Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

Reconstruction Amendments

The Reconstruction Amendments are the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth amendments to the , ratified in 1865, 1868, and 1870, respectively, which collectively abolished , conferred birthright citizenship and equal protection against state deprivation of life, liberty, or property without , and barred denial of voting rights on grounds of , color, or previous condition of servitude. Enacted amid the following the , these amendments sought to constitutionalize the emancipation of approximately four million enslaved and to constrain Southern states from reinstituting forms of coerced labor or denying basic to freedmen through measures such as Black Codes. The Thirteenth Amendment explicitly prohibited and involuntary servitude except as punishment for crime, marking the legal culmination of abolitionist efforts predating the war, while authorizing to enforce its provisions. The Fourteenth Amendment redefined national citizenship to include all persons born or naturalized in the United States—overturning the decision's exclusion of —and empowered federal intervention against discriminatory state laws, apportioning congressional representation to penalize voter disenfranchisement, and disqualifying certain former Confederate officials from office unless Congress waived such bars. Its equal protection and clauses laid groundwork for expansive federal oversight of individual rights, though early rulings, such as the of 1873, narrowly construed its privileges-or-immunities clause to limit protections primarily to national citizenship rather than broader civil rights. The Fifteenth Amendment extended to black male citizens, prohibiting states from abridging the vote based on race, yet it omitted women and permitted non-racial barriers like poll taxes and literacy tests that Southern legislatures exploited to suppress black participation. Despite their transformative intent to integrate freed slaves into the polity as equals, the amendments' enforcement faltered after the withdrawal of federal troops from the in 1877, enabling widespread circumvention via , vigilante violence, and judicial deference to state authority, as evidenced by the 1896 decision upholding "" segregation under the Fourteenth Amendment's . These provisions nonetheless provided the constitutional foundation for 20th-century civil rights advancements, including the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which invoked the Fifteenth Amendment to dismantle persistent discriminatory practices. The amendments' ratification required Southern states' readmission to the Union under congressional , reflecting a shift in federal-state power dynamics that prioritized national supremacy in safeguarding liberties over claims rooted in prewar precedents.

Historical Context

Antebellum Constitutional Framework and Slavery

The Constitution, ratified in 1788, incorporated several provisions that accommodated and perpetuated chattel as a condition for Southern ratification, reflecting a pragmatic among framers to form a viable despite deep sectional divisions over human bondage. Article I, Section 9, Clause 1 implicitly recognized the institution by prohibiting from banning the international slave trade before 1808, allowing an estimated 250,000 additional Africans to be imported into the between 1801 and 1808. These accommodations prioritized political stability over moral uniformity, embedding within the federal structure without explicit endorsement, which enabled its expansion and legal entrenchment for over seven decades. The , enshrined in Article I, Section 2, Clause 3, counted enslaved persons as three-fifths of a person for purposes of congressional apportionment and direct taxation, granting slaveholding states disproportionate representation in the and the without corresponding taxation obligations on their full enslaved populations. This mechanism amplified Southern political influence, as slave states held a slim majority in the from onward, facilitating pro-slavery policies such as the expansion into ; for instance, by 1860, the clause contributed to Southern dominance in electing presidents who protected slavery's interests. Scholarly analysis indicates this compromise did not confer partial humanity but strategically bolstered slave states' leverage, countering Northern arguments for full exclusion while avoiding a complete count that would have further empowered the South. Article IV, Section 2, Clause 3, known as the Fugitive Slave Clause, mandated the extradition of escaped slaves across state lines, declaring that no person "held to Service or Labour" in one state, escaping to another, could be freed by local laws but must be "delivered up" to their claimant. Enforced initially by the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793, which authorized federal magistrates to adjudicate claims with minimal , the provision compelled Northern states to participate in slavery's maintenance, overriding personal liberty laws in states like and leading to over 1,000 estimated returns of fugitives before ; resistance, such as personal liberty laws passed in 13 Northern states by 1850, highlighted federalism's tensions but ultimately yielded to Supreme Court rulings like Prigg v. Pennsylvania (1842), which affirmed federal supremacy in enforcement. This clause causally reinforced slavery's geographic hold by deterring escapes and imposing national complicity. The Supreme Court's decision in (1857) further constitutionalized 's protections, ruling that , whether enslaved or free, were not citizens and thus lacked standing to sue in courts, while affirming slaves as property protected under the Fifth Amendment's against territorial restrictions. Chief Justice Roger Taney's opinion declared powerless to exclude from territories, invalidating the of 1820 as exceeding constitutional bounds, a holding that empirically expanded 's potential domain by nullifying prior congressional limits and intensifying sectional conflict over Western expansion. This 7-2 ruling, grounded in originalist interpretation of framers' intent to safeguard property rights, underscored the judiciary's role in shielding from democratic majorities. Complementing federal accommodations, antebellum Southern states enacted Black Codes—restrictive statutes targeting Blacks, who numbered about 250,000 by 1860, comprising less than 2% of the Southern population—to curtail their autonomy and prevent challenges to the slave system. Examples included South Carolina's 1820 laws requiring Blacks to secure white guardians for legal affairs and prohibiting them from assembling without white overseers, while Louisiana's codes barred Blacks from owning firearms or testifying against whites in court; these measures, upheld under state sovereignty, illustrated federalism's causal inadequacy in safeguarding individual , as the offered no uniform protections against discriminatory state laws, allowing Blacks to be treated as quasi-servile classes to maintain .

