Muhammad Shah
Muhammad Shah, born Roshan Akhtar (7 August 1702 – 26 April 1748), was the thirteenth Mughal emperor, who ascended the throne in 1719 at age seventeen following the deposition of his cousin Farrukhsiyar by the Sayyid brothers and ruled until his death nearly three decades later.[1][2]
Nicknamed Rangeela ("the Colorful") for his indulgent lifestyle and devotion to pleasure, he was a notable patron of the arts, fostering advancements in music, including the promotion of qawwali and kathak dance, Urdu poetry under his pen name Sada Rangila, and miniature painting that blended Mughal and regional styles.[3][4]
However, his preoccupation with cultural pursuits over governance exacerbated the empire's administrative decay, military disarray, and fiscal strain inherited from Aurangzeb's era, enabling the rise of autonomous powers such as the Marathas under Baji Rao I, Jats, and Sikhs, alongside rampant noble factionalism and corruption.[5][6]
The nadir of his reign came with Nader Shah's 1739 invasion from Persia, culminating in the Battle of Karnal where Mughal forces were decisively routed due to poor coordination and outdated tactics, followed by the Persian sack of Delhi that massacred tens of thousands, plundered the treasury including the Peacock Throne and Koh-i-Noor diamond, and imposed a crippling indemnity, symbolizing the empire's irreversible humiliation and fragmentation.[7][5][8]
Early Life and Ascension
Birth and Family Background
Mirza Roshan Akhtar, who later assumed the title Muhammad Shah upon his accession, was born on 7 August 1702 in Ghazni, present-day Afghanistan.[9] He was the son of Mughal prince Khujista Akhtar, also known as Jahan Shah, who served as the fourth (or youngest surviving) son of Emperor Bahadur Shah I (reigned 1707–1712) and died in 1712 during the turbulent succession struggles following Bahadur Shah's death.[9][10] Through his father, Roshan Akhtar descended from the Timurid dynasty, tracing his lineage to Emperor Aurangzeb (reigned 1658–1707) via Bahadur Shah I, the last of Aurangzeb's sons to consolidate power amid fratricidal conflicts that weakened central authority.[9] His upbringing occurred amid the declining Mughal court in Delhi, where princely education emphasized Persian literature, Islamic theology, and administrative skills, though his early life was overshadowed by the empire's internal divisions and the premature loss of his father.[9]Installation by the Sayyid Brothers
Following the deposition and execution of Emperor Farrukhsiyar on 8 April 1719 by the Sayyid Brothers—Abdullah Khan and Hussain Ali Khan Barha—the powerful nobles sought to maintain control over the Mughal throne by installing compliant successors from the imperial family.[11] Initially, they enthroned Rafi ud-Darajat, a grandson of Bahadur Shah I, on 28 February 1719, but he died of tuberculosis in June after a brief reign marked by the brothers' dominance.[2] Rafi ud-Daulah, another frail grandson and brother of the previous emperor, succeeded him as Shah Jahan II on 8 June 1719, yet succumbed to the same illness by 17 September, leaving the brothers to select a new puppet amid growing instability.[11] The Sayyid Brothers then turned to Roshan Akhtar, a 17-year-old prince and grandson of Bahadur Shah I through his fourth son, Khujista Akhtar (also known as Jahan Shah), whose royal lineage provided legitimacy while his youth ensured pliability under their regency.[9] [2] Selected over other candidates for his inexperience and lack of independent power base, Roshan Akhtar was summoned from his residence and enthroned on 29 September 1719 in the Red Fort of Delhi, adopting the title Nasir-ud-Din Muhammad Shah Padishah Ghazi.[2] [11] The coronation ceremony was perfunctory, reflecting the brothers' intent to rule vicariously; Abdullah Khan, as wazir, and Hussain Ali Khan effectively held supreme authority, confining the young emperor to ceremonial roles and restricting his access to court affairs.[11] This installation perpetuated the brothers' strategy of using weak emperors to consolidate their influence, which had begun under Farrukhsiyar, but it also sowed seeds of resentment among nobles opposed to their monopoly, including figures like Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah I.[12] Muhammad Shah's early reign under this tutelage was characterized by the brothers' ruthless elimination of rivals and alliances with regional powers, such as the Peshwa Balaji Vishwanath, to secure their position, though the emperor himself wielded little autonomous power until their eventual overthrow in 1720–1722.[11]Consolidation of Power
Overthrow of the Sayyid Brothers
