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Nehru Report

The Nehru Report was a constitutional memorandum drafted in August 1928 by an all-party committee chaired by , proposing dominion status for within the alongside a parliamentary framework for . Emerging from the Indian National Congress's boycott of the all-British , the report sought to counter imperial reforms by presenting an indigenous vision of constitutional evolution, including a with protections against arbitrary , universal adult , and a bicameral at the center. Key recommendations emphasized a unified electorate without communal reservations beyond in services and legislatures, rejecting separate electorates for Muslims—a stance rooted in prioritizing national integration over minority separatism, though it alienated figures like . Jinnah, initially supportive of joint electorates under safeguards, condemned the report's federal structure and Sindh's exclusion from as inadequate for Muslim interests, prompting his in 1929 that demanded explicit protections, residuary powers for provinces, and no supremacy of the central government—demands that underscored deepening communal fissures. While endorsed by Gandhi with an ultimatum for British acceptance within a year, the report's failure to secure broad consensus highlighted causal tensions between unitary and regional-communal , influencing later constitutional debates but exposing limits in reconciling India's diverse interests without enforced majoritarian concessions.

Historical Background

Origins in British Constitutional Challenges

The , enacted on December 23, 1919, implemented the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms by introducing dyarchy in the provinces, a system of dual governance that allocated transferred subjects—such as , , , and local self-government—to Indian ministers responsible to elected legislative councils, while reserved subjects including land revenue, finance, police, and justice remained under the direct executive authority of provincial governors appointed by the . Central governance stayed centralized under the , with an executive council not accountable to the , and the was confined to roughly 5-10% of the adult population meeting property, income, or educational criteria, excluding the vast majority from participation. Empirical shortcomings of dyarchy manifested in administrative , as ministers lacked independent control over finances and personnel—both domains—rendering transferred departments fiscally dependent and policy implementation frequently overridden by governors' vetoes, certification powers, or ordinances that bypassed legislatures entirely. Such structural constraints, coupled with the absence of at the center and persistent oversight, failed to deliver meaningful , instead exacerbating tensions as provincial councils deadlocked over budgets and executive decisions, with from early implementations showing ministers' resignations and stalled initiatives in provinces like Bombay and due to gubernatorial interventions. This causal disconnect between nominal involvement and retained dominance intensified nationalist critiques, as the reforms prioritized over self-rule despite wartime promises of progressive . Indian leaders, including the , increasingly demanded dominion status—full internal self-government akin to or , with loyalty to but legislative sovereignty—viewing the 1919 Act as a half-measure that preserved colonial vetoes without addressing core grievances like fiscal centralization and lack of provincial fiscal autonomy. Frustration peaked with the Act's inability to foster accountable governance, prompting Congress resolutions from 1920 onward to reject piecemeal reforms in favor of comprehensive dominion-like structures, as dyarchy's practical failures demonstrated the infeasibility of hybrid rule under imperial paramountcy. On July 7, 1925, Lord Birkenhead, , articulated British reservations in the , challenging divided Indian communities to "produce a which carries behind it a fair measure of general agreement among the great peoples of ," implying that persistent Hindu-Muslim and other communal cleavages precluded further constitutional advances without indigenous consensus. This provocation, echoed amid 1927 discussions on constitutional review, highlighted empirical barriers like unresolved minority safeguards and disputes, pressuring Indian parties to attempt unified proposals amid Britain's reluctance to concede without evidence of cohesion.

