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Prorogation

Prorogation is the procedural act by which a session of a parliament in Westminster-derived systems is formally terminated, suspending legislative business until the commencement of the subsequent session. It differs from dissolution, which ends the entire parliamentary term and triggers elections, as prorogation preserves the existence of the legislature while halting its proceedings, including the lapse of unfinished bills unless provisions for carryover exist. Initiated by the —typically the —and executed through a proclamation by the or , prorogation historically served to structure parliamentary calendars, allowing recesses for reflection or elections without fully interrupting the body's . In practice, it clears the legislative agenda, nullifying pending questions, motions, and committees, though select carryover mechanisms have been introduced in jurisdictions like the to mitigate disruptions. While routine in most cases, prorogation's exercise of prerogative power has sparked controversies when perceived as a tool to evade scrutiny, as evidenced by judicial interventions affirming limits on its duration and purpose; for instance, Canada's 2008 prorogation delayed a vote amid government-minority tensions, and the United Kingdom's 2019 five-week prorogation was ruled unlawful by the for excessively frustrating Parliament's ability to hold the executive accountable. These episodes underscore prorogation's dual role as both administrative necessity and potential check on legislative oversight, with courts increasingly scrutinizing its under constitutional conventions.

Definition and Purpose

Core Mechanisms and Effects

Prorogation is effected through a exercised by , typically on the advice of the , via a formal that declares the end of the current parliamentary session. This is read in both the and the (or equivalent chambers in other systems), immediately terminating all active parliamentary proceedings without requiring legislative approval. Unlike , which ends the parliament entirely and triggers elections, prorogation preserves the existence of the legislature, allowing members to retain their seats until a subsequent . The core effect of prorogation is the suspension of legislative and oversight functions, clearing the of unfinished business. Bills that have not received lapse entirely, with no automatic carry-over between sessions unless specific statutory provisions apply in exceptional cases, such as certain money bills or hybrid procedures in jurisdictions like . Select committees and their investigations are dissolved, though final reports may be tabled for in the next session; motions, questions, and debates are dropped, halting direct parliamentary of the . During prorogation, the continues to operate administratively and can issue orders in council or secondary , but it faces reduced accountability as cannot convene for debates, votes of confidence, or inquiries. This mechanism allows the to reset the legislative agenda for the forthcoming session, often aligning it more closely with priorities, though prolonged prorogations—such as the five-week period ordered in the on August 28, 2019—can limit 's influence over urgent matters like budgetary approvals or ratifications. In practice, sessions typically last one to two years before prorogation, with the timing strategically chosen to avoid defeats on key . Prorogation terminates a parliamentary session without ending the itself, allowing the same members to convene for a subsequent session, whereas concludes the entire Parliament and mandates a to form a new one. During prorogation, all unfinished legislative business, such as pending bills and motions, lapses and must be reintroduced in the new session, but select committees may continue their work or report findings. In contrast, not only halts all parliamentary proceedings but also vacates all seats, requiring to seek re-election. Adjournment differs from prorogation as it represents a temporary interruption within an ongoing session, permitting Parliament to resume business without resetting the legislative agenda or lapsing bills. Prorogation, by ending the session, imposes a more definitive pause, during which neither House nor committees typically meet, though certain documents can still be laid before Parliament. Adjournments can occur daily, for recesses, or over holidays, maintaining continuity, whereas prorogation aligns with annual cycles to structure sessions around the legislative program, such as following the State Opening.
Parliamentary ActionEffect on SessionEffect on ParliamentImpact on Legislation and BusinessLeads to Election?
ProrogationEnds current session; new session followsContinues with same membersUnfinished bills lapse; motions die; committees may persistNo
Ends session and entire termTerminates; seats vacatedAll business ceases; new Parliament starts anewYes
AdjournmentTemporary pause within sessionUnaffectedBusiness resumes without lapseNo
Suspension, less formalized in Westminster systems, may occur informally for security or procedural reasons but does not equate to prorogation's structured termination of a session; for instance, the 2019 prorogation attempt was distinguished from mere as it aimed to reset the legislative calendar, though ultimately deemed unlawful for excessive duration. Prorogation's effects are procedural and anticipatory of a new session's agenda, avoiding the electoral reset of while exceeding adjournment's brevity.