Muhammad Shah, having been installed as emperor on 29 September 1719 by the Sayyid brothers—Abdullah Khan, the wazir, and Hussain Ali Khan, the mir bakhshi—quickly chafed under their control, which reduced him to a figurehead despite his Timurid lineage. The brothers' favoritism toward non-Turani nobles and their aggressive policies alienated key factions, including Turani amirs like Chin Qilich Khan (later Nizam-ul-Mulk), who viewed the Sayyids' dominance as a threat to established Mughal hierarchies. Muhammad Shah, advised by courtiers such as the poet laureate Muhammad Amin Khan and Qamar-ud-din Khan, began secret intrigues in early 1720 to undermine the brothers, forging alliances with disaffected nobles and regional chieftains who resented the Sayyids' exactions.[5][13] The turning point came with Hussain Ali Khan's march southward in mid-1720 to confront Nizam-ul-Mulk, whom the Sayyids had dispatched to Malwa but who had instead consolidated power in the Deccan, defying their orders and rallying anti-Sayyid forces. On 8 October 1720, Hussain Ali was ambushed and killed near Tanda (or Farrukhnagar) by a coalition including Mughal nobles like Muhammad Amin Khan and Rajput leaders such as Rao Gopal Singh of Amber, who had been promised jagirs and autonomy by Muhammad Shah's agents in exchange for their support. This assassination, facilitated by Haider Quli Khan's forces, decapitated the Sayyids' military apparatus, as Hussain commanded their loyal troops.[14][15] Abdullah Khan, isolated in Delhi, attempted to rally remnants of his support but faced a collapsing power base, exacerbated by the defection of his treasurer Ratan Chand under pressure from rivals. In November 1720, Abdullah marched out of the capital with his remaining army but was decisively defeated at the Battle of Hasanpur by pursuing forces led by Nizam-ul-Mulk's allies, including Muhammad Amin Khan; he surrendered on 13 November and was taken prisoner to Delhi. Imprisoned in the Salatin fortress under guard by Haider Quli Khan, Abdullah was treated with nominal respect but poisoned on 11 October 1722, effectively ending the brothers' influence.[5][13] The overthrow marked Muhammad Shah's emancipation from tutelage, enabling him to appoint Nizam-ul-Mulk as viceroy of the Deccan and later briefly as grand vizier in February 1722, though factional rivalries soon prompted Nizam's departure southward. This event stemmed from the Sayyids' overreach, which unified disparate noble interests against them, but it also highlighted the fragility of central authority, as regional power brokers like Nizam gained de facto independence.[15][5]Early Administrative Measures
Upon assuming effective control following the elimination of the Sayyid Brothers' influence by late 1720, Muhammad Shah prioritized stabilizing the central administration through key appointments and policy reversals. In 1720, he permanently abolished the jizya tax—a poll tax on non-Muslims that had been reinstated under Farrukhsiyar and briefly collected amid widespread resentment—aiming to mitigate Hindu opposition and restore fiscal pragmatism amid revenue shortfalls.[16] [17] This measure, influenced by nobles like Raja Girdhar Bahadur, marked a departure from Aurangzeb's policies and sought to broaden support bases without addressing deeper structural deficits in land revenue collection.[16] To overhaul court governance, Muhammad Shah appointed Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah I as wazir (prime minister) on 21 February 1722, leveraging the noble's military prowess from the campaign against the Sayyid Brothers to tackle administrative decay, including agrarian stagnation and official corruption.[18] Nizam-ul-Mulk, a Turani faction leader, initially focused on curbing noble excesses and reorganizing provincial oversight, but his centralizing ambitions clashed with entrenched interests, foreshadowing factional strife. Concurrently, Muhammad Shah dispatched Sa'adat Khan Burhan-ul-Mulk to Awadh as subahdar in 1722, granting him revenue-farming powers to extract funds for the treasury; this bolstered short-term finances but empowered regional autonomy, as Sa'adat Khan fortified local defenses against raids.[5] These initiatives reflected an intent to reassert imperial authority via loyal intermediaries rather than sweeping institutional reforms, amid a treasury strained by prior regency extravagance—imperial revenues hovered around 10-12 crore rupees annually, yet jagir assignments exceeded sustainable allocations.[11] However, limited enforcement and ongoing noble rivalries between Turani, Irani, and Hindustani groups undermined consolidation, with Nizam-ul-Mulk's 1724 dispatch to the Deccan as viceroy signaling early fractures in central oversight.[15]Internal Decline and Territorial Losses