The Simon Commission Boycott and Indian Initiative

The British government announced the appointment of the Indian Statutory Commission, commonly known as the , in November 1927, tasking it with reviewing the operation of the and recommending constitutional reforms. The commission comprised seven members drawn exclusively from British parliamentary parties—four Conservatives, two Labourites, and one Liberal—chaired by Sir John Allsebrook Simon, with no Indian members included despite provisions in the 1919 Act anticipating Indian participation in such inquiries after a decade of implementation. This all-British composition was perceived as a deliberate denial of Indian , prompting immediate and near-unanimous condemnation across political spectrums in India. Indian political organizations, including the (INC) and the , orchestrated a nationwide of the upon its arrival in Bombay on February 3, 1928. Protests featured mass demonstrations, hartals (strikes), and the widespread slogan "Simon Go Back," emblazoned on black flags waved by crowds in major cities like Bombay, Madras, Calcutta, and . The unified opposition underscored a rare consensus among diverse Indian factions against British in constitutional matters, rejecting the commission's legitimacy to dictate reforms without native input. A pivotal incident occurred during the commission's visit to on October 30, 1928, when led a non-violent protest procession; police responded with a (baton) charge ordered by Superintendent James A. Scott, who personally struck Rai, inflicting severe injuries. Rai succumbed to a heart attack exacerbated by these blows on November 17, 1928, galvanizing further anti-colonial sentiment and framing the as a defense of Indian dignity against repressive tactics. The boycott's intensity catalyzed an Indian-led alternative to British reform processes. At its Madras session in December 1927, the resolved to reject the outright and instructed its Working Committee to collaborate with other parties in drafting a "" constitution, thereby asserting India's capacity for independent of imperial oversight. This resolution marked a strategic pivot toward indigenous constitutional initiative, bypassing the commission's monopoly and emphasizing empirical over externally imposed changes.

Formation and Drafting Process

All Parties Conference and Committee Setup

The was convened in early 1928 amid widespread opposition to the all-British , with the objective of formulating a swadeshi drafted by representatives from diverse communities, including , , , and others, to achieve cross-communal agreement on principles. At its Bombay session on May 19, 1928, the conference resolved to appoint a subcommittee to ascertain the foundational principles of an , emphasizing status within the , a federal structure, and protections for minorities without relying on separate electorates where feasible. Motilal Nehru was selected as chairman of this eight-member committee (initially ten, with later resignations), tasked with drafting recommendations that balanced provincial autonomy, central authority, and communal safeguards to foster national unity. Key members included , a leader advocating constitutional reforms; Ali Imam, representing Muslim interests; and initially , who later withdrew due to ideological differences over the pace of independence. Other participants comprised M.S. Aney, Mangal Singh, Shuaib Qureshi, and G.R. Pradhan, selected to ensure representation across political and communal lines. The committee's deliberations, spanning from May to , focused on producing a report for ratification at the All Parties Conference's session, prioritizing empirical assessment of governance models like those in and to inform federal proposals while critiquing British-imposed divisions. This setup reflected an intent to preempt further British unilateralism by demonstrating Indian capacity for self-constitution, though underlying communal tensions limited full consensus.

Key Figures and Deliberations

The Nehru Committee, tasked with drafting a constitutional framework, was chaired by , a prominent leader and barrister, with his son acting as secretary to coordinate proceedings and documentation. Other key members included , a liberal statesman; Ali Imam and Shuab Qureshi, representing moderate Muslim perspectives; M.S. Aney and from the Hindu Mahasabha; Mangal Singh for Sikh interests; and G.R. Pradhan, ensuring a measure of communal diversity while deliberately excluding hardline separatists or extremists whose demands for rigid communal safeguards might undermine consensus. This composition reflected an intent to bridge divides through moderate voices, though it prioritized nationalists aligned with dominion status over those advocating full independence or maximal provincial autonomy. Deliberations occurred primarily at Motilal Nehru's residence, Anand Bhavan in Allahabad, spanning June to August 1928, where members convened multiple sessions to debate structural elements like central-provincial power distribution. Internal discussions centered on balancing unity with representation, with Motilal Nehru steering toward a framework emphasizing a robust central authority—described by some analyses as exhibiting a unitary tilt—over loose federal arrangements that could entrench minority-majority provincial dynamics, such as enhanced autonomy for Muslim-majority regions. These debates underscored a causal prioritization of national cohesion to counter British divide-and-rule tactics, rejecting concessions like guaranteed provincial vetoes or separate electorates that might fragment governance, despite input from minority representatives like Qureshi and Singh. The committee finalized the report on August 10, 1928, incorporating these resolutions into a cohesive draft that was then submitted for approval at the in on August 28, 1928, marking the culmination of three months of intensive negotiation. This timeline allowed for iterative revisions amid competing communal claims, ultimately yielding a document that advanced Indian proposals while subordinating regional to centralized stability.

