controlled units remain longer, blocking access for newcomers.^[154] Zoning and land-use regulations, prevalent in U.S. metropolitan areas, restrict housing supply by limiting density and development, thereby inflating prices beyond construction costs. In high-regulation cities from 1989-2006, stricter zoning correlated with 20-30% higher home prices relative to buildable land values, per econometric analysis of 250 major markets.^[155] Economists like Edward Glaeser attribute much of the affordability crisis to these rules, which prioritize low-density single-family zoning over multifamily options, reducing overall supply by 20-50% in constrained regions and exacerbating shortages without proportional benefits to incumbents.^[129] Reforms easing restrictions, such as in Minneapolis (2019), have spurred modest supply increases but face implementation hurdles, underscoring how regulations entrench scarcity.^[156] Government subsidies, including Section 8 vouchers and tax credits like LIHTC, provide targeted affordability but distort markets by inflating demand without commensurate supply boosts. While vouchers reduce housing cost burdens for recipients by 20-30%, they often bid up prices in recipient-heavy areas, with pass-through effects raising unsubsidized rents by 5-15%.^[157] Public housing programs, such as those under HUD, yield mixed outcomes: residents experience short-term consumption gains in non-housing goods but face long-term dependency and concentrated poverty, with operational costs averaging $50,000+ per unit annually exceeding market rents.^[158] ^[159] Broader interventions like first-time buyer incentives (e.g., 2008-2010 expansions) boosted sales by 7-14% temporarily but contributed to price bubbles and foreclosures by encouraging over-leveraging.^[160] These policies collectively generate unintended consequences, including reduced mobility, neighborhood segregation, and fiscal burdens. Rent controls and zoning correlate with 10-20% lower labor market fluidity, as housing lock-in traps workers from optimal job matches.^[154] Public investments, while generating $1.50-2 in local economic activity per dollar spent, fail to address root supply issues, perpetuating cycles where interventions prop up demand amid artificial shortages.^[161] Empirical consensus from economic literature emphasizes that supply-side deregulation yields more sustained affordability than demand subsidies or price caps, which amplify distortions over time.^[162]

Contemporary Challenges and Debates

Zoning Regulations and Supply Restrictions

Zoning regulations are local government ordinances that dictate permissible land uses, building densities, setbacks, and structural requirements within designated districts, often prohibiting or severely limiting multifamily housing, accessory dwelling units, and higher-density developments in residential areas.^[143] These rules emerged prominently in the United States with New York City's comprehensive zoning ordinance of 1916, which set height limits and use separations to preserve commercial districts like Fifth Avenue from encroaching apartments, influencing widespread adoption by the 1920s under the Standard State Zoning Enabling Act.^[163] Internationally, similar restrictions trace to 19th-century European precedents in Germany and Sweden, but American implementations emphasized exclusionary elements, such as minimum lot sizes that effectively barred lower-income or minority groups from certain neighborhoods.^[164] By constraining the types and quantities of housing that can be built, zoning reduces the elasticity of housing supply relative to demand growth, a causal mechanism substantiated by economic models showing that inelastic supply amplifies price increases during population or income booms.^[165] Empirical studies consistently demonstrate that stringent zoning elevates housing costs beyond construction fundamentals. In high-demand U.S. metropolitan areas, median home prices exceed new build costs by factors of 2 to 5 times, with regulations accounting for up to 50% of this premium through delays, compliance expenses, and outright prohibitions on efficient land use.^[129] For instance, a Federal Reserve analysis of 90 U.S. cities found that building restrictions correlate with 30-40% higher prices in restricted zones compared to unregulated benchmarks, as they suppress multifamily construction that could absorb demand at lower per-unit costs.^[144] Reforms easing these constraints, such as California's 2019 laws allowing denser housing near transit, have yielded modest supply gains—up to 0.8% increases in units three to nine years post-reform—though full liberalization remains limited by local veto powers.^[130] These findings hold despite potential underreporting in progressive-leaning academic surveys, which often emphasize environmental or aesthetic rationales for restrictions while downplaying supply-side causation evident in econometric data.^[149] Supply restrictions via zoning exacerbate shortages, with U.S. housing deficits estimated at 3.8 to 7 million units in 2024, largely attributable to post-1970s intensification of single-family zoning mandates covering 75% of residential land in major cities.^[166] Quantitative models indicate that absent such rules, supply could expand 20-30% more in response to demand, reducing price growth by 10-20% over decades, as seen in comparative analyses of lax-regulation areas like Houston, where permitting flexibility keeps costs 40% below national medians.^[146] Internationally, analogous effects appear in the UK, where greenbelt and density caps have halved construction rates relative to household formation since 2010, inflating prices by 15-25% beyond fundamentals.^[167] While proponents cite preservation of community character, causal evidence from deregulation episodes prioritizes supply expansion as the primary remedy for affordability, underscoring zoning's role in entrenching scarcity over empirical needs.^[168]