Erosion of Provincial Control
During Muhammad Shah's reign (1719–1748), the Mughal Empire experienced a marked erosion of central control over its provinces, as ambitious subahdars (governors) exploited the emperor's preoccupation with court intrigues and cultural pursuits to establish hereditary domains with minimal oversight from Delhi. This process transformed nominal viceroys into de facto rulers, who retained the emperor's name on coinage and official documents while withholding consistent tribute and military support, accelerating the empire's fragmentation. By the 1730s, provinces such as Bengal, Awadh, and the Deccan operated as semi-independent states, contributing to the overall decline in imperial revenue and authority.[19] In Bengal, Murshid Quli Khan had consolidated fiscal and administrative power as diwan and nazim prior to Muhammad Shah's ascension, transferring the capital to Murshidabad and centralizing revenue collection through efficient but harsh measures. Upon his death on June 30, 1727, his son-in-law Shuja-ud-Din Muhammad Khan succeeded him without imperial interference, ruling until 1739 and further entrenching hereditary nawabi control over Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa; tribute to Delhi became irregular, and local forces handled internal security independently.[20][21] The Deccan subah saw similar autonomy under Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah I, who, appointed viceroy in 1713, decisively defeated the rebellious Mughal governor Mubariz Khan at the Battle of Shakarkheda on October 7, 1724, thereby securing control over Hyderabad and surrounding territories. Declaring sovereignty later that month, Asaf Jah I founded the Asaf Jahi dynasty, relocating the capital to Hyderabad and treating Delhi's directives as advisory; he expanded influence through alliances and conquests, minting coins in Muhammad Shah's name but amassing personal armies exceeding 100,000 troops by the 1730s.[22] Awadh emerged as another bastion of provincial independence when Muhammad Shah appointed Saadat Khan Burhan-ul-Mulk as subahdar on September 14, 1722, granting him hereditary rights to curb local zamindar revolts and consolidate Shia influence in the region. Saadat Khan suppressed recalcitrant taluqdars, shifted the capital toward Lucknow, and built a formidable revenue system yielding over 14 million rupees annually by the 1730s, while providing selective military aid to the throne but prioritizing Awadh's defenses against Rohilla incursions. His successors perpetuated this autonomy until his death in 1739.[23][21] This pattern extended to other areas, including Punjab under governors like Zakariya Khan, who by 1726 had secured hereditary succession and repelled Sikh rebellions with local resources, and Rajputana, where Jaipur's ruler Ishvari Singh issued rupees in Muhammad Shah's name from the Sawai mint as late as 1744–45, signaling token loyalty amid growing self-rule. The emperor's failed attempts to reassert control, such as summoning Nizam-ul-Mulk to court in 1725, only highlighted Delhi's impotence, as provincial armies and treasuries operated beyond effective recall.[24]Rebellions and Raids by Regional Powers
The Maratha Confederacy, led by Peshwa Baji Rao I, launched aggressive raids into Mughal heartlands starting in the early 1720s, exploiting the empire's weakened military cohesion to expand influence and collect chauth (one-fourth tribute). Baji Rao's northern campaigns from 1720 to 1740 targeted Malwa, Gujarat, and Bundelkhand, where Maratha forces repeatedly defeated Mughal governors and extracted concessions, such as the 1730 agreement allowing chauth collection in Gujarat from the Mughal viceroy Sarbuland Khan.[25][26] By 1737, Maratha cavalry under Baji Rao conducted a daring incursion to the suburbs of Delhi, routing imperial troops led by Mir Hasan Khan Koka in the Battle of Delhi on March 28, which panic spread through the capital and underscored the Mughals' inability to defend core territories.[27] These raids, involving swift cavalry maneuvers, netted vast revenues—estimated in crores of rupees annually—and fragmented Mughal control over central India, with Baji Rao reportedly vowing to "turn Delhi's black stone to white" through relentless pressure.[28] In the Doab and Agra regions, Jat chieftains under Badan Singh consolidated power around Bharatpur, transitioning from sporadic rebellions to de facto independence by raiding Mughal supply lines and estates in the 1720s and 1730s. Initially allied with Mughal ministers against rivals, Jat leaders like Churaman had defected during power struggles but later leveraged the chaos to fortify strongholds, such as the construction of Bharatpur Fort by 1733, which withstood imperial sieges and enabled further encroachments on Agra subah.