Core Provisions

Proposed Constitutional Framework

The Nehru Report recommended dominion status for India within the British Commonwealth, positioning it equivalently to the self-governing Dominions of , , , and , as a practical interim toward greater while retaining ties to . This entailed at the center, with executive power formally vested in and exercised through a advised by an Executive Council—including a and up to six other ministers—who held office subject to the confidence of the legislature, establishing . Similar responsible governance was outlined for provinces, replacing prior dyarchical arrangements with ministries accountable to provincial legislatures. The central legislature was structured as bicameral, comprising a of 200 members elected indirectly by provincial councils via using the for seven-year terms, and a House of Representatives of 500 members elected directly from territorial constituencies for five-year terms, both eligible for dissolution by the . Rather than endorsing loose federalism, the framework prioritized a robust central , allocating to legislative competence over matters essential for "" not exclusively assigned to provinces, with residuary powers explicitly retained at the center for any unenumerated subjects. This central vesting of residuary underscored a unitary within the federal form, distinguishing it from provincial-dominant models.

Governance Structure and Federalism

The Nehru Report proposed a for as a within the British Commonwealth, with legislative authority divided between the central and provincial legislatures to balance unity and regional administration. Central subjects, enumerated in I, included , external affairs, , and communications, granting the center exclusive jurisdiction over these domains to maintain national cohesion. Provincial subjects in II encompassed local matters such as , , and , promoting while ensuring central oversight through mechanisms like the power to suspend provincial legislation in cases of inter-provincial disputes or emergencies. At the federal level, a bicameral Parliament consisted of the with 200 members elected indirectly by provincial councils for seven-year terms and the with 500 members elected directly from constituencies for five-year terms. Executive authority vested in the , appointed by the , who would initially exercise discretionary powers but evolve toward acting on the advice of an Executive Council comprising a and up to six ministers. The , appointed by the , selected ministers, with the council collectively responsible to the , emphasizing parliamentary and a transition from viceregal control to elected governance. Provincial governance featured autonomy through elected legislative , with executive power held by Governors appointed by the in , advised by a provincial of up to five ministers responsible to the . However, centralization persisted via requirements for and assent on bills, residuary legislative powers allocated to the center rather than provinces, and in fiscal or security crises, underscoring the report's prioritization of national integrity over decentralized . The was designed as independent, with a headed by a Lord President and justices appointed by the in Council, removable only by parliamentary address for misconduct or incapacity. The Court held over disputes between provinces or involving constitutional interpretation, while retaining High Courts with analogous safeguards against executive interference. Complementing this, the central legislature's authority over civil laws—including contracts, , , and —laid groundwork for uniform civil provisions superseding conflicting personal laws, reinforcing federal uniformity in legal administration.

Rights, Language, and Minority Provisions

The Nehru Report proposed a comprehensive modeled after the precedent, guaranteeing fundamental protections to all citizens irrespective of community or creed. These included the right to the enjoyment of public rights and privileges without on grounds of , , creed, or sex; ; freedom of conscience and the free profession and practice of , subject to public order and morality; and of the press; the right to assemble peaceably without arms; and safeguards against deprivation of life, liberty, or property except by of law. Additional provisions encompassed the right to acquire, hold, and dispose of property, equal rights for men and women as citizens, and the right to keep and bear arms subject to regulations. The framework emphasized individual liberties while implicitly rejecting any establishment of a through its secular orientation toward equal treatment across religious lines. On language policy, the report designated Hindustani—written either in the or script—as the of the , with English permitted for continued official use alongside it. Provincial legislatures were empowered to adopt their own s for local administration, recognizing linguistic diversity across regions. This approach aimed to foster national unity through a composite while accommodating regional vernaculars, though it prioritized Hindustani's dual-script flexibility over mandating a singular form in exclusively. Regarding minorities, the report advocated joint electorates for all communities in legislative bodies, departing from the separate electorates enshrined in the 1916 between the and the . Instead, it proposed reserved seats to ensure : one-third of seats in the central legislature for Muslims, alongside reservations for Muslims in provinces where they formed a minority and for non-Muslims in Muslim-majority provinces like and . No permanent separate electorates were recommended for any group, with reservations limited to a transitional period of ten years after which they would lapse unless extended. This shift sought to promote communal integration through shared voting rolls while providing temporary safeguards against majority dominance.