Historical Development

Origins in Ancient Rome

In ancient Rome, prorogatio imperii denoted the legal extension of a magistrate's (imperium) beyond the standard annual , enabling former consuls or praetors to serve as promagistrates (pro consule or pro praetore) in military commands or provincial administration. This mechanism addressed the Republic's growing administrative and military demands, particularly after territorial expansions, by retaining experienced leaders rather than relying solely on newly elected officials. The typically decreed the prorogation, though early instances involved popular assemblies, ensuring continuity without violating the principle of annual magistracies. The earliest documented prorogation occurred in 326 BC during the Second Samnite War, when the consul Publius Publilius Philo had his imperium extended to prosecute ongoing operations against Samnite forces, as recorded by Livy. This innovation arose from wartime necessities, where abrupt term endings risked operational failures; Philo's extension allowed sustained pressure on enemies without awaiting new elections. By the 3rd century BC, such extensions became routine for praetors managing nascent provinces, with the practice formalizing after the First Punic War (264–241 BC), when Sicily's annexation required prolonged governance to stabilize Roman control over acquired territories. Etymologically, prorogatio stems from the verb prorogāre, meaning "to prolong" or "to extend forward," originally tied to proposing or deferring legislative matters but adapted for magisterial terms. As Rome's empire grew, prorogation evolved into a cornerstone of republican governance, with nearly all provincial governors operating as promagistrates by the late Republic; this shifted authority dynamics, often leading to prolonged commands that foreshadowed personal ambitions, as seen in figures like Scipio Africanus, whose 218 BC prorogation enabled his Iberian campaign against Hannibal. However, the procedure remained a pragmatic response to expansionist pressures rather than a deliberate power grab, maintaining senatorial oversight amid annual turnover.

Evolution in English and British Constitutional Practice

The practice of prorogation emerged in medieval as a mechanism for to suspend parliamentary sessions without , with the first recorded instance occurring in 1399 during Henry IV's reign, where it served as a recess allowing continuation of business in a subsequent sitting. By the fifteenth century, monarchs routinely employed prorogation to dismiss assemblies after securing tax approvals, often arbitrarily, which generated parliamentary resentment but underscored the sovereign's control over legislative timing. This early usage distinguished prorogation from , the latter being a shorter, house-initiated break that preserved bills, while prorogation terminated unfinished unless specially carried over. In the Tudor era, prorogation became a tool for managing contentious debates, as exemplified by Elizabeth I's multiple suspensions between 1572 and 1581—proroguing on ten occasions from 1572 to 1576 and twenty-six times from 1576 to 1581—to curb discussions on sensitive issues like royal marriage proposals, such as in 1559 when she avoided public scrutiny of a potential union with Francis, Duke of Alençon. The practice formalized during the , with journals shifting terminology from "continuavit" to "prorogavit" in the 1530s–1540s to reflect multi-session parliaments, and commissions occasionally used for adjournments to salvage bills, as in 1584. Tensions escalated under the early Stuarts, where prorogation fueled constitutional conflicts; dissolved in 1614 amid funding disputes and attempted forced adjournments in 1621, which the resisted by asserting self-adjournment rights. 's 1629 prorogation of a hostile assembly opposing unauthorized taxes led to an eleven-year suspension without reconvention, exacerbating grievances that contributed to the . In response, the 1641 under mandated parliamentary consent for prorogations or dissolutions exceeding fifty days and required triennial meetings, curtailing royal discretion. Post-Restoration, the 1664 Triennial Act relaxed these limits, enabling to prorogue Parliament for fifteen months in 1675, yet the of 1688–1689 shifted dynamics toward annual sessions driven by the Crown's financial dependence on parliamentary supply, establishing a of regular meetings by 1692 without formal statutory enforcement. The Bill of Rights 1689 implicitly reinforced parliamentary continuity by prohibiting suspensions of law without consent, though prorogation retained its prerogative status. By the nineteenth century, prorogation evolved into a more procedural instrument amid growing ; the Prorogation Act 1867 streamlined short recesses via proclamation, reducing ceremonial burdens. From 1854, royal commissions formalized the process, transitioning effective control to ministers advising the Crown, a convention solidified over a century. In contemporary practice since the 1980s, prorogations have shortened to typically under two weeks—often mere days—marking routine session ends, with the announcing on the sovereign's behalf, though carry-over provisions for bills emerged in the late twentieth century, as with the Financial Services and Markets Bill in 1998–99. This reflects a shift from monarchical weaponization to facilitation of legislative cycles, bounded by conventions of accountability rather than absolute .