Civil War Catalyst and Preliminary Emancipation Efforts

The , commencing on April 12, , with the Confederate attack on , fundamentally challenged the persistence of within a preserved , as Southern was explicitly driven by the defense of the institution against perceived federal threats to its expansion. Abraham Lincoln's initial objective was the of the without direct interference in where it already existed, as articulated in his March 4, , inaugural , where he no intent to abolish it in the states. However, the war's progression revealed 's role in sustaining the rebellion, rendering its toleration incompatible with victory, as Confederate reliance on enslaved labor for and production prolonged the conflict. Early legislative responses included the First Confiscation Act of August 6, 1861, which authorized the seizure of property, including employed in aiding the rebellion, treating them as "contraband of war" rather than granting outright . The Second Confiscation Act, enacted on July 17, 1862, expanded this by declaring that of disloyal owners would be freed upon reaching lines, effectively functioning as a limited measure applicable to Confederate supporters. These acts, rooted in wartime presidential and congressional powers, bypassed traditional property rights but remained provisional, dependent on military enforcement and vulnerable to reversal post-war, thus highlighting the inadequacy of statutory measures against entrenched state laws protecting . The Emancipation Proclamation, issued preliminarily on September 22, 1862, following the Battle of Antietam, and effective January 1, 1863, marked a pivotal shift by declaring enslaved people in designated Confederate territories free, but it explicitly exempted Union-controlled areas within the Confederacy and the four slaveholding border states (Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri) to avoid alienating loyal populations. Limited to areas beyond federal jurisdiction, the proclamation relied on Union military advances for enforcement and did not extend to over 500,000 slaves in loyal areas, underscoring its status as a war measure under Article II rather than a permanent abolition. This temporary framework, while transforming the war's moral basis, necessitated constitutional amendment to ensure enduring freedom irrespective of state sovereignty or peace terms. Military imperatives further propelled emancipation efforts, as declining Union enlistments and battlefield losses prompted the Militia Act of July 17, 1862, which authorized Black recruitment, leading to approximately 180,000 African American soldiers serving in the by war's end, comprising about 10% of its forces and contributing decisively to victories through manpower and morale boosts. These troops, often facing discriminatory pay and command structures, demonstrated slavery's dissolution as essential to success, yet their service's legal protections remained precarious without constitutional safeguards against re-enslavement or nullification.

Thirteenth Amendment

Legislative Proposal and Ratification Process

The Thirteenth Amendment originated with a introduced in the on December 14, 1863, by James M. Ashley of , aiming to abolish nationwide. The Senate approved the measure on April 8, 1864, in a 38-to-6 vote, reflecting strong support augmented by some border-state and Democrats. However, the House rejected it on June 15, 1864, falling short of the two-thirds majority required for constitutional amendments due to unified Democratic opposition prioritizing over federal abolition. Following President Abraham Lincoln's reelection in November 1864, which bolstered majorities, the lame-duck revisited the . Intense , including promises of , secured its on January 31, 1865, by 119 to 56, with all 86 voting in favor alongside only 15 Democrats, underscoring the partisan divide where ideology causally drove the effort to constitutionalize beyond wartime measures. submitted the proposed to the states on February 1, 1865. Ratification proceeded rapidly among Northern and border states, but former Confederate states' approvals were tied to Reconstruction policies requiring abolition as a prerequisite for readmission to the , thereby linking state restoration to federal conditions and prompting subsequent scholarly questions regarding the extent of coercive elements in their consents. Georgia's on December 6, 1865, provided the 27th affirmative vote out of 36 states, enabling to certify its adoption that day. This process ensured slavery's permanent eradication, driven empirically by congressional control rather than broad bipartisan consensus.

Provisions Abolishing Slavery and Involuntary Servitude

Section 1 of the Thirteenth Amendment states: "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction." This clause unequivocally prohibited chattel slavery, the legal ownership of human beings as property, which had been entrenched in the Southern states prior to the Civil War. By nullifying any constitutional or state-level sanction for bondage unrelated to criminal penalty, the provision dismantled the foundational legal structure of slavery, ensuring no person could be held in perpetual subjugation absent a judicial conviction. The exception permitting as punishment for crime preserved a mechanism for compelled labor within penal systems, reflecting continuity with pre-existing Anglo-American legal traditions that authorized work requirements for convicts to offset incarceration costs and promote discipline. This carve-out was not intended to enable widespread evasion of the abolition mandate but to accommodate established practices of criminal sanction, with the requirement of "duly convicted" emphasizing safeguards against arbitrary imposition. The amendment's framers viewed this as a narrow allowance, aimed principally at eradicating the racialized system rather than all forms of coerced labor. Section 2 provides: " shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate ." This enforcement clause empowered federal lawmakers to enact statutes implementing the prohibition, focusing on remedial measures against vestiges of without incorporating explicit protections for , which remained a state prerogative at the time. Unlike subsequent amendments, it prioritized institutional abolition over individual political rights, granting broad latitude to address obstructions to through tailored to the amendment's core objective. In practice, the crime exception facilitated the rise of systems in Southern states during the late , where legislatures enacted Black Codes criminalizing minor offenses like to ensnare freedmen, then leased convicts—disproportionately African American—to private enterprises for grueling labor under conditions mirroring . These arrangements, peaking in states like and by the 1880s with thousands leased annually, exploited the amendment's wording to sustain economic dependencies on coerced Black labor, though they did not constitute formal ownership. Scholarly analyses describe this as a revisionist adaptation rather than the amendment's intended outcome, highlighting how state-level manipulations circumvented federal abolition without altering the constitutional ban on non-penal servitude.