Immediate Reactions

Muslim League Objections and Jinnah's Fourteen Points

The All-India Muslim League, under Muhammad Ali Jinnah's leadership, expressed strong objections to the Nehru Report primarily due to its abandonment of separate electorates for Muslims—a safeguard enshrined in the 1916 Lucknow Pact—and its preference for joint electorates with reserved seats, which League leaders viewed as insufficient to prevent Hindu-majority dominance in a population where Muslims comprised roughly 22.5% nationally but varied regionally. At the All Parties Conference in Calcutta on December 22-28, 1928, convened to deliberate the report, Jinnah proposed three amendments on behalf of the League: one-third Muslim representation in the central legislature, provincial autonomy with residuary powers vested in provinces rather than the center, and the separation of Sindh from Bombay Presidency to establish it as an independent province with proportional Muslim representation. These proposals sought to mitigate empirical risks of marginalization, as Muslims held disproportionate influence in certain provinces like Punjab and Bengal but faced underrepresentation at the center under the report's unitary-leaning federalism. The conference rejected these amendments, prompting Jinnah to declare the proceedings a "very great mistake" and walk out, signaling the League's refusal to endorse the report without Muslim-specific protections. The League's council formally condemned the Nehru Report in early 1929, criticizing its centralizing tendencies and cultural uniformity—such as the elevation of over —as threats to Muslim identity and autonomy in a Hindu-majority framework. This stance reflected causal concerns rooted in demographic imbalances: without separate electorates or veto powers over vital interests, Muslims anticipated legislative subjugation, as evidenced by prior joint electorate experiments that diluted minority voting power. The report's assimilationist provisions, including uniform civil codes and rejection of provincial residuary powers, exacerbated fears of cultural erasure and political irrelevance, alienating moderate Muslim leaders and bolstering Jinnah's argument for structural over vague reservations. In direct riposte, Jinnah unveiled the on March 28, 1929, at a Muslim meeting in , framing them as minimal constitutional demands to secure Muslim rights within any future dominion. These points demanded a federal system with provincial autonomy and residuary powers; separate electorates and one-third central legislature seats for Muslims; separation of and elevation of Baluchistan and to full provincial status; proportional Muslim quotas in civil services, military, and education; no constitutional amendments without Muslim consent; religious freedom without laws repugnant to the and ; and protections against as the sole national language or script imposition. By prioritizing these empirically grounded safeguards against majority tyranny—drawing from the Nehru Report's own federal rhetoric but inverting its central biases—the points crystallized Muslim apprehensions, unified the fragmented under Jinnah, and laid groundwork for the two-nation paradigm by highlighting irreconcilable visions of Indian unity.

Indian National Congress Responses

At the Calcutta Special Session of the in December 1928, the organization conditionally endorsed the Nehru Report, resolving that the British government should accept its recommendations for dominion status within one year, failing which a campaign of non-cooperation would commence. moved this resolution, signaling his qualified support for the report's framework as a pragmatic step toward , though he expressed reservations about the urgency and feasibility of the timeline. Within Congress, the report highlighted tensions between moderates and radicals; leaders like , as committee chairman, regarded it as a constructive consensus document advancing constitutional reforms through joint Hindu-Muslim efforts, justifying its acceptance by a majority vote despite dissent. In contrast, the younger radical faction, including , criticized the report for compromising on full independence by settling for dominion status, viewing it as insufficiently revolutionary and overly conciliatory toward British authority. By the Session in December 1929, under Jawaharlal Nehru's presidency, pivoted decisively, adopting the resolution that demanded complete independence rather than dominion status, implicitly rejecting the Nehru Report's moderated approach as inadequate for achieving true . This shift underscored the growing influence of elements, prioritizing outright separation from rule over negotiated reforms.