[29] This autonomy stemmed from the Jats' peasant militias, numbering thousands, which disrupted tax collection and trade routes, contributing to the erosion of direct Mughal oversight in Rajasthan's fringes. Sikh misls in Punjab mounted guerrilla raids against Mughal governors throughout the 1720s and 1730s, harassing convoys and forts under leaders like Kapur Singh, who formalized the Dal Khalsa in 1733. These actions, rooted in ongoing resistance post-Banda Bahadur's execution, involved hit-and-run tactics that captured territories like Sirhind by the late 1730s, forcing Zakariya Khan, the Mughal subedar, to offer jagirs in 1733 for nominal peace—terms the Sikhs often violated to expand control over Lahore and Amritsar vicinities.[5] Sikh forces, estimated at 10,000-20,000 irregulars, inflicted steady attrition on imperial garrisons, amplifying fiscal strain amid broader revolts. Afghan Rohilla bands, led by Daud Khan, established semi-independent strongholds in Rohilkhand (Katehr) from the early 1720s, initially invited as mercenaries to quell Jat and Sikh unrest but subsequently conquering local Rajput principalities through raids and alliances. By 1725, Daud Khan controlled key towns like Bareilly, imposing Pashtun governance over an area spanning 10,000 square miles and extracting revenue independently, with Mughal farmanas providing only nominal legitimacy.[30] Similarly, the Bangash Afghans under Muhammad Khan fortified Farrukhabad by 1730s, blending settlement with predatory expansion that challenged Doab administration. These Afghan polities, drawing on tribal levies of several thousand, prioritized local fortification and tribute over loyalty to Delhi, fostering a patchwork of defiant enclaves.[31]Cultural and Intellectual Patronage
Support for Arts and Music
Muhammad Shah (r. 1719–1748) demonstrated significant patronage of music and visual arts amid the Mughal Empire's political challenges, fostering a cultural milieu that emphasized Hindustani traditions and miniature painting. His court in Delhi became a center for artistic expression, where he personally participated in musical performances and supported practitioners who advanced classical forms.[32][33] In music, Muhammad Shah elevated North Indian styles, particularly through his association with Niamat Khan, alias Sadarang, a leading musician appointed as his tutor around the 1720s. Sadarang, a master of dhrupad, collaborated with Muhammad Shah to refine and popularize khayal, a more expressive vocal genre that incorporated improvisation and lyrical themes, marking a shift from stricter forms.[33][34] Sadarang's nephew, Adarang (Ustad Amanat Khan), extended this legacy by training disciples and composing khyals that blended Persian poetic influences with Indian ragas, contributing to the genre's enduring structure during the 1730s and 1740s.[34][35] The emperor's reign thus saw the imperial mehfils (musical assemblies) host regular performances, sustaining patronage for instrumentalists and vocalists despite fiscal strains.[36] For visual arts, Muhammad Shah revived the imperial atelier, commissioning works that reflected a stylistic evolution toward individualized portraits and naturalistic scenes. Artists like Nidha Mal produced detailed paintings, such as the circa 1730 Jharokha portrait depicting the emperor with an emerald and huqqa mouthpiece, exemplifying the period's refined technique in Mughal miniatures.[32] Other painters, including Chitarman II, created depictions of the emperor in leisure, such as viewing gardens from a palanquin around 1730, highlighting themes of falconry and sunset landscapes that blended imperial grandeur with personal indulgence.[32] This support extended to poets, whose verses under his pseudonym Sada Rangeela influenced courtly literature, though primary emphasis remained on music and painting as verifiable outlets of his favoritism.[2] Overall, these initiatives preserved Mughal cultural output into the mid-18th century, even as territorial authority waned.[32]
Architectural and Scientific Initiatives