Early Enforcement Challenges and Exceptions

Following ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment on December 6, 1865, Southern states rapidly enacted Black Codes that restricted the mobility and economic autonomy of freed , including statutes criminalizing unemployment and authorizing arrest, fines, or compulsory labor auctions to private employers, thereby circumventing the amendment's ban on except as criminal punishment. These measures, such as Mississippi's November 1865 code (enacted just before but emblematic of the pattern), required freedmen to secure annual labor contracts or face penalties equivalent to months of forced work, often benefiting former slaveholders who bid for their services. Debt peonage systems further evaded the amendment's intent, as arrangements bound freedmen to plantations through perpetual indebtedness for tools, seeds, and supplies, with legal mechanisms preventing departure until debts were cleared—a cycle enforced by state courts and local sheriffs that the later deemed akin to in cases like Bailey v. Alabama (1911), though early challenges persisted unchecked. Refusal to honor freedmen's contracts, denial of property ownership rights, and impunity for physical assaults against them were rampant, as documented in contemporaneous reports of widespread abuses in the post-ratification . The Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands (), created by on March 3, 1865, attempted to mitigate these violations by supervising labor negotiations, registering contracts to stipulate wages, housing, and protections against abuse, and adjudicating disputes through local agents who oversaw thousands of agreements across the former from 1865 to 1867. Bureau records encompass over 1.5 million documents, including labor contracts and indentures that aimed to transition freedmen to free labor markets, though enforcement was hampered by underfunding, Southern hostility, and the 1866 Supreme Court ruling in Ex parte limiting federal military tribunals, which indirectly weakened oversight in non-martial-law areas. The amendment's enforcement clause—empowering to pass implementing legislation—proved insufficient against state-level subterfuges, as its textual prohibition targeted only chattel and explicit , omitting safeguards for , equal legal standing, or political participation, a limitation decried by who viewed it as inadequate to dismantle the "badges and incidents of " inherited from regimes. This narrow scope necessitated supplemental measures like the and ultimately the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, as Southern evasion tactics demonstrated that abolishing alone did not eradicate discriminatory structures enabling coerced labor and subjugation.

Fourteenth Amendment

Drafting Debates and Ratification Controversies

The Fourteenth Amendment emerged from deliberations within the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, formed by Congress in December 1865 to address postwar Southern governance, with the committee reporting a draft to both houses on April 30, 1866. Under dominant Radical Republican influence, which sought to secure Republican majorities and protect freedmen's rights without immediate mandates, the House passed the proposal on June 13, 1866, following Senate approval on June 8. Central to drafting debates was Section 2, which penalized states denying to male citizens over twenty-one by proportionally reducing congressional , calculated by excluding such voters from the base while still counting all persons for other purposes. This provision represented a compromise among Republicans: moderates favored indirect pressure on Southern states via electoral disincentives over direct federal enfranchisement, which risked alienating Northern voters wary of expansion, while avoiding enforcement mechanisms that might provoke constitutional challenges to state autonomy. Radicals like argued it incentivized voluntary compliance without overriding state election laws outright, though critics noted its exception for or crime disqualified many freedmen practically. Ratification faced immediate hurdles, as the amendment required approval by three-fourths of states amid disputed Southern status; initially sent to legislatures in June 1866, only and select border states ratified promptly, with most ex-Confederate states rejecting it under unreconstructed governments. responded with the of March 1867, dividing the into five districts and conditioning readmission on new constitutional conventions ratifying the amendment, effectively mandating compliance from ten Southern states by mid-1868 to achieve the necessary threshold. These coerced ratifications—extracted under threat of continued rule and denied representation—sparked enduring controversies over validity, with Southern delegates protesting duress as violating Article V's ratification process, though dismissed such claims to affirm national supremacy. Compounding disputes, Northern states and , having ratified in 1866, passed Democratic-majority resolutions in early 1868 to rescind amid shifting politics, yet William Seward and rejected rescissions as irrevocable once tendered, counting the states toward certification on July 9, 1868. This empirical rejection of withdrawals, upheld in subsequent practice, underscored congressional determination to enforce the amendment despite procedural irregularities, prioritizing Union over strict consensual .