Views from Other Political Groups

The Indian Liberal Federation, comprising moderate nationalists, endorsed the Nehru Report's advocacy for dominion status within the as a pragmatic step toward , aligning with their long-standing emphasis on constitutional evolution rather than immediate . However, they critiqued the report's provisions for princely state integration, arguing that the proposed voluntary inadequately safeguarded rulers' internal autonomy and residual powers, potentially forcing states into a centralized structure without sufficient reciprocal guarantees. Sikh representatives, including leaders from the such as Master Tara Singh and , vehemently opposed the report for abolishing the weightage previously accorded to in Punjab's provincial legislature—reducing their reserved seats from approximately one-third to based on population—which they viewed as a dilution of minority safeguards essential for protecting Sikh interests in a Muslim-majority . This stance reflected broader Sikh fears that electorates and the elimination of communal representations would marginalize non-Muslim communities in and , undermining pacts like the 1916 Lucknow Agreement. The Hindu Mahasabha rejected the Nehru Report outright, condemning its endorsement of joint electorates and Muslim seat reservations in provinces as excessive concessions that prioritized minority appeasement over Hindu majoritarian rights, thereby perpetuating communal divisions rather than fostering national unity. British officials, including those in the , dismissed the report as premature and lacking broad consensus, citing the sharp discord among Indian groups—evident in minority rejections—as validation for maintaining divide-and-rule policies and deferring to the ongoing for constitutional review.

Controversies and Criticisms

Failures in Accommodating Minority Demands

The Nehru Report's rejection of separate electorates for constituted a direct breach of the 1916 , which had secured such provisions alongside weightage in legislatures to guarantee minority representation amid Hindu numerical superiority. Instead, the Report endorsed joint electorates with reservations for Muslim seats, predicated on the notion that integrated voting would cultivate and erode communal barriers. This approach empirically underestimated the depth of Muslim identity as a distinct political entity, rooted in historical grievances and demographic realities, where risked submergence rather than ; Muslim leaders interpreted it as an abandonment of pact-based reciprocity, eroding trust in Congress-led negotiations. Provincial safeguards proposed in the Report proved equally deficient, amplifying fears of central overreach. For , separation from was conditioned on achieving financial viability and dominion status, deferring autonomy for a Muslim-majority area without immediate structural . The (NWFP) received recommendations for reforms but not elevation to full provincial parity with others, leaving Baluchistan and frontier regions vulnerable to non-representative governance despite their strategic and demographic significance to Muslim interests. These half-measures ignored the causal imperative for decentralized protections in Muslim-concentrated territories, where Hindu-majority central authority could marginalize local self-rule, as later evidenced by persistent demands for equivalence in Jinnah's 1929 . Ultimately, the Report's unitary assumptions faltered against the reality of instincts, as joint electorates did not mitigate but catalyzed demands for fortified ; within a year, the Muslim League's unified opposition highlighted how overlooked communal pacts fostered polarization over integration, with no verifiable instances of electoral fusion reducing tensions prior to trajectories.