Muhammad Shah extended patronage to scientific pursuits, particularly astronomy, by supporting Sawai Jai Singh II of Amber, whom he appointed governor of Agra and Malwa. In 1724, with imperial approval, Jai Singh constructed the Jantar Mantar observatory in Delhi, featuring large-scale masonry instruments for precise celestial measurements to address calendar discrepancies affecting prayer timings and festivals.[37][38] Under Muhammad Shah's auspices, Jai Singh compiled the Zij-i Muhammad Shahi, a comprehensive astronomical table completed in 1728, incorporating data from European, Islamic, and Indian sources to refine ephemerides and almanacs. This work, dedicated to the emperor, facilitated corrections to the Zij-i Ulugh Begi and supported the construction of additional observatories in Jaipur (1734), Ujjain, Varanasi, and Mathura.[38][39] Architecturally, Muhammad Shah's reign saw the development of pleasure gardens reflecting Mughal charbagh traditions, including Bagh-e-Nazir in Mehrauli, Delhi, built in 1748 by his chief eunuch Nazir with pavilions and landscaped enclosures. These initiatives, though modest amid imperial decline, underscored the emperor's preference for cultural refinement over grand monumental projects.[40][41]Nader Shah's Invasion
Prelude to the Persian Campaign
In early 1738, following a prolonged siege, Nader Shah captured Kandahar, the final stronghold of the Hotaki dynasty's Ghilzai Afghans under Shah Husayn Sultan Hotak, thereby completing the reconquest of Persian territories lost during their earlier invasions.[42] Remnants of these Afghan forces, including tribal leaders and fighters, fled eastward across the border into Mughal-controlled regions such as Kabul and Peshawar, seeking refuge from Nader's relentless pursuit.[42] Nader accused Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah of actively sheltering these rebels, who had previously disrupted Persian stability by overthrowing the Safavid regime in 1722, and of failing to secure the frontier against their escape.[42] In June 1738, Nader's army advanced rapidly, seizing Ghazni on 11 June and Kabul on 29 June; the Mughal governor of Kabul, Nasir Muhammad, surrendered the city without battle to avoid destruction.[43] Peshawar fell similarly, abandoned by its Mughal defenders, allowing Nader to consolidate control over these northwestern provinces, which he claimed as historically Persian domains dating to earlier Timurid and Safavid assertions.[42] Through envoys dispatched to Delhi, Nader issued demands for the extradition of the Hotaki princes and other Afghan fugitives harbored in Mughal lands, alongside payment of accumulated tribute arrears—estimated at significant sums—for Kabul and Qandahar, territories Nader viewed as owing fealty to Persia rather than the Mughals.[42] [44] Muhammad Shah's court, riven by factionalism among nobles like the vizier Qamar-ud-din Khan and regional governors such as Sa'adat Khan of Awadh, offered evasive responses and partial concessions but refused full compliance, partly to leverage the Afghans as potential allies against Persian expansion and amid the empire's ongoing provincial rebellions.[43] By late 1738, with diplomacy stalled, Nader crossed the Indus River in force, prompting Muhammad Shah to assemble an army of approximately 300,000 men, including artillery and war elephants, though plagued by logistical disarray, delayed reinforcements, and unreliable loyalties from feudatory states like the Rajputs and Marathas.[43] This escalation exposed the Mughal Empire's eroded central authority, weakened by two decades of internal strife under Muhammad Shah's rule, setting the immediate context for open conflict in early 1739.[42]Battle of Karnal
The Battle of Karnal occurred on February 24, 1739, near the town of Karnal along the Alimardan River, approximately 120 kilometers north of Delhi, pitting the Mughal Empire's forces under Emperor Muhammad Shah against the invading Persian army commanded by Nader Shah.[45] The Mughal army comprised over 250,000 troops, including heavy cavalry, war elephants, and infantry supported by cumbersome artillery, bolstered by contingents from regional allies like the Nizam of Hyderabad.[45] [46] In contrast, Nader Shah fielded a more compact force of around 50,000 to 60,000 battle-hardened soldiers, emphasizing mobility with light cavalry, disciplined infantry, and innovative light artillery such as zamburaks—swivel guns mounted on camels for rapid deployment and fire.[45] [47] Despite the Mughals' numerical advantage, their army suffered from fragmented command structure, with rivalries among generals like Khan Dauran and the Nizam undermining cohesion, compounded by reliance on outdated heavy formations vulnerable to modern firepower.[48] Nader Shah, exploiting these weaknesses, avoided a direct frontal engagement and instead maneuvered to encircle the Mughal positions, using his cavalry to feign vulnerability and draw out attacks while positioning zamburak batteries to enfilade advancing enemy lines.[45] The battle commenced when Mughal forces, believing Nader's camp exposed, launched a probing assault with infantry and elephants, which quickly faltered under devastating close-range volleys from the zamburaks that panicked the elephants and shredded the vanguard.