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Positive anymore

Positive anymore is a nonstandard grammatical construction in certain dialects of English in which the anymore appears in affirmative sentences to convey a sense of "nowadays" or "these days," contrasting with its standard usage as a negative item (NPI) that requires a negative context to mean "no longer." In this positive sense, anymore often presupposes a change of state from past to present, implying that a situation now holds in a way that it did not before, though it can also occur without strict change-of-state implications. This feature is primarily documented in regional varieties of , with scattered distribution across the , particularly in the Midwest (such as , , and ), (including and ), and parts of the South and West, but it is least common in . It has also been attested in southern Ontario and among some speakers in , such as in Merced and Redding, indicating potential spread beyond traditional heartlands. Usage surveys show varying acceptance rates, with around 50% of respondents in Midwestern areas rating positive anymore sentences as acceptable, and higher rates (up to 97%) in some western samples, though overall frequency remains low in spoken and written data. Historically, positive anymore traces its origins to pre-Modern Scots dialects, where it evolved through internal linguistic changes before entering North American English via Scotch-Irish immigration patterns in the 18th and 19th centuries. Early attestations appear in American English from the late 19th century, such as in 1898 records, and it has been noted in dialectological studies since the 1930s without strong correlations to social factors like age, gender, class, or education. Despite occasional stigma from usage commentators labeling it as uneducated or barbaric, it persists as a stable dialectal marker in affected communities. Examples of positive anymore include sentences like "Gas is so expensive anymore," meaning prices are high nowadays, or "Even in small towns anymore, it's getting crowded," highlighting a current trend. It typically occurs in the present tense and can appear in various positions, including utterance-initially (e.g., "Anymore, they don't make cars like that"), distinguishing it from the more rigid placement of NPI anymore. Linguistically, positive anymore is analyzed as a pragmatic extension of the NPI form, often carrying an emotive tone of mild complaint or surprise about the present state.

Definition and Usage

Core Definition

Positive anymore refers to the dialectal use of the "anymore" (sometimes spelled "any more") in affirmative sentences, where it conveys a of temporal transition to the present, such as "nowadays," "currently," or "from now on." This usage indicates that a , , or situation, previously absent or different, has become characteristic of the current time. In , "anymore" functions as a negative item, licensed only in negated, , or other nonveridical contexts to denote cessation or change from a past , as in expressions of something no longer holding true. By contrast, positive anymore is used in affirmative contexts in specific varieties, appearing freely in declarative affirmative sentences without requiring , and it is typically restricted to present-tense or non-episodic contexts.

Grammatical Contexts

Positive anymore typically appears at the end of a or immediately following the verb in a subject-verb-object-anymore structure, as in "She visits often anymore." It can also occur sentence-initially or in medial positions within affirmative contexts, such as "Anymore, we eat a lot of " or "Gas is sure expensive anymore," allowing greater flexibility compared to its negative counterpart. This construction is compatible with declarative affirmative sentences, where it conveys a sense similar to "nowadays," but it is incompatible with questions or imperatives in most dialects, as these environments align more closely with negative licensing. For instance, utterances like "*Do you exercise anymore?" or "*Exercise more anymore!" are generally rejected, restricting positive anymore to straightforward positive assertions. A key dialectal constraint is the requirement for a change-of-state , where positive anymore implies a between past habits or states and the current situation, such as something that was not true before but holds now, as in "He listens to rock anymore," suggesting a recent shift in preference. This ensures the integrates semantically into the , often evoking a sense of transition or novelty in the present.

Historical Origins

Etymological Roots

The "anymore" originates from the compound "ani more," attested around 1300, where it initially served as a polarity-sensitive meaning "any longer," predominantly in negative or interrogative contexts to indicate the cessation of a prior state. This form evolved from elements like ænig ("any" or "one"), inheriting sensitivity from earlier Germanic structures, and was adjoined to aspectual projections in syntactic analyses, requiring and non-veridical features. In select dialects, particularly Scots and Irish English, "anymore" underwent a reanalysis between the 16th and 18th centuries, losing its negative restriction and extending to positive contexts with an inceptive meaning of "now and not previously," often in future-oriented or present-tense constructions implying a change of state to "nowadays." This shift is attributed to internal syntactic changes in Late (1550–1700), where the detached from polarity licensing and acquired boundary and indefinite features, predating its adoption in North American varieties through Ulster Scots migration patterns starting in the early . While scholarly debate continues, confirmed positive uses appear in written records from the . A hypothesized influence from Celtic languages, such as Gaelic níos mó (indicating "more" in contexts of increase or ongoing state) or Scottish Gaelic a thuilleadh ("furthermore" or "from now on"), may have reinforced this affirmative extension via language contact in southwest and , though direct borrowing remains unconfirmed and the primary driver appears to be language-internal reanalysis.