Affordability Crises and Policy Critiques

Housing affordability crises have intensified in many developed nations, particularly since the early 2020s, driven by stagnant supply relative to demand and regulatory barriers that prevent new construction. In the United States, a record 22.6 million renter households—nearly half of all renters—faced cost burdens in 2023, spending more than 30% of income on housing, with severe burdens (over 50%) affecting 12.1 million households.^[169] Homeownership affordability has similarly deteriorated, with 74.9% of U.S. households unable to afford the median-priced new single-family home at $417,400 in 2025, based on qualifying mortgage payments consuming no more than 28% of median income.^[170] These pressures stem primarily from chronic underproduction of housing units, as annual completions fell short of household formation needs by millions over the past decade, exacerbated by local zoning laws limiting density and land use.^[171] Critiques of government policies highlight how interventions often aggravate shortages rather than alleviate them. Restrictive zoning regulations, prevalent in high-demand urban areas, have constrained supply by prohibiting multifamily housing and imposing minimum lot sizes or height limits, artificially inflating prices without addressing underlying construction costs.^[172] Economic analyses indicate that easing such regulations in select U.S. cities could increase housing stock by 20-40%, lowering prices through basic supply-demand dynamics, yet political resistance from incumbents preserves these barriers to protect property values.^[173] Similarly, rent control policies, implemented in cities like San Francisco and New York, cap increases for existing tenants but reduce overall supply by discouraging new builds and maintenance, leading to a net rise in market rents for uncontrolled units as landlords exit or convert properties.^[174] Empirical reviews of rent control's effects confirm it benefits incumbents short-term but harms mobility and long-term affordability, with studies across multiple implementations showing reduced rental stock by up to 15%.^[175] Subsidies and public housing initiatives face scrutiny for inefficiency and unintended consequences. Federal programs like Section 8 vouchers, while aiding some low-income renters, often fail to scale due to landlord participation limits and administrative burdens, covering only one in four eligible households and sometimes bidding up market rents in tight markets.^[176] Critics argue that direct construction incentives tied to deregulation yield better outcomes than demand-side subsidies, which inflate prices without expanding units, as evidenced by post-2008 low-interest-rate policies that fueled speculation and price surges.^[177] In contrast, supply-focused reforms, such as upzoning in Minneapolis since 2019, have boosted permitting and moderated rent growth, underscoring that causal fixes prioritize removing artificial supply constraints over redistributive measures prone to capture by interest groups.^[178] Overall, these critiques emphasize that policy failures arise from ignoring market signals, with credible economic modeling showing that deregulation could add millions of units affordably, whereas persistent interventions perpetuate cycles of shortage and higher costs.^[179]

Future Trends in Residential Living

Remote work's persistence is driving residential decentralization, with 49% of relocating remote workers targeting suburban areas in 2025, compared to 29% urban and 22% rural destinations.^[180] This shift stems from preferences for larger homes accommodating dedicated workspaces, as 32% of remote workers report altered real estate needs since adopting flexible arrangements.^[181] Hybrid models, stabilizing post-2023 declines, further enable such migrations by balancing urban access with affordable, spacious suburbs, potentially easing urban density pressures while straining rural infrastructure.^[182] Sustainability imperatives are accelerating adoption of energy-efficient and net-zero homes, with smart technologies projected to cut consumption by 10-15% through automated systems.^[183] Builders increasingly incorporate passive heating, biophilic designs integrating natural elements, and sustainable materials like bamboo, driven by rising energy costs and regulatory incentives rather than unsubstantiated environmental alarmism.^[183] Prefabricated and modular construction supports this by reducing timelines and waste, with the U.S. market expected to grow from $36.1 billion in 2024 to $60 billion by 2033 at a 5.8% CAGR, offering 20-30% cost savings amid supply constraints.^[184]^[185] Current U.S. adoption remains low at under 4%, limited by zoning and financing hurdles, but scaling could alleviate affordability issues without relying on expansive subsidies.^[186] Demographic pressures, particularly aging populations, are spurring demand for adaptive senior living, with U.S. senior housing occupancy rebounding to pre-pandemic levels by 2025 amid rapid growth in the over-75 cohort.^[187] Communities integrating AI for health monitoring and "aging in place" features like universal design prioritize independence over institutional models, potentially reducing long-term care costs.^[188] Broader market forecasts indicate subdued home price growth of around 3% annually through 2025-2030, supported by rising inventory but persistent supply-demand imbalances, favoring pragmatic innovations over speculative urban densification.^[135]^[189]

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Aug 1, 2025 · IRS primary residence rules don't restrict taxpayers to houses; your primary residence can also be your boat or RV.