Constitutional and Procedural Framework

Prerogative Nature and Executive Authority

Prorogation constitutes a power, originating from the inherent authority of and uncodified in statute, whereby the executive may terminate a ary session without ary consent. This prerogative, rooted in and constitutional convention, allows the to prorogue on the advice of ministers, distinguishing it from legislative processes that require bicameral approval. Unlike , which ends a entirely, prorogation preserves the body's existence but halts its proceedings until a new session is summoned. In Westminster parliamentary systems, executive authority over prorogation vests primarily in the , who tenders formal advice to the or viceregal representative, such as a in realms like or . The acts in a formal capacity without discretion, rendering the decision effectively unilateral to the government, which remains politically accountable to for its exercise once reconvened. This structure underscores the separation wherein the executive initiates session endings to manage legislative timing, often aligning with governmental priorities like budget cycles or agenda resets, without statutory limits on duration beyond constitutional maxima in some jurisdictions. Judicial oversight has affirmed the justiciability of where motives undermine , as established in the 2019 UK ruling, yet the core prerogative endures as an tool unbound by prior legislative . In practice, prorogations occur routinely—typically lasting weeks to facilitate procedural breaks—but extended uses have tested the balance, prompting calls for statutory reform to curb potential overreach without eroding the prerogative's foundational role in constitutional flexibility.

Involvement of the Crown or Governor-General

In constitutional monarchies following the Westminster model, prorogation is a royal prerogative formally exercised by the Crown, represented either by the sovereign in the United Kingdom or by the Governor-General in Commonwealth realms such as Canada and Australia. This authority stems from the Crown's historical role in summoning, maintaining, and ending parliamentary sessions, distinct from dissolution which ends a parliament altogether. The act typically occurs via proclamation, speech from the throne, or ceremonial announcement in the upper house, marking the end of the session without terminating the legislative body's term. The decision to prorogue originates with the executive—usually the advising the —but or provides the formal assent, rendering it effective. In practice, this involvement is ceremonial, as the is exercised on ministerial absent exceptional circumstances warranting reserve powers, such as preventing unconstitutional governance. Historical precedents, including the 2008 Canadian prorogation and the 2019 case R (Miller) v The Prime Minister, illustrate judicial scrutiny of the process, affirming that while 's role is formal, prorogations must align with constitutional principles rather than executive overreach. Governor-Generals, as the monarch's viceroys, mirror this role in dominions, proroguing upon prime ministerial request while retaining theoretical discretion derived from the Crown's . For instance, under section 5 of the , the holds explicit authority to prorogue, though conventionally bound by advice. This structure underscores the Crown's position as a constitutional safeguard, ensuring prorogation serves parliamentary function rather than partisan delay, though reliance on executive initiative has prompted debates over codifying limits.

Effects on Legislation and Accountability

Prorogation terminates the of , causing all unfinished bills, motions, and orders to lapse unless explicitly carried over to the subsequent session by agreement among parliamentary authorities. In the , for instance, public bills undergoing scrutiny may be preserved through carry-over provisions, but this requires and is not automatic, often leading to delays or abandonment of complex ; and bills typically fall entirely. This mechanism allows the to effectively reset the legislative agenda without dissolving or triggering an , potentially frustrating ongoing law-making processes that demand sustained parliamentary attention. The suspension of proceedings also halts all forms of parliamentary scrutiny, including ministerial question times, debates on government policy, and investigations by select committees, thereby interrupting the legislature's role in holding the accountable. During the prorogued period, members of are released from attendance duties, and mechanisms such as oral and written questions to ministers cease, reducing immediate oversight of government actions and expenditures. In jurisdictions like , prorogation similarly ends committee work and substantive proceedings, with the House of procedure manual noting that it terminates business to enable preparation for a new session, though this can shield the government from adverse votes of confidence or inquiries into controversies. Constitutionally, these effects underscore prorogation's dual role as a procedural reset and a potential tool for executive dominance, where prolonged or untimely use may undermine democratic accountability by excluding Parliament from deliberating critical issues, as evidenced in judicial reviews of specific instances. Courts in the UK have ruled that prorogation becomes unlawful if it prevents Parliament from exercising its legislative and supervisory functions without compelling justification, emphasizing that the power must not frustrate the fundamental balance between branches of government. Such interruptions can delay accountability for executive decisions, including fiscal matters or international negotiations, until the new session convenes, often after weeks or months.