Early Attestations

The earliest documented instances of positive anymore (also spelled any more) emerge in Scottish and English dialects during the 18th and 19th centuries, reflecting its from aspectual uses in affirmative or future-oriented contexts. In Scottish texts, affirmative any more appears in 18th-century and correspondence, where it conveys continuation or expectation without negative polarity. These instances, drawn from southwest , mark the construction's stabilization in oral traditions by the mid-18th century, influenced by etymological roots in Scots-Irish contact varieties. A prominent early attestation from dates to 1898, as recorded in Joseph Wright's The English Dialect Dictionary: "A servant being instructed how to act, will answer 'I will do it any more.'" This example highlights the feature's use in affirmative responses within dialects, signaling its spread through Scots migration patterns established in the 17th and 18th centuries. Dialectological analysis links this to broader Celtic-influenced Englishes, where any more shifts from polarity-sensitive to openly positive semantics. In 19th-century American dialect writing, positive anymore surfaces in regional literature from and , capturing vernacular speech among Scots-Irish descendants. Authors depicting Midland and communities, such as in local color novels, employed the form to represent everyday affirmative usage meaning "nowadays" or "from now on," as evidenced in early 20th-century linguistic retrospectives on 19th-century oral data. Dialect surveys from the 1800s, including preliminary mappings in philological journals, note the feature's presence in spoken forms across these areas, indicating its stabilization in by the mid-19th century through transatlantic settlement.

Geographic Distribution

North American Varieties

Positive anymore is a notable feature in several dialects, particularly within the and . Dialect surveys, including the and the (DARE), indicate its use is concentrated in the Midland dialect region, encompassing areas such as , , and the vicinity, as well as in states like and surrounding regions. The construction also appears scattered in other locations, including , , parts of , (such as Merced and Redding), and (such as Tucson). In , it is attested in southern , aligning with broader Midland influences. Some evidence suggests retention of positive anymore in rural and traditional speech communities. However, studies find no strong correlations with demographics such as , , , or . DARE reports that 31% of informants used positive anymore across education levels. These patterns underscore its status as a recessive yet persistent dialect marker, more tied to locale than social factors. In terms of variations, North American users typically spell the term as the single word "anymore," consistent with conventions. Semantically, it often fuses with "nowadays" to convey a shift in current conditions, as in affirmative statements noting recent changes, though this usage remains confined to present-tense contexts.

British Isles Varieties

In varieties of English spoken across the , positive anymore (often spelled as two words, any more) is primarily associated with Irish English, particularly in under the influence of Scots, and certain Lowland Scottish dialects, while it remains rare in proper. In , the construction emerged through 17th-century Scottish settlement patterns, where Presbyterian migrants from southwest , including regions like , introduced it into speech communities, blending with local Irish English features to convey meanings such as "from now on" or "nowadays" in affirmative, future-oriented, or habitual contexts. Scots dictionaries, such as the Concise Ulster Dictionary (1996), document its use in non-episodic present or future clauses, as in examples like "Middle-class people go on holiday for any more," highlighting its role as an aspectual adverb marking ongoing or prospective states. In , positive any more is attested in Lowland dialects, especially in Gaelic-influenced areas of the southwest and southern , such as , where it functions similarly in affirmative sentences to indicate temporal shifts like "henceforth." The Dictionary of the Scots Language records early 20th-century examples, such as "There’s no in it the day, but there’ll be any more" (1928), reflecting its integration into Scots for or habitual . This usage traces back to Late innovations between 1550 and 1700, potentially licensing "any" in non-negative polarity contexts, and spread southward to via waves in the early 1600s. Possible etymological ties to substrates, such as Goidelic forms like feasta ("henceforth"), have been proposed but remain unconfirmed, suggesting influences in Gaelic-speaking regions. Attestations of positive any more appear in 19th-century dialect documentation tied to contexts, including Wright's English Dialect Dictionary (1898), which cites Northern examples like a servant responding, "I will do it any more," illustrating its affirmative deployment in instructional or prospective speech. Earlier hints emerge in the Irish Emigrant Database (1784), linking usages to cross-Atlantic patterns, though unambiguous literary instances in dialect writing from the period underscore its embedding in narratives. Currently, positive any more persists in rural speech communities across these varieties, such as West Donegal and the Arran Islands in English or southwest , where traditional dialects remain vital amid heritage. However, sociolinguistic surveys indicate potential decline in urban centers like or , with some informants perceiving it as fading or archaic, though it endures in non-urban settings due to conservative retention. The two-word spelling predominates in sources, distinguishing it from the one-word form more common in transplanted North American varieties.