[80]
Is an RV Considered a Home or Primary Residence?
Jul 28, 2017 · You most definitely can claim your RV (or houseboat or any other structure that qualifies) as a primary residence, and here's how.
[81]
A Guide to Full-Time RV Living in California - RV Rentals
Although you aren't allowed to live in your RV as a primary residence in California, as long as you neither create a health hazard nor a nuisance, you can live ...
[82]
[PDF] Travel Trailers, Recreational Vehicles & Other Temporary Housing
Housing in recreational vehicles (RVs) and other types of temporary structures or accommodations is allowed with approval of an administrative Temporary ...<|separator|>
[83]
Temporary Shelters Global Market Report 2025
In stockThe temporary shelters market size has grown strongly in recent years. It will grow from $40.9 billion in 2024 to $42.97 billion in 2025 at a compound annual ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[84]
Manufactured Housing Industry Trends & Statistics - MHInsider
Apr 28, 2025 · A 2022 study reveals 85 percent of people are satisfied with their mobile or manufactured home, a seven percent increase from the last survey ...
[85]
Are RV's and mobile homes considered real estate property ... - Quora
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[86]
Distinctions Between Domicile and Residence
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[87]
"Domicile" vs. "Residence" - Keenan Law, LLC
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[88]
Domicile: Legal Definition, Types, and How Taxation Works
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[89]
Income tax definitions - Department of Taxation and Finance
May 6, 2025 · Need clarification on whether you are NYS resident or non resident for Income tax purposes? Check out NYS income tax definitions page.
[90]
How to Determine Your Voting Residency - FVAP.gov
Your voting residence is within your state of legal residence or domicile. It is the address that you consider your permanent home and where you had a physical ...
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Determining an individual's tax residency status - IRS
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[92]
Tax residence according to the OECD Model Convention
This article deals with the legal principles of Art. 4 OECD-MA 2017 as the basis of the tax residence of individuals or legal entities.Missing: major countries IRS
[93]
Understanding Country of Tax Residence and Why it Matters
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[94]
Tax residency - OECD
This section provides an overview of the tax residency rules applicable in jurisdictions that are committed to automatically exchanging information under ...Missing: major IRS
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Does Where You're Registered to Vote Impact Your Taxes?
Oct 10, 2025 · Will voting in US elections from abroad put you on the hook for expat taxes at the state or Federal level? Find out what you need to know!
[96]
Voting Residence for Service Members and Their Family - FVAP.gov
Your voting residence is within your state of legal residence or domicile. It is the address that you consider your permanent home and where you had a physical ...Missing: jurisdiction | Show results with:jurisdiction
[97]
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[98]
Can a citizen from the European Union register to vote?
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[99]
European elections - Your Europe
As an EU national, you have the right to vote and stand as a candidate in European Parliament elections. The voting takes place every five years.Missing: residency | Show results with:residency
[100]
[PDF] Basic Conflict of Laws Principles - American Bar Association
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[101]
Domicile vs. Residence in US: A Guide to Legal Impacts
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[102]
Overview - The Meaning of "Ordinary Residence" and "Habitual ...
Dec 21, 2022 · At common law, the primary connection between an individual and a place was domicile. "Residence" was used at a conflict of laws level ...
[103]
Domicile, Nationality and Residence | Oxford Law Pro
To a civil lawyer it means habitual residence, but at common law it is regarded as the equivalent of a person's permanent home.6 Such a definition gives a ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[104]
Citizenship-based taxation: What US expats need to know
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[105]
Tax Residence Options: The Best Low Tax Countries
Typically, spending over 183 days in a country within a calendar year can establish you as a tax resident, subjecting you to that country's tax laws.<|separator|>
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Tax treaties | Internal Revenue Service
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Post-marital residence patterns show lineage-specific evolution
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[108]
[PDF] Residence and Kinship - Human Relations Area Files
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[109]
9.7: Residence Patterns - Social Sci LibreTexts
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[110]
Repercussions of patrilocal residence on mothers' social support ...