Applications and Controversies by Jurisdiction

United Kingdom

In the , prorogation marks the end of a session of without dissolving the legislature, a process exercised as a on the advice of the . The procedure involves a formal announcement made by a commissioner appointed by the , typically read in the and addressed to both Houses, signaling the cessation of parliamentary proceedings until the next session's opening. This act, rooted in constitutional convention, has historically occurred routinely at the conclusion of sessions, often lasting from a few days to several weeks, allowing time for recesses while preserving the Parliament's existence. Upon prorogation, nearly all parliamentary business halts, including pending bills (which lapse unless designated for carry-over under specific standing orders), select committee inquiries, and motions; only essential administrative functions persist. Unlike ahead of elections, prorogation does not trigger new general elections but suspends legislative and debate, underscoring its role in balancing initiative with parliamentary . Sessions have varied in length historically, with prorogations since 1900 averaging short durations, though exceptional cases extended them for political purposes, such as II's use in the to evade debates on the Exclusion Bill or Elizabeth I's in 1559 to sidestep discussions. The most significant modern controversy arose in 2019, when Prime Minister advised Queen Elizabeth II to prorogue from 9 September to 14 October—a five-week period encompassing the deadline of 31 October—to facilitate a new Queen's Speech outlining legislative priorities. Critics, including opposition parliamentarians, argued this extended suspension aimed to limit scrutiny of the government's strategy amid legislative gridlock. On 24 September 2019, the unanimously ruled the prorogation unlawful in R (Miller) v Prime Minister, holding that while prorogation is justiciable, the decision lacked reasonable justification and frustrated 's ability to function, thereby undermining fundamental constitutional principles of and accountability to voters. The Court declared the order void , restoring 's operations without retroactive effect on prior acts. This established that prorogation must not prevent from exercising its legislative and oversight roles without compelling reason, introducing judicial oversight to what was previously an executive-dominated . Post-2019, prorogations have adhered to shorter, routine timelines, as seen in the 2024 prorogation on 24 May ahead of the general election, reflecting the precedent's constraint on prolonged suspensions. The episode highlighted tensions in the unwritten constitution, where executive advice to intersects with , though it did not alter the formal mechanism.

Canada

In Canada, prorogation ends a session of without dissolving the body, suspending all legislative proceedings, unfinished bills, and committee inquiries until the next session opens with a . The formally prorogues on the advice of the , typically via royal proclamation published in the Canada Gazette or, less commonly, in the Senate chamber. This mechanism, inherited from parliamentary tradition, allows the to reset the legislative agenda but has drawn scrutiny when perceived as evading , as all government oversight ceases during the interval. The underscores the Governor General's role as a holder, though grants of prorogation are conventionally routine and rarely refused. Prorogation differs from , which triggers an ; post-prorogation, the same reconvenes unless dissolved separately. Historically routine—often occurring once per parliamentary term between elections—it gained controversy in modern usage for interrupting non-confidence threats or scandals. A prominent case occurred on December 4, 2008, when advised Michaëlle Jean to prorogue the 40th until January 26, 2009, averting a likely non-confidence defeat by an opposition coalition amid economic stimulus debates. Critics, including opposition leaders, condemned it as an abuse to sidestep parliamentary scrutiny, prompting public protests and calls for reforms like requiring approval. Jean's assent, after a 30-minute private meeting, was defended as upholding constitutional convention but fueled debate on reserve powers. Another instance arose on August 18, 2020, when Prime Minister requested prorogation until September 23, 2020, amid the scandal involving government contracts and the pandemic's demands on legislative priorities. The government later attributed the move to refocusing on pandemic response, though opposition parties alleged it delayed inquiries into ethics violations; a Commons procedure committee report in 2021 found no procedural breach but noted heightened partisanship. This followed Trudeau's unusual first term without prorogation, highlighting its tactical deployment. Most recently, on January 6, 2025, requested prorogation until March 24, 2025, coinciding with his announcement to resign as leader post-leadership contest, suspending during the transition. Democracy Watch challenged this in , arguing it undermined accountability amid ongoing fiscal and debates, though constitutional experts deemed it neither illegal nor unprecedented. These episodes illustrate prorogation's as administrative tool and potential shield against legislative opposition, with no binding reforms enacted despite recurrent proposals.