Core Clauses: Citizenship, Privileges or Immunities, Due Process, and Equal Protection


Section 1 of the Fourteenth Amendment begins with the Citizenship Clause, which states: "All persons born or naturalized in the , and subject to the thereof, are citizens of the and of the State wherein they reside." This clause directly overturned the Supreme Court's decision in (1857), which had ruled that persons of African descent were not and could not be citizens of the . By establishing birthright citizenship for those born in the and subject to its , the provision excluded categories such as children of foreign diplomats and members of Native American tribes not fully under U.S. legal authority at the time.
The follows, declaring: "No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the ." Textually, this prohibited states from infringing on rights associated with national , such as access to federal protections and interstate , though the Court's interpretation in the (1873) confined its reach to a narrow set of federal rights, rendering it largely inoperative against most state actions. The states: "nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without of law." This mirrored the Fifth Amendment's requirement, which bound the federal government, but extended identical protections against arbitrary state deprivation of fundamental rights. The concludes Section 1: "nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." It mandated that states enforce laws impartially, targeting discriminatory state practices that disproportionately burdened specific groups, particularly freedmen in the post-Civil War . Collectively, these clauses imposed direct limitations on authority to violate individual rights, shifting power dynamics by incorporating oversight into governance. Section 5 reinforces this structure: "The shall have power to enforce, by appropriate , the provisions of this article," explicitly authorizing congressional remedies against non-compliance.

Original Intent Versus Contemporary Political Objections

The framers of the Fourteenth Amendment's Section 1, particularly Representative John A. Bingham, intended the Privileges or Immunities, Due Process, and Equal Protection Clauses to safeguard fundamental natural rights against state abridgment, establishing a national standard of civil equality applicable to all persons without racial classifications or preferences. Bingham, often credited as the primary architect, emphasized in House debates that the provisions would enforce "the equality of all, founded upon the inalienable rights of man," prohibiting states from enacting laws that discriminated on the basis of color or race while empowering Congress to remedy such violations through uniform protection rather than targeted racial remedies. This color-blind framework drew from antebellum understandings of equal citizenship, rejecting any affirmative engineering of racial outcomes in favor of a principle that treated individuals as bearers of inherent rights, irrespective of ancestry. Opposition from during the amendment's congressional consideration framed it as an illegitimate federal incursion into state sovereignty, portraying the clauses as punitive conquest imposed by victorious Northern Republicans to subjugate the defeated rather than a neutral extension of rights. Figures like Senator Garrett of argued in the Congressional that the and Equal Protection mandates centralized excessive power in , eroding the of the original by dictating internal state policies on civil status and potentially enabling endless congressional interference in local affairs. These critics, representing former Confederate interests, contended that the amendment's enforcement mechanisms under Section 5 exceeded constitutional bounds, transforming the into a consolidated national government at the expense of to manage their own populations—a rooted in the immediate context of military reconstruction. Although primarily motivated by the need to shield newly freed from discriminatory Black Codes and laws enacted by ex-Confederate legislatures, the clauses' drafters deliberately employed race-neutral language to preclude the entrenchment of any permanent racial caste system, ensuring applicability beyond any single group. Congressional reveal that proposals to insert explicit racial references, such as protections solely for "persons of descent," were rejected in favor of general terms like "any person" and "equal protection," reflecting a first-principles commitment to universal human equality over group-specific entitlements. This wording countered arguments that the was narrowly "race-specific engineering," instead establishing a prophylactic against future state-level discriminations that could target whites, immigrants, or others, while relying on empirical redress for proven violations rather than presumptive racial balancing. Such intent has been obscured in some modern interpretations that impose outcome-based readings unsupported by the 1866-1868 debates.

Fifteenth Amendment

Proposal Amid Reconstruction Politics

The Fifteenth Amendment emerged during the Reconstruction era as a Republican-led effort to secure Black male suffrage following the Fourteenth Amendment's ratification in 1868, addressing gaps in voting protections that threatened to undermine federal guarantees of citizenship. By early 1869, congressional Republicans, controlling both houses after the 1868 elections, prioritized the measure to counter anticipated Southern strategies—such as poll taxes, literacy tests, and violence—that could disenfranchise freedmen and restore Democratic dominance in former Confederate states, thereby perpetuating prewar power structures. This push reflected a causal recognition that without explicit constitutional safeguards, state-level manipulations would nullify emancipation's political fruits, as evidenced by early post-war elections where Black voters bolstered Republican majorities in readmitted Southern states like Louisiana and South Carolina. Factional debates within the centered on the amendment's scope, with radicals advocating broader enfranchisement—including for women and non-citizen immigrants—to fully entrench Union victories, while moderates favored a narrower focus on to ensure passage amid waning Northern enthusiasm for . A compromise version, prohibiting denial of based on ", color, or previous condition of servitude," gained traction after rejecting more expansive drafts, uniting the party against unified Democratic opposition, which viewed the amendment as an unconstitutional federal overreach infringing . Democrats, representing Southern interests, argued it rewarded disloyalty and ignored white voters' sacrifices, with no Democratic votes in favor during final passage. The approved the on , 1869, by a vote of 144 to 44, followed by the Senate's 39 to 13 approval the next day, reflecting cohesion (all 143 voting House Republicans supported it) against Democratic resistance. To facilitate , linked full congressional representation for unreconstructed Southern states to , pressuring holdouts like , which ratified only after readmission in July 1870. This strategic timing positioned the Fifteenth as Reconstruction's capstone, ratified on February 3, 1870, after 28 states approved, amid ongoing partisan battles over federal enforcement.