Ideological Divisions Within Nationalism

The Nehru Report's endorsement of dominion status, akin to that of or within the British , drew sharp rebukes from radical nationalists who argued it entrenched economic dependencies on and compromised true by retaining allegiance to and imperial trade preferences. Leaders such as and contended that this framework merely reformed colonial rule without severing the underlying imperial control, viewing it as a dilution of that preserved British fiscal and commercial leverage over India's resources. Their opposition crystallized in initiatives like the Independence for India League, formed in 1928 to advocate purna swaraj (complete independence), highlighting a fundamental rift between compromise-oriented moderates and those prioritizing absolute rupture from empire. Conservative nationalists, including figures like , criticized the report's centralized constitutional model for marginalizing the princely s, which encompassed approximately 40% of 's territory and 24% of its population in , by initially excluding them from the definition of "India" and proposing compulsory accession that threatened their traditional autonomies. This over-centralization, with residuary legislative powers vested in the federal center rather than provinces or states, was seen as disregarding 's cultural and administrative heterogeneity, potentially alienating princely rulers and regional traditions in favor of a uniform nationalist imposition that overlooked decentralized governance suited to diverse polities. Such critiques underscored apprehensions that the report's structure risked fracturing alliances with conservative elements who valued federal flexibility to accommodate princely legacies and cultural variances over a monolithic apparatus. The report's inability to reconcile these ideological fissures—between dominion accommodation and absolutism, or central uniformity and decentralized pluralism—empirically undermined nationalist cohesion, as evidenced by the Indian National Congress's shift at its December 1928 Calcutta session to accept dominion status only provisionally with a one-year to Britain, followed by the radical pivot to at the Lahore session on December 31, 1929. This internal radicalization, driven by the report's perceived inadequacies, not only intensified Congress demands but also eroded prospects for a unified front, hastening Muslim League disaffection toward separatism by exposing the fragility of joint constitutional efforts.

Assessments of Centralization and Dominion Status

The Nehru Report of 1928 vested residuary legislative powers—those not explicitly assigned to provinces—in the central government, establishing a structure tilted toward a strong center to ensure national unity amid India's linguistic, cultural, and religious diversity. This approach, while pragmatically aimed at preventing fragmentation in a subcontinent spanning over 4 million square kilometers and encompassing more than 300 million people across disparate regions, drew for enabling potential majoritarian overreach by a Hindu-majority center over provincial minorities. Historical analyses contend that such centralization contradicted the necessities of a pluralistic polity, where unallocated powers at the apex could facilitate dominance by the numerical majority (Hindus constituting approximately 68% of the population per 1931 census data) without robust decentralizing mechanisms, rendering the framework unviable for sustaining equitable governance in ethnically heterogeneous provinces like and . Critics assessed the proposal's rejection of provincial residuary powers—demanded by groups seeking —as a causal oversight, prioritizing administrative over the realistic power-sharing required to mitigate centrifugal forces in a society divided by communal lines and exemptions, which covered nearly 40% of the territory. Empirical precedents from the , which had devolved limited provincial responsibilities yet retained central overrides, underscored how analogous central dominance exacerbated regional resentments, suggesting the Nehru framework's unitary bias would similarly undermine federal viability absent or veto safeguards for minorities. Regarding dominion status, the report advocated immediate self-rule within the Commonwealth, modeled on and , with India retaining the monarch as symbolic head and a exercising . This phased was critiqued as a half-measure that preserved substantive influence, as the —appointed by and wielding powers over and ordinances—delayed full , effectively subordinating Indian to oversight in defense, foreign affairs, and finance, sectors comprising over 60% of central expenditures under prior acts. Assessments highlight this as pragmatically conciliatory toward interests but causally flawed for true , ignoring the imperative for unqualified rupture from colonial tutelage in a context where dominions still navigated preferences and appeals to the , thus perpetuating external constraints incompatible with India's sovereign aspirations.