Australia

In Australia, is the formal mechanism by which the terminates a session of the federal , pursuant to section 5 of the , which empowers the to "prorogue the Parliament and the Houses thereof". This power is exercised on the advice of the , reflecting the that the acts as a representative of in a system of . Unlike , which ends the entirely and triggers a under , preserves the life of the while closing the current session, allowing for the commencement of a new one without altering the composition of the or . The effects of prorogation are immediate and procedural: all unfinished business, including bills that have not received , lapses and does not carry over to the subsequent session. Committees cease to exist, and their proceedings end, though reports may inform future work. Questions on notice and other parliamentary orders terminate, requiring reintroduction if needed. This reset function distinguishes prorogation from mere adjournments, which suspend sittings temporarily without ending the session. The provides no explicit guidance on frequency or timing, leaving it to executive discretion, though it has been described as a tool for managing the parliamentary calendar rather than a subject to independent vice-regal judgment in ordinary circumstances. Historically, Australian Parliaments have comprised multiple sessions separated by prorogation, but since the mid-20th century, most have operated as single-session terms to align with electoral cycles, with prorogation typically occurring concurrently with dissolution ahead of elections. For instance, on 11 April 2022, Governor-General David Hurley prorogued the 46th Parliament on Prime Minister Scott Morrison's advice, immediately followed by dissolution for the federal election. A rare standalone use occurred on 21 March 2016 under Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, when prorogation ended the session of the 44th Parliament, enabling an early recall on 18 April for urgent budget legislation without dissolving the houses. Similarly, on 28 March 2025, Governor-General Sam Mostyn prorogued the 47th Parliament ahead of its anticipated dissolution. Unlike in jurisdictions such as Canada, Australian prorogations have not sparked significant constitutional disputes, operating within established conventions without judicial intervention.

India

In India, prorogation of is governed by Article 85(2)(a) of the , which authorizes the to prorogue either the or the , or both Houses, at any time. This power is exercised on the aid and advice of the headed by the , rendering it an executive function without direct parliamentary veto. Prorogation terminates the current session, lapsing all pending notices, motions, and resolutions, but it does not affect the life of the Houses—unlike , which applies only to the under Article 85(2)(b). The , being a permanent body with one-third of members retiring every two years, undergoes only prorogation and never . The procedure involves the issuing a or commission, often following a recommendation from the government via the Cabinet Secretariat. typically holds three sessions annually—Budget (February to May), (July to September), and Winter (November to December)—with prorogation marking the end of each, ensuring no gap exceeds six months between sessions as mandated by 85(1). Upon prorogation, members are notified via parliamentary bulletins and press communiqués, and the Houses must be summoned anew for the next session. Bills pending between Houses at prorogation do not lapse, allowing continuity, though inter-House disagreements may persist until resolved or the dissolves. Unlike in jurisdictions such as the or , prorogation in has rarely sparked judicial challenges or major controversies, reflecting its routine use to conclude sessions without undermining legislative continuity. The executive's discretion under Article 85 is considered absolute, potentially allowing prorogation to facilitate ordinances under Article 123 by resetting parliamentary scrutiny, though no ruling has invalidated such actions on grounds of abuse. Historical instances, such as prorogations following Lok Sabha dissolutions in 1991 and 1997, proceeded without dispute, underscoring the mechanism's alignment with India's .

New Zealand

In , prorogation is authorised by section 18 of the Constitution Act 1986, which grants the the power to prorogue by proclamation, typically on the advice of the . This executive action terminates the current parliamentary session without dissolving Parliament itself, suspending all legislative business, including the lapsing of unfinished bills and the cessation of committee proceedings. Unlike mere adjournment, which allows Parliament to resume without resetting the session, prorogation necessitates a new summoning and State Opening for the subsequent session, effectively clearing the legislative docket. Prorogation has become obsolete in modern practice, with now relying on s to manage recesses, as prorogation offers negligible benefits and disrupts continuity. The most recent use occurred in 1991, invoked during an adjournment to facilitate an emergency recall for debate on 's response to the , after which it was summoned anew. Prior to this, prorogations happened sporadically until the late 20th century, but the shift to under the and streamlined session management rendered it redundant. Historically, prorogation featured in early colonial governance, including a contentious 1854 incident in New Zealand's inaugural parliamentary session, where Governor George Grey's attempt to prorogue via proclamation sparked a standoff with legislators over procedural authority. This reflected tensions between executive prerogatives inherited from British practice and emerging local parliamentary norms. Under New Zealand's constitutional conventions, the power remains non-justiciable and unbound by parliamentary consent, underscoring the Governor-General's role as a conduit for responsible government advice rather than an independent actor. No significant controversies akin to those in other Westminster realms have arisen, owing to its rarity and alignment with ministerial accountability.