Text Limiting Voting Disqualifications by Race

The first section of the Fifteenth Amendment declares: "The right of citizens of the to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the or by any State on account of , color, or previous condition of servitude." This provision, ratified on , 1870, established a constitutional barrier against explicit racial qualifications for , targeting the disenfranchisement of African American men freed by the Thirteenth Amendment. Its negative phrasing—prohibiting denial rather than affirmatively granting the vote—preserved states' authority to impose non-racial voter qualifications, such as age, residency, or requirements, provided they were applied uniformly. Section 2 empowers "to enforce this article by appropriate legislation," granting federal authority to counteract violations but omitting direct penalties or individual remedies within the amendment's text. Unlike the Fourteenth Amendment's reduction in congressional representation for suffrage denials, the Fifteenth relied solely on legislative enforcement, creating an initial gap in immediate, self-executing sanctions against non-compliant states. This structure assumed good-faith compliance or swift federal intervention, yet empirical outcomes revealed systemic evasion, as southern legislatures crafted facially neutral barriers that disproportionately barred . The amendment's focus on "on account of" race permitted qualifications indirectly linked to racial status, enabling tactics like literacy tests and poll taxes that exploited educational disparities stemming from pre-emancipation denial of schooling to enslaved persons. For instance, post-ratification constitutions in states such as (1890) introduced poll taxes and assessments—often administered discriminatorily via subjective "understanding" clauses—reducing black from over 90% in some areas during to near zero by the 1890s, without overt racial criteria. These measures reflected causal mechanisms of exclusion: tests capitalized on illiteracy rates exceeding 70% among southern blacks in 1880, per census data, while grandfather clauses exempted whites whose ancestors voted pre-1867, evading the amendment's intent through disparate application. Such gaps underscored the amendment's vulnerability to pretextual neutrality, necessitating later congressional action for broader protection.

Exclusions and Immediate Ratification Hurdles

The Fifteenth Amendment deliberately omitted despite advocacy from figures such as and , who argued that prioritizing race over sex perpetuated gender discrimination and split the suffrage movement. Republicans, controlling , strategically excluded to focus on enfranchising Black males, whom they viewed as reliable voters to counter Democratic strength in the South and secure long-term party dominance. This choice reflected causal political calculations: including women risked diluting the amendment's appeal among male voters and allies, while Black enfranchisement promised immediate electoral gains amid Reconstruction's fragile power dynamics. Ratification faced immediate resistance in Southern states, where compliance was secured through coercive Reconstruction measures, including and conditional readmission to the . Proposed by on February 26, 1869, the amendment required approval by three-fourths of states (28 at the time); Northern and border states ratified swiftly, but Southern legislatures, operating under federal oversight, approved it between 1869 and 1870 often under duress to restore full congressional representation—, for instance, ratified on February 2, 1870, after prior expulsion for non-compliance. and rejected it outright, highlighting sectional divides, while empirical records show that by on February 3, 1870, only targeted pressure overcame Democratic opposition tied to fears of political power. Pre-ratification violence exacerbated hurdles, with groups like the employing intimidation and killings to suppress Black and turnout, particularly during the 1868 elections. Incidents such as the 1868 in , where white mobs killed up to 200 Black individuals amid election tensions, exemplified systematic terror that prevented thousands from exercising nascent voting rights granted under the 1867 . This empirical pattern of targeted violence—documented in congressional reports as numbering hundreds of attacks annually—underscored the amendment's limitations in addressing non-legal barriers. Critics contemporaneously noted the amendment's phrasing as a negative —"shall not be denied"—failed to mandate affirmative voting access, enabling states to retain facially disqualifications like residency or tax requirements that indirectly disadvantaged citizens lacking resources post-emancipation. This structural omission, debated in , prioritized constitutional brevity over robust enforcement, allowing immediate workarounds through violence and administrative hurdles rather than compelling states to provide ballots or protection.