[45] Persian cavalry then executed flanking maneuvers and traps, severing the Mughal rear and supply lines, leading to the encirclement and rout of the main body within hours.[45] The Mughal collapse was swift, with hundreds of high-ranking officers, including key lieutenants like Khan Dauran, killed in the melee, while the emperor's camp surrendered to avert total annihilation.[45] Estimated casualties reflect the lopsided engagement: approximately 17,000 Mughals killed against fewer than 500 Persians, underscoring Nader's superior generalship, training, and tactical integration of artillery over the Mughals' sheer mass.[49] Muhammad Shah personally capitulated, agreeing to tributary terms that preserved his throne but ceded effective control, marking Karnal as a decisive blow that exposed the Mughal military's institutional decay and facilitated Nader's unchallenged advance on Delhi.[45] [7]Sack of Delhi and Immediate Consequences
Following the Mughal defeat at the Battle of Karnal on February 24, 1739, Nader Shah advanced on Delhi, entering the city on March 20 without resistance after Muhammad Shah's capitulation. Initial order prevailed as Nader hosted banquets and received submissions from Mughal nobles, but unrest erupted the same day amid rumors of Nader's death, leading to mob attacks that killed around 3,000 Persian soldiers. The following day, March 21, a stray bullet narrowly missed Nader during an inspection, prompting him to order a general massacre that continued unchecked for nearly 60 hours until he intervened to halt it, resulting in an estimated 20,000 to 30,000 civilian deaths across Delhi.[50][51] The sack involved systematic plundering by Persian troops, who looted palaces, homes, and treasuries, amassing vast wealth including the Peacock Throne, the Koh-i-Noor diamond extracted from Muhammad Shah's turban, and other jewels accumulated over centuries of Mughal rule. The total haul, estimated at around 70 lakh rupees in immediate collections plus additional fines and tributes, represented a catastrophic drain on imperial resources, with Delhi levied a fine of 20 million rupees to appease Nader. Muhammad Shah personally surrendered key regalia and treasures, underscoring the depth of Mughal humiliation.[50][51] Nader occupied Delhi until May 16, 1739, before departing northward with his plunder, reinstating Muhammad Shah as emperor but extracting oaths of vassalage and ceding western territories including Kabul and the Punjab as tribute. The immediate aftermath saw Delhi's economy crippled, its population decimated and terrorized, and the Mughal treasury emptied, forcing increased taxation on surviving subjects to cover indemnities. This event shattered the empire's prestige, exposing military weaknesses and accelerating internal fragmentation, as provincial governors and regional powers like the Marathas exploited the vacuum left by the invasion's devastation.[50][51][43]Later Conflicts and Foreign Policy
Renewed Maratha Wars
Following Nader Shah's withdrawal from India in May 1740, the Mughal Empire's profound disarray—marked by plundered treasuries, demoralized armies, and fractured provincial loyalties—created opportunities for the Marathas to resume aggressive expansion into imperial domains. Peshwa Balaji Baji Rao, who had assumed leadership in April 1740 upon his father Baji Rao I's death, directed renewed offensives aimed at securing revenue rights (chauth and sardeshmukhi) from Mughal-held territories, exploiting the center's inability to project power.[52] In eastern India, Maratha commander Raghuji I Bhonsle spearheaded cavalry raids into the prosperous subah of Bengal, a nominally Mughal province under Nawab Sarfaraz Khan. Launching from Nagpur in late 1740, Bhonsle's forces advanced through Orissa and inflicted defeats, culminating in demands for tribute; this pressured the subsequent Nawab Alivardi Khan, who had seized power amid the chaos, to negotiate payments totaling approximately 2 crore rupees by 1742 to avert further incursions.[53] These operations, termed Bargir Giri for their hit-and-run tactics, recurred in 1743, 1744, and 1748, yielding an estimated 1.2 crore rupees annually at peak but inflicting severe agrarian disruption, depopulation, and famine in affected districts.[53] Central India saw Maratha sardars Malhar Rao Holkar and Ranoji Scindia solidify dominance over Malwa, formalized by 1743 through de facto administration and revenue collection, detaching the province from Delhi's direct control despite nominal Mughal suzerainty.