Pakistan

In Pakistan, the Constitution of 1973 grants the President the authority to summon and prorogue sessions of the Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament), comprising the National Assembly and Senate, under Article 54(1). This provision allows the President to convene either House, both Houses, or a joint sitting at times and for periods deemed necessary for legislative business, with the requirement that no more than six months elapse between sessions of a House. Prorogation ends a session sine die without dissolving Parliament, distinguishing it from dissolution under Article 69, which triggers elections. Unlike dissolution, prorogation does not cause pending bills to lapse; Article 76 ensures such bills carry over to the next session unless a general election intervenes. The President's prorogation power operates within a parliamentary framework where executive actions are generally advised by the and per Article 48, though summoning and prorogation retain some discretionary elements tied to legislative needs. In practice, prorogation is routine for concluding sessions after legislative agendas are addressed or due to issues, but it has been invoked amid procedural disruptions. For instance, on January 1, 2022, a session convened briefly to meet constitutional requirements but was prorogued indefinitely after only 12 minutes owing to insufficient member attendance below the threshold. Controversial applications have arisen during political instability. On April 28, 2009, the was prorogued abruptly without debating government strategies on , prompting criticism from opposition lawmakers who viewed it as evading . Similarly, in March 2003, the session was prorogued following uproar over proposed constitutional amendments, allowing time for negotiations between government and opposition but halting immediate proceedings. These instances highlight prorogation's role in managing legislative gridlock, though it has not faced the same judicial scrutiny as dissolutions, which the has invalidated in cases like the 1990s under Article 58(2)(b) before its repeal. Overall, prorogation in serves procedural efficiency rather than executive overreach, with the President's role ceremonial in stable governments but potentially influential during transitions, as seen in post-2018 election prorogations under President to align sessions with new legislative priorities. No major constitutional challenges to prorogation itself have succeeded, underscoring its acceptance as a standard tool distinct from more contentious powers like .

Northern Ireland

The , operational since 1921 under the , was prorogued indefinitely on 28 March 1972 following the resignation of and his cabinet. This action, enacted through the Northern Ireland (Temporary Provisions) Act 1972, responded to the government's perceived failure to contain escalating violence, including over 400 deaths that year amid , civil rights protests, and intercommunal clashes. The prorogation suspended the devolved legislature without formal dissolution, transferring its powers—including security, justice, and finance—to by the UK Parliament via the newly created , with as the . The decision, announced by Prime Minister on 24 March 1972, aimed to restore order after events like and the breakdown of unionist authority, but it proved highly controversial, viewed by many unionists as an unconstitutional overreach by that ended 50 years of autonomous governance. No writs were issued for vacancies, and the prorogation persisted until the parliament's abolition under the , which dissolved remaining structures and precluded restoration without new constitutional arrangements. Subsequent attempts at devolution, such as the 1973 , also faced prorogation; that body was dissolved and prorogued under the amid power-sharing failures, reverting to until the 1998 . In the modern , established by the , prorogation is not explicitly provided for in statute, with dysfunction typically addressed through suspension by the Speaker or failure to form an Executive rather than formal session-ending by the Secretary of State or .

United States and Analogous Practices

In the , the federal legislature operates without a monarchical prorogation mechanism, but analogous practices occur through , which terminates a session of without dissolving the body itself. This Latin term, meaning "without day," signifies an adjournment without specifying a reconvening date, effectively ending legislative business for that session while allowing the to resume in a subsequent session of the same two-year term. Typically, each holds two sessions: the first convening in January following an election year, and the second as a ending on January 3 of the odd-numbered year. itself effects sine die adjournment via , as seen in the 118th Congress's adjournment on December 20, 2024. The U.S. Constitution provides a limited executive role in under Article II, Section 3, empowering the to adjourn both houses "in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of " to a time the deems proper. This bicameral serves as a constitutional backstop to prevent but requires genuine disagreement between the and on adjournment timing, and it has never been invoked by any since in 1789. Legal scholars note its narrow scope, interpreting it as tied to the 's convening power and insufficient for unilateral session termination akin to prorogation in parliamentary systems. Distinctions exist between sine die adjournment and recesses, the latter suspending proceedings temporarily without ending a session, often limited to under three days without interchamber consent per Article I, Section 5. Recesses exceeding three days enable presidential recess appointments under Article II, Section 2, clause 3, but do not equate to session termination. At the state level, legislatures follow similar sine die practices to conclude annual or biennial sessions, with governors holding analogous limited powers to prorogue or convene special sessions in some constitutions, such as California's allowance for gubernatorial prorogation of . These mechanisms prioritize legislative over override, reflecting the Constitution's .

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