Enforcement and Implementation

Congressional Enforcement Acts of 1870-1871

The Congressional of 1870 and 1871 constituted a series of statutes designed to implement the Reconstruction Amendments by authorizing direct intervention against both state-sanctioned and private conspiracies aimed at depriving citizens of constitutional , particularly and equal . Enacted amid widespread by groups like the targeting newly enfranchised Black voters and officials in the , these laws shifted enforcement from state to authority, including provisions for federal prosecutors, courts, and marshals to override local resistance. The First Enforcement Act, passed on May 31, 1870, primarily enforced the Fifteenth Amendment by criminalizing discrimination in and intimidation tactics that prevented Black citizens from exercising . It imposed penalties of fines up to $500 or imprisonment up to ten months for officials who denied registration based on or for individuals using , threats, or to obstruct , while authorizing the appointment of federal supervisors to monitor polls in congressional elections. This act marked the first comprehensive federal voting rights legislation, extending protections to hold office and serve on juries, though its reliance on federal oversight in hostile territories limited initial compliance. Supplementing the first, the Second Enforcement Act of February 28, 1871, expanded election safeguards under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments by amending prior provisions to impose stricter penalties for fraud, such as fines up to $5,000 and imprisonment up to ten years for corrupt practices, and mandating oversight in urban areas exceeding 20,000 residents where violations were prevalent. It empowered the to deploy officials and troops to enforce fair elections, aiming to counter systematic ballot stuffing and violence reported in Southern states. The , enacted April 20, 1871, targeted conspiracies under the Fourteenth Amendment's enforcement clause by prohibiting two or more persons from banding together to deprive individuals of rights through intimidation or violence, whether by private actors or state officials. It granted federal courts exclusive jurisdiction over such cases, allowed removal of prosecutions from state courts, and permitted the president to suspend and deploy military forces in cases of insurrection, directly addressing Klan-orchestrated that state governments often tolerated or enabled. Implementation involved thousands of federal prosecutions, yielding over 1,000 convictions in Southern districts between 1871 and 1873, including notable trials in where federal judge Hugh secured guilty verdicts against dozens of Klansmen for conspiracy and murder. These efforts temporarily suppressed overt Klan activity and facilitated the election of officials in protected areas, enabling control in several states. However, causal factors like jury pools drawn from sympathetic Southern communities led to frequent acquittals and nullification, with local undermining collection and , rendering long-term ineffective by the mid-1870s as convictions declined sharply. Critics, primarily , contended the acts represented unconstitutional overreach by infringing to handle internal policing, arguing they transformed federal authority into a tool for partisan rather than neutral rights , a view later echoed in rulings narrowing their scope. Empirical data from federal records confirm short-term gains in voter participation but highlight structural failures due to entrenched local biases, underscoring the limits of statutory intervention without sustained political will.

Federal Oversight Mechanisms and Southern Resistance

The Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, established by on March 3, 1865, functioned as the principal federal agency for implementing the Reconstruction Amendments by providing oversight and assistance to freed in the . Operating until its dissolution in 1872, the Bureau mediated labor contracts to prevent exploitative arrangements that could violate the Thirteenth Amendment's prohibition on , legalized thousands of marriages to affirm family rights under the , distributed over 15 million rations to destitute freedpeople and poor whites from 1865 to 1870, and helped reunite families separated by . In education, the Bureau's efforts yielded measurable gains, founding or supporting approximately 4,300 schools and aiding the instruction of over 150,000 students by 1870, which correlated with elevated African American rates—rising from around 10% in 1870 to roughly 20-30% by the late 1870s in Bureau-influenced areas. However, these achievements were tempered by operational shortcomings, including agent corruption, inadequate funding, and failure to secure widespread land redistribution, leaving most freedmen as tenants rather than owners and fostering dependency on federal aid, which critics at the time claimed alienated Southern whites and hindered self-sufficiency. Southern resistance to these oversight mechanisms manifested through paramilitary organizations that employed targeted violence to nullify the Amendments' protections, with the —formed in , in late 1865—serving as the most prominent, conducting nocturnal raids, whippings, and murders against African American voters, officeholders, and educators to intimidate enforcement of equal protection and suffrage rights. Groups like the and similarly orchestrated attacks on Republican governments, contributing to thousands of documented killings and assaults between 1865 and 1877 that systematically eroded federal authority by overwhelming understaffed Bureau agents and U.S. troops. A pivotal instance of this dynamic occurred in the on April 13, 1873, when a white supremacist of around 300 men attacked a courthouse in , defended by approximately 200 African American militiamen amid a disputed 1872 gubernatorial election; after the defenders surrendered, roughly 100-150 were executed, demonstrating how localized could decisively thwart federal-backed political participation and expose the causal fragility of oversight reliant on distant military support. Such acts, by creating pervasive fear and depleting Black community leadership, accelerated the breakdown of enforcement structures, as records and congressional reports later attested to violence's role in compelling freedmen to abandon schools, contracts, and polls, thereby reverting Southern power dynamics despite the Amendments' legal framework.