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[111]
(PDF) Post-marital residence patterns show lineage-specific evolution
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[112]
Urbanization - Our World in Data
In the visualization, we see estimates of the number of people globally who live in urban and rural areas. More than 4 billion people now live in urban areas.
[113]
Urban Development Overview - World Bank
Cities must meet the growing global demand for more and better jobs, efficient infrastructure and services, and affordable housing, especially for the over 1 ...
[114]
Most Urbanized Countries 2025 - World Population Review
Global urbanization stood at 57.5% in 2023, on pace for an urbanization rate of 1.75% from 2020-2025. Urbanization refers to the process of a country's ...<|separator|>
[115]
Key Drivers of Urbanization: Factors Fueling City Growth
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[116]
World Urbanization Prospects - Population Division |
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Nation's Urban and Rural Populations Shift Following 2020 Census
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Most in U.S. prefer big houses, even if amenities are farther away
compared to 42% who ...
[119]
Identifying The Drivers of Urbanization - Seto Lab
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[120]
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Apr 15, 2024 · This analysis examines how recent urban growth patterns have shifted from the peak pandemic period and now signal a trend toward demographic revival.
[121]
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[122]
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Feb 20, 2020 · The current study explores the preference for the type of residential environment and the underlying motivations.
[123]
Urbanization, economic agglomeration and economic growth
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[124]
Residence and Kinship (Explaining Human Culture)
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[125]
1. The demographics of multigenerational households
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[126]
[PDF] Living arrangements of older persons around the world - UN.org.
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[127]
American - Family - Cultural Atlas
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[128]
Cross-national Differences in Intergenerational Family Relations
Jan 4, 2018 · Focusing mostly on Europe, this overview reveals how the research on cross-national differences in intergenerational family relations has ...
[129]
[PDF] The Impact of Building Restrictions on Housing Affordability
The positive impact of zoning on housing prices may well be zoning's strongest appeal. ... house price data in the comparison of prices and construction costs.<|separator|>
[130]
Study Finds Less Restrictive Zoning Regulations Increase Housing ...
Apr 24, 2023 · The authors find that reforms that loosen restrictions and allow higher densities were associated with an 0.8% increase in housing supply three to nine years ...
[131]
The Impact of Zoning on Housing Affordability
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[132]
Interest rates and real estate prices: a panel study
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The impact of mortgage rates on the housing market - ScienceDirect
Our findings reveal a significant impact of mortgage rate changes on house prices, with the maximal implied long-run semi-elasticity being close to 10.
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Perhaps surprisingly, there is little direct evidence in the literature of effects of mortgage interest rates on house prices in the United States, with key ...
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Construction Cost Increases and the Impact on Housing Affordability
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[PDF] Building Costs and House Prices
We find that building costs have never had all that much explanatory power over US housing prices, but even the imperfect correlations of the past have weakened ...
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Cost to Construct a Home Rose Significantly Over Last Two Years
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Construction Costs Should Predict Housing Prices Across Cities ...
materials, labor, and builder profit margins — have a weak relationship to home prices across American cities.Missing: correlation | Show results with:correlation
[140]
The Research on Influencing Factors of Housing Price
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[PDF] What Does Theory Imply About Determinants of The Elasticity of ...
Mar 18, 2023 · Overall, these results imply that empirical estimation of determinants of differences in housing supply elasticity across cities is problematic.<|separator|>
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[144]
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[145]
[PDF] Why zoning is too restrictive
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[146]
Making housing affordable? The local effects of relaxing land-use ...
Upzoning increases housing supply by about 9% in 5-10 years, but has no significant effect on rents, making it a viable policy for affordability.
[147]
Supply Constraints and Housing Market Dynamics
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[148]
[PDF] The Effects of Land Use Regulation on the Price of Housing
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[149]
How Land-Use Regulation Undermines Affordable Housing
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[PDF] The Effects of Rent Control Expansion on Tenants, Landlords, and ...
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New Meta-Study Details the Distortive Effects of Rent Control
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What does economic evidence tell us about the effects of rent control?
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Housing Prices and Land Use Regulations: A Study of 250 Major US ...
This study examines the impact of land use regulations on housing prices from 1989 to 2006 in an unusually large sample of 250 major US cities.