Illustrative Examples

Affirmative Sentence Structures

In affirmative sentences, positive functions as an to convey a of current or recent change, often glossed as "nowadays" or "these days," contrasting with past norms. This usage embeds anymore within positive declarative structures, in various positions including post-verbally, after the subject, or utterance-initially, to emphasize ongoing developments. For instance, in around the early 1990s, speakers employed constructions like "Anymore we watch videos rather than go to the movies," where anymore implies that video viewing has supplanted cinema outings as the habitual choice in contemporary times. A dialectal variant appears in Midland U.S. English, as in "The prices are high anymore," which highlights an enduring economic shift toward elevated costs, implying the trend holds "nowadays, unlike before." An utterance-initial example includes "Anymore, they don't make cars like that," signaling a current observation about practices. This example illustrates how positive anymore integrates into everyday affirmative statements to mark temporal progression without . Such structures adhere to flexible placement rules for insertion in these dialects.

Comparative Constructions

Positive anymore is distinguished from its standard negative usage primarily through contrasting in sentence constructions. In negative contexts, anymore functions as a negative item, indicating cessation of a previously habitual action or state, as in the example "We don't eat out anymore," which implies that the activity has stopped occurring. In contrast, positive anymore appears in affirmative sentences to denote a current or ongoing state, often with the sense of "nowadays," as seen in "We eat out more anymore," suggesting continuation or an increase in the frequency of the activity relative to the past. This reversal highlights how positive anymore carries an implicature of persistence or escalation, whereas the negative form conveys discontinuation. Such paired constructions underscore the semantic opposition: the positive variant implies a shift from past infrequency or absence to present prevalence (e.g., "Gas prices are higher ," meaning they are notably high now), while the negative implies the inverse, a decline from past presence to current absence (e.g., "Gas prices aren't as high "). This difference in arises from the affirmative relaxing the downward-entailing requirement of the negative form, allowing anymore to signal temporal progression rather than endpoint. In non-dialectal varieties of English, the positive use of anymore is perceived as nonstandard and may evoke surprise or correction among speakers unfamiliar with regional dialects where it occurs, such as in . This dialectal restriction reinforces the comparative divide, as reserves anymore strictly for negated or contexts to avoid .

Linguistic Properties

Syntactic Features

Positive anymore functions as a positive , restricted to affirmative clauses and incompatible with or downward-entailing contexts, in direct contrast to the standard negative item anymore, which requires a licensing negative such as "not" (e.g., "She doesn't visit anymore"). This status ensures that positive anymore can only express a shift to a current or ongoing state in positive assertions, rendering negated versions ungrammatical for its positive sense (e.g., "*We don't eat anymore"). Regarding its positional flexibility, positive anymore demonstrates limited mobility, typically occurring in sentence-final or post-verbal positions within the . Common placements include at the end of the sentence, as in "Gas is expensive anymore," or directly after the , as in "They travel frequently anymore." Fronting to utterance-initial position is possible and accepted by many speakers in relevant dialects, e.g., "Anymore, gas is expensive," though it may be less common than sentence-final placement. Positive anymore also shows compatibility with present-tense emphatic constructions involving modals or in relevant dialects, permitting emphatic affirmations like "We do go to the movies anymore" to underscore the habitual present action without violating its affirmative requirement. This integration allows it to co-occur with that reinforce positive assertions in the current timeframe, aligning with its restriction to non-future tenses.