Short-Term Achievements in Civil Rights Protection

The ratification of the Reconstruction Amendments facilitated unprecedented political participation by African Americans in the Southern states between 1865 and 1877. Enabled by the Fifteenth Amendment's prohibition on racial disqualifications for voting, ratified on February 3, 1870, black voter turnout reached significant levels, with estimates indicating that over 700,000 African American men registered to vote in the South by 1867 under the Reconstruction Acts. This enfranchisement led to the election of approximately 2,000 black officeholders across various levels of government, including positions in state legislatures, Congress, and local offices such as sheriffs and tax assessors. These gains were causally tied to the Fourteenth Amendment's citizenship and equal protection clauses, which underpinned federal enforcement against discriminatory barriers, allowing newly freed individuals to exercise suffrage and secure representation. The Amendments also spurred advancements in education and economic autonomy for freedmen. State constitutions rewritten under Reconstruction requirements, influenced by the Thirteenth Amendment's abolition of on December 6, 1865, incorporated provisions for systems accessible to all races, resulting in a rapid expansion of educational opportunities. Black school enrollment in the surged from about 10% in to 34% by , contributing to rate improvements from roughly 20% among in compared to negligible levels prior to emancipation. Furthermore, legal recognition of freedmen's rights to own property, contract, and testify in court—bolstered by the and the —enabled land purchases and family reunifications, with the distributing over 20 million rations and aiding in the establishment of independent black churches and schools. While these achievements marked empirical progress in civil rights protection, they were constrained by regional resistance and allegations of in biracial governments, alongside waning Northern support by the mid-1870s. Nonetheless, the Amendments' framework demonstrably shifted causal dynamics, dismantling legal and conferring enforceable that temporarily elevated black before subsequent erosions.

Decline and Judicial Narrowing

Political Compromise of 1877 and Withdrawal of Federal Troops

The disputed of 1876 pitted Republican against Democrat , with Tilden securing the popular vote by 250,000 ballots (50.9% to Hayes's 47.9%) but falling one electoral vote short of a majority due to contested returns from , , , and , totaling 20 disputed electors. An Electoral Commission established by , comprising seven Democrats, seven s, and one independent justice who recused himself (replaced by a Republican), resolved the on March 2, 1877, by awarding all disputed votes to Hayes along strict 8-7 party-line decisions, securing his 185-184 victory. To avert potential Democratic obstruction or civil unrest, Hayes's representatives informally assured of troop withdrawal from the remaining occupied states, appointment of a Southern Democrat (David M. Key of ) as , and federal subsidies for Southern infrastructure like railroads, though no binding written agreement was documented and later Southern promises to safeguard black civil went unfulfilled. Following Hayes's inauguration on March 5, 1877, troops were withdrawn from Louisiana's statehouse on April 24, 1877, and from shortly thereafter, marking the cessation of military enforcement for governments in the South. This action enabled , termed , to consolidate control over all former Confederate states by 1877, supplanting biracial administrations through prior intimidation, , and that intensified without . The causal result was a precipitous erosion of black political agency: black voter participation, which had exceeded 60% in key Southern states during peak years, plummeted as deployed targeted suppression, with black elected officials dropping from over 2,000 in 1870 to fewer than 100 by 1880 amid unchecked local dominance. Northern support for sustained oversight waned due to multiple factors, including public disillusionment from Grant-era corruption scandals, the fiscal burdens of the ongoing depression—which had triggered widespread unemployment and bank failures—and a broader sectional fatigue prioritizing economic stabilization and national reconciliation over indefinite military occupation. Critics contemporaneously decried the as an abandonment of principles and the 15th Amendment's guarantees, enabling Southern white supremacist resurgence, while proponents framed it as pragmatic realism to restore and avert fiscal in a depressed economy. The troop withdrawal thus severed the primary mechanism for upholding voting protections, rendering the Amendments practically inert in the for decades and paving the way for Redeemer-led policies that systematically curtailed enfranchisement through informal and eventual statutory barriers.

Rise of Jim Crow Laws and Plessy v. Ferguson (1896)

In the late 1870s and 1880s, following the end of federal military oversight in the , state legislatures dominated by white Democrats passed a series of statutes mandating in public facilities, transportation, and schools, collectively known as . These measures extended beyond physical separation to include barriers targeting political participation, such as poll taxes requiring payment for voting—implemented in states like in 1889 and in 1895—and literacy tests demanding voters demonstrate reading ability, often administered discriminatorily by white registrars. Mississippi's 1890 state constitution pioneered a combined system of poll taxes, literacy tests, and residency requirements, which state delegates openly designed to exclude most citizens while preserving white voting power, resulting in voter registration plummeting from approximately two-thirds of eligible males in 1880 to less than 6% by 1892. These disenfranchisement tactics evaded the Fifteenth Amendment's prohibition on denying the vote "on account of race" by employing facially race-neutral criteria that disproportionately affected Black citizens, who faced higher illiteracy rates due to prior enslavement and limited education access, compounded by subjective application allowing exemptions for whites. Grandfather clauses, adopted in in 1898 and upheld temporarily in some states until struck down in (1915), further circumscribed the amendment by exempting voters whose ancestors had voted before 1867, thereby shielding illiterate and poor whites while barring newly enfranchised Blacks. Extralegal violence, including intimidation by groups like the and over 2,500 documented lynchings between 1882 and 1903, reinforced these laws by deterring Black without direct state disqualification, exploiting the amendment's focus on formal rather than private or local coercion. The Supreme Court's decision in (1896) exemplified judicial acquiescence to this framework by upholding Louisiana's 1890 Separate Car Act, which required segregated railway cars, under the Fourteenth Amendment's . In a 7-1 ruling authored by Justice , the Court held that segregation did not inherently imply inferiority or violate legal equality if facilities were "separate but equal," rejecting arguments that such laws stigmatized one race as subordinate and contravened the amendments' original intent to eradicate distinctions rooted in slavery. Justice John Marshall Harlan's lone dissent countered that the must be "color-blind," warning that permitting state-enforced separation undermined the post-Civil War amendments' aim of substantive equality, a principle later recognized as aligning more closely with the framers' records from congressional debates emphasizing integration over mere formal parity. By endorsing "," Plessy provided doctrinal cover for Jim Crow's broader evasion of Reconstruction-era guarantees, including the Fifteenth Amendment, as states interpreted narrow textual limits—such as restricting prohibitions to explicit racial disqualifications—to permit indirect, race-correlated barriers that restored white dominance.