Long-Term Impact

Influence on the Independence Movement

The of , by articulating a detailed framework for dominion status within the , initially reflected a cooperative stance by the toward constitutional reforms, but its partial acceptance at the Calcutta Congress session in December marked a pivotal conditional shift. The passed there stipulated that if the government failed to accept the Report's recommendations by the end of , the would pivot to demanding purna swaraj, or complete independence, thereby framing the Report as a for willingness to concede . This ultimatum directly precipitated the Lahore session of the Congress in December 1929, where presided and the assembly formally adopted the resolution on December 19, rejecting dominion status outright and escalating the movement from negotiation to confrontation with British rule. The British inaction on the Report, amid the Simon Commission's boycott, underscored the impasse, propelling the Congress toward mass mobilization through the Civil Disobedience Movement launched in 1930, which in turn pressured the British to convene the Conferences from 1930 to 1932 as a forum for Indian constitutional discussions. As the first comprehensive constitutional scheme drafted by Indian leaders, the Report demonstrated the subcontinent's intellectual and organizational capacity for self-rule, rebutting British assertions of administrative unreadiness and informing subsequent demands for by providing a blueprint that highlighted viable and parliamentary structures. Its short-term legacy lay in galvanizing nationalist momentum, as evidenced by the Congress's abandonment of gradualist reforms in favor of uncompromising , thereby intensifying the freedom struggle's confrontational phase.

Contribution to Hindu-Muslim Polarization

The Nehru Report's dismissal of Muslim-specific safeguards, including separate electorates, provincial autonomy, and one-third representation in the central legislature, provoked sharp backlash from Muslim leaders who viewed it as entrenching Hindu numerical dominance under a centralized framework. , previously a proponent of joint electorates and unity, countered in March 1929 with his , demanding federal structure, Muslim-majority provincial protections, and Sindh's separation from Bombay—demands that exposed the Report's unitary tilt as incompatible with minority security in a diverse . This exchange crystallized diverging constitutional priorities, eroding trust in and prompting Jinnah's disillusionment with Congress-led negotiations. The Report's unaddressed grievances fueled the All-India 's organizational revival after its electoral setbacks, as 's dominance in the 1937 provincial elections—winning 711 of 1,585 seats overall but only marginal Muslim support—highlighted the fragility of the unity the Report presumed. secured just 109 of 482 reserved Muslim seats in 1937, yet ministries' subsequent actions, such as Vande Mataram's mandatory singing and promotion, alienated further, interpreting them as efforts that validated fears of subjugation absent explicit safeguards. This dynamic shifted Muslim political cohesion toward , with the League leveraging grievances to consolidate votes by the 1940s, where it captured over 90% of Muslim seats in 1946 interim polls. By ignoring these structural incompatibilities, the Report accelerated the trajectory toward , as evidenced by the on March 23, 1940, where the League resolved for "independent states" in Muslim-majority regions, a demand rooted in the unmet and prior accommodations failures. Communal riots in 1946, including Calcutta's clashes killing over 4,000, underscored the causal escalation from constitutional neglect to violent polarization, where unheeded minority vetoes rendered coexistence under untenable.

Legacy in Constitutional Development

The Nehru Report proposed a with a bicameral at the center, where the executive would be responsible to the , and similar structures for provinces, elements that shaped the framers' adoption of under the , 1950. Its detailed , enumerating protections such as , and press, right to form associations, and safeguards against exploitation and arbitrary detention, served as a precursor to of the 1950 Constitution, with at least ten of its nineteen subclauses reincorporated with minimal alterations. While the report did not explicitly outline of state policy, its emphasis on social reforms like free and promotion of indigenous industries aligned with the non-justiciable socio-economic guidelines later added in Part IV to guide governance toward welfare objectives. Certain structural proposals were rejected or modified in the final document, including the report's scheme for an composed partly of representatives from princely states, commercial interests, and labor, which contrasted with the Rajya Sabha's elected composition based primarily on state populations. The report's assignment of residuary legislative powers to the center and its limited concessions on provincial autonomy, without provisions for linguistic or cultural federal adjustments, omitted safeguards that later fueled disputes, such as the 1956 States Reorganisation Act addressing demands for linguistically delineated states amid regional agitations. Critiques of the report highlight its centralizing bias, derived from dominion models like Canada, which prioritized national unity over decentralized accommodations, empirically failing to preempt post-1947 fissiparous tendencies despite elite consensus-building efforts. This framework facilitated a transition from negotiated among political elites to mass-based , yet its inadequate addressing of minority and regional autonomies contributed to ongoing strains, as evidenced by subsequent constitutional amendments expanding lists and emergency provisions to manage central-provincial conflicts.

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