Semantic Nuances

The core semantics of positive anymore revolve around encoding a between a past state and the current present state, carrying a change-of-state that highlights a shift, such as "now it's different" from how it used to be. This involves a negative about the past (e.g., the situation did not hold previously) coupled with a positive assertion about the present, distinguishing it from the standard negative item anymore, which denies continuation. Seminal analyses, such as those by Labov, emphasize that positive anymore implies or asserts the past state while simultaneously asserting the present, creating an interpretive layer of temporal transition without necessarily implying disapproval or in all contexts. In terms of aspectual role, positive anymore introduces a nuance of recency or ongoing change, focusing on the establishment of a current state that has developed over time, akin to adverbs like "lately" or "these days." This aspectual contribution underscores an ongoing present condition resulting from prior change, aligning with broader patterns in dialectal English where it signals recency or habitual present action contrasting with earlier absence. Studies like Chambers' highlight its role in emphasizing contemporary , often in speech, without altering the event's but enriching its temporal framing. Its primary function remains temporal, rooted in change-of-state implications, as Labov notes in inter-dialectal reactions where non-users interpret it via extra-linguistic cues. Such nuances complement its syntactic placements, typically at sentence end or after , without relying on licensing.

Reception and Analysis

Prescriptive Perspectives

Prescriptive grammarians have long viewed the use of anymore in positive contexts as nonstandard or erroneous, primarily because it deviates from the traditional association of the with negative items (NPIs), which are licensed only in negative, , or conditional environments. This perspective treats positive anymore—as in "Gas prices are high anymore"—as an illogical extension of its negative form, such as "Gas prices aren't low anymore," arguing that the affirmative application undermines the word's established semantic constraints. A prominent example of this normative stance appears in (5th ed., 2022), where classifies positive anymore as a "Stage 1: Rejected" misuse on his Language-Change Index, indicating it is widely rejected in despite limited dialectal occurrence. These views prioritize logical consistency and conformity to standard usage over , positioning positive anymore as unsuitable for formal writing or speech. In contrast to such judgments, descriptive linguistic studies acknowledge its systematic role in specific varieties of English.

Descriptive Studies

Descriptive studies in and have established positive anymore—the use of the in affirmative contexts to mean "nowadays"—as a stable and legitimate feature of certain varieties. , Sharon Ash, and Charles Boberg's The (2006) provides comprehensive mapping of its distribution, identifying primary concentrations in the Inland North and Midland regions, with scattered occurrences in areas like , , and parts of the , based on phonetic and grammatical surveys of over 800 communities. This work validates positive anymore through empirical collection, showing it as a consistent syntactic variant rather than an error. Complementing this, the Yale Grammatical Diversity Project documents positive anymore as a non-negative item, drawing on crowdsourced and archival to illustrate its syntactic patterns and semantic shift toward indicating recent changes in state, with examples like "Gas prices are high anymore." Dictionary treatments further affirm the legitimacy of positive anymore without prescriptive . Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary recognizes its affirmative sense in regional U.S. English, particularly in speech outside , citing examples such as "Everybody’s cool anymore" and noting its Midland origins now widespread in informal usage. Similarly, The American Heritage Dictionary describes it as widely employed in positive sentences across regional to convey "nowadays," exemplified by "We use a anymore," drawn from linguistic atlases. The includes historical positive examples, tracing the construction to English influences with an earliest attestation from 1898 in , such as uses implying ongoing or recent developments. Sociolinguistic research highlights the persistence of positive anymore in specific communities. Studies indicate correlations with age, with declining acceptability among younger speakers, as shown in post-2000 surveys. The Yale project's ongoing analysis, including a 2019 survey-based study on its geographical and syntactic distribution with 600 responses (published 2021), documents its distribution and notes potential waning vitality, with no strong evidence of sociolinguistic stratification by class. This underscores its role as a variant in descriptive linguistics, though its future in dialects remains under observation.