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Zoning and affordability: A reply to Rodríguez-Pose and Storper - PMC
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Does public housing reduce housing cost burden among low ... - NIH
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[158]
[PDF] 1 The Effects of U.S. Low-Income Housing Programs on Recipient ...
The results indicate that. HUD's largest programs lead to a much greater percentage increase in recipient consumption of non-housing goods than in their ...
[159]
Public Housing and Rental Subsidies - American Enterprise Institute
The federal government has subsidized housing for low-income families for decades and with generally poor results. A better solution to expanding housing ...
[160]
Should Government Intervene in the Housing Market? - Chicago Booth
We estimated the program increased aggregate home sales by 7–14 percent during the policy period. There's a lot of evidence that the program facilitated ...
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[PDF] the economic impact of public housing | clpha
Public housing authorities provide an important component to local housing markets and generate wide reaching economic impacts. housing authorities (PHAs) in ...
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Questioning the Housing Crisis: Recap and Wrap-Up - Cato Institute
Jan 13, 2025 · ... government intervention in housing markets, most of which has increased housing costs. ... unintended consequences, moral hazard and adverse ...
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A Brief History of Zoning in America—and Why We Need a More ...
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241 the origins of zoning - Recivilization
Zoning was a European idea, first adopted in German and Swedish cities in the 1870's. In decades to come, however, most European countries would use it only as ...
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[PDF] The Impact of Zoning on Housing Affordability
This paper examines whether America actually does face an affordable housing crisis. We then focus on why housing is expensive in high price areas. In general, ...
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Nov 11, 2024 · For example, inclusionary zoning often does not result in additional housing affordability and can drive up costs of market-rate units.What Are Zoning Regulations? · Incentives For Developers · Overcoming Zoning Barriers
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Addressing the Housing Cost Crisis: Zoning Regulations and their ...
Sep 13, 2024 · Research has shown a strong correlation between restrictive zoning and reduced housing supply, leading to higher home and land values.
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Zoning Change | Urban Institute
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State of the Nation's 2025 Housing Report Details Persistent ...
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[PDF] Nearly 75% of U.S. Households Cannot Afford a Median-Priced New ...
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America's housing affordability crisis and the decline of housing supply
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U.S. Housing Supply: Recent Trends and Policy Considerations
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A View of the Housing Market and U.S. Economic Outlook
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Fact Check: Can rent control have adverse effects on housing ...
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Rent control effects through the lens of empirical research
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[PDF] A SHORTAGE OF AFFORDABLE HOMES
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[PDF] Government Intervention in the Housing Market - NYU Stern
Many U.S. government policies aim to encourage homeownership. We use a general equilibrium model with heterogeneous agents to consider the effects of ...
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Policy Approaches to Increasing Housing Supply in the U.S.
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Rent Control | NAHB
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How Is Remote Work Fueling Migration Trends? - The MortgagePoint
May 27, 2025 · 49% of 2025's movers are heading to suburban areas; only 29% are relocating to urban settings, and 22% to rural areas.
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2025 Remote Work Trends and Migration: 1 in 5 Remote Workers ...
Remote work is reshaping housing requirements for nearly a third of workers. 32% of remote workers report their real estate needs have changed since ...
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Working from Home in 2025: Five Key Facts
Apr 14, 2025 · We find five facts. (1) WFH is highest in North America, UK and Australia, and lowest in Asia; (2) WFH levels fell from 2022 to 2023 but have since stabilized.1) Wfh Is Highest In North... · 3) Hybrid Working... · 5) Desires To Wfh Are...<|separator|>
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Top 10 Eco-Friendly Homes Trends for 2025 | Jag Construction
Innovative building materials like bamboo and rammed earth are becoming mainstream. · Smart home technologies can reduce energy consumption by up to 10-15%. · Eco ...2. Passive Heating And... · 6. Biophilic Design And... · 8. Green Roofs And Outdoor...
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US Prefabricated Housing Market Size, Share, Forecast 2033
In stock Rating 4.5 US Prefabricated Housing Market size was valued at $36139.5 Million in 2024 and it will grow $60027.9 Million at a CAGR of 5.8% by 2024 to 2033.
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[PDF] Pre-Purchasing to Increase Modular Construction Capacity
Mar 4, 2025 · Modular construction has the potential to reduce residential construction costs by up to 20-30% and speed construction timelines by up to ...
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4 Senior Housing Trends to Know for 2025 - NIC MAP
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2025-2030 Five-Year Housing Market Predictions - Real Estate
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