[52] Simultaneously, Peshwa Balaji Baji Rao clashed with Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah I, the Mughal viceroy of the Deccan, defeating his armies in skirmishes such as those near Aurangabad in 1741–1743, which compelled the Nizam to recognize Maratha influence over Berar and parts of the Deccan plateau. Muhammad Shah's administration, strained by court intrigues under Wazir Qamar-ud-din Khan and emerging Afghan threats from Ahmad Shah Durrani's 1747 incursion, lacked resources for counteroffensives, relying instead on sporadic provincial musters that proved ineffective. These Maratha pressures effectively transferred fiscal sovereignty in key regions to Pune, hastening the empire's fragmentation without pitched central battles.[52]Relations with Neighboring States
Muhammad Shah pursued a foreign policy of non-interference toward peripheral regions, prioritizing internal stabilization amid fiscal constraints and regional rebellions that limited the empire's capacity to project power beyond its core territories.[54] Relations with Safavid Persia, historically marked by cultural affinity despite Sunni-Shiite divides, deteriorated indirectly during the early 1720s when Afghan Hotaki forces under Mahmud Shah invaded and overthrew the Safavids in 1722; the Mughal court issued no formal diplomatic protest, reflecting disengagement from Persia's turmoil.[55][56] This inaction later fueled Nader Shah's grievances against the Mughals upon his rise.[55] Diplomatic ties with the Ottoman Empire, a fellow Sunni power, were maintained through mutual recognition of authority; Muhammad Shah affirmed Sultan Mahmud I's caliphal status, the final such Mughal endorsement, amid exchanges that included Ottoman ambassador Haji Yusuf Agha's delivery of a royal letter conveying fraternal overtures.[57][58] These interactions sought symbolic solidarity but yielded no substantive military alliance against shared threats like Persian expansionism.[59] Engagements with Central Asian Uzbeks and Afghan tribal entities were negligible, as Mughal influence over Kabul and Balkh had waned since earlier failed campaigns, with local rulers operating autonomously and no recorded embassies or conflicts under Muhammad Shah.[60][61]Personal Life
Marriages and Family
Muhammad Shah's primary consort was Badshah Begum, his first cousin and the daughter of the deposed emperor Farrukh-Siyar, whom he married in 1721 to consolidate dynastic ties following his ascension.[9] She held the title Malika-uz-Zamani and remained childless throughout the marriage.[9] Among his other consorts, Qudsia Begum bore his only surviving son, Ahmad Shah, born in 1725, who succeeded him as emperor in 1748.[62] [63] Historical records indicate limited details on additional offspring, though he had at least one daughter, Hazrat Begum, who married Ahmad Shah Durrani, founder of the Durrani Empire, during the Afghan leader's campaigns in India around 1747–1748.[64] Muhammad Shah's family lineage traced back through his father, Khujista Akhtar (also known as Jahan Shah), a prince who died in 1712, to his grandfather Bahadur Shah I, emphasizing the Timurid-Mughal heritage amid the empire's declining central authority.[9]Character and Daily Habits
Muhammad Shah, surnamed Rangeela (the Colorful), exhibited a character defined by profound indulgence in artistic and hedonistic pursuits, which overshadowed his administrative responsibilities.[32] Contemporary accounts portray him as a refined aesthete who fostered a courtly culture of extreme elegance, prioritizing intellectual and sensory enjoyments over martial or political vigor.[32] As an accomplished poet under the takhallus Sada Rangila, he contributed to Urdu literature and regularly engaged in mushaira gatherings, blending personal creativity with patronage of litterateurs.[35] His enthusiasm extended to music, where he supported innovators like Nemat Khan (Sadarang), elevating Hindustani traditions through sustained courtly sponsorship.[33] Daily mehfil sessions featured rigorous performances, with musicians reciting ragas for four hours without duplication, underscoring the emperor's commitment to musical depth.[33] His routine incorporated leisurely garden sojourns in the Delhi palace terraces, where he smoked the huqqa while observing dance troupes and poetic recitals, embodying a lifestyle of opulent repose.[32] [65] Such habits, including consumption of wine, reflected a deliberate eschewal of stringent religious orthodoxy in favor of experiential freedoms, as noted in historical narratives critiquing his detachment from clerical influences.[66] This personal disposition, while culturally enriching, contributed to perceptions of administrative lassitude amid empire-wide challenges.[66]