Supreme Court Doctrines Restricting Amendment Scope

In the Slaughter-House Cases of 1873, the Supreme Court interpreted the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to protect only those rights arising from national citizenship, such as access to seaports and protection on the high seas, while excluding fundamental civil rights like the pursuit of livelihood from state interference. This 5-4 decision effectively neutralized the clause as a broad safeguard against state abridgment of liberties, confining its scope to a narrow set of federal prerogatives despite the amendment's ratification amid efforts to secure freedmen's rights post-Civil War. Critics from an originalist perspective contend this deviated from the clause's intent to incorporate protections akin to the Bill of Rights against states, as evidenced by congressional debates emphasizing equal civil rights for all citizens irrespective of race. The ruling upheld a slaughterhouse monopoly against butchers' claims of under the Thirteenth Amendment and deprivation of privileges under the Fourteenth, prioritizing powers over individual economic freedoms in a manner that preserved regulatory authority but curtailed oversight of actions. By distinguishing sharply between and , the rendered the largely dormant, shifting reliance to the for future incorporations—a pivot that originalists argue inverted the amendment's textual priority on privileges or immunities as the primary vehicle for Reconstruction-era protections. A decade later, the of 1883 further constricted the amendments' reach by establishing the state action doctrine, holding that the Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses apply solely to governmental conduct, not private discrimination in public accommodations. In an 8-1 decision, the invalidated sections of the prohibiting racial exclusion by innkeepers and theater owners, reasoning that such private acts fell outside congressional enforcement powers under Section 5. This interpretation, while safeguarding individual liberty from federal intrusion into consensual private relations, empirically diminished federal remedies against widespread discriminatory practices, enabling de facto segregation without direct state involvement and contributing to the erosion of gains by the 1880s. These doctrines collectively emphasized and limited federal intervention, preserving states' autonomy in economic regulation—as in Slaughter-House's deference to monopolies—but at the cost of robust against racial subjugation, contrary to the amendments' causal aim of countering Southern Black Codes through nationwide civil rights guarantees. Originalist analyses highlight how such narrowing overlooked ratification-era evidence of intent to empower against both state and quasi-private abuses, fostering a judicial framework that prioritized abstract federal-state boundaries over empirical protection of vulnerable populations.

Twentieth-Century Revival

Progressive Era Limitations and World War Influences

During the , enforcement of the Reconstruction Amendments remained negligible, as reformers prioritized economic regulations and antitrust measures over addressing racial disenfranchisement and violence in the . President , upon taking office in 1913, authorized the of federal workplaces, including restrooms, lunchrooms, and workspaces, which reversed post-Civil War integration and led to the demotion or dismissal of numerous Black federal employees. This policy affected agencies like the , where over half of Black federal workers were employed, exacerbating the dormancy of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments' protections against state-sanctioned discrimination. Lynchings of Americans persisted at elevated rates, underscoring the failure to invoke the Amendments' clauses; records indicate an average of 175 lynchings annually from 1890 to 1900, with totals remaining above 100 per year into the before gradually declining in the . Progressive-era courts and legislatures offered scant intervention, interpreting the Amendments narrowly to defer to state autonomy, thus allowing Jim Crow practices to solidify without federal constitutional challenge. World War I highlighted contradictions in American democracy, as approximately 370,000 Black soldiers served in segregated units, facing discrimination yet contributing to the Allied victory, which fueled demands for equal rights under the Fifteenth Amendment. The war accelerated the , with nearly one million Black Americans relocating from the South to Northern industrial cities by 1920, seeking economic opportunity amid labor shortages but encountering urban racial tensions. Despite this service and migration exposing hypocrisies—such as fighting abroad for while denied voting rights at home—the Amendments saw no substantive revival; postwar violence, including the 1919 riots targeting Black communities, prompted no renewed federal enforcement, leaving constitutional guarantees largely theoretical.

Civil Rights Movement and Key Legislation like the 1965 Voting Rights Act

The Civil Rights Movement mobilized widespread activism to address the persistent evasion of the 15th Amendment's protections against racial disenfranchisement, which had been undermined by post-Reconstruction poll taxes, literacy tests, and violence in Southern states. Grassroots campaigns, including the 1964 Freedom Summer voter registration drives in Mississippi—where volunteers faced bombings and murders—and the 1965 Selma to Montgomery marches, highlighted systemic barriers and pressured federal intervention. These efforts invoked the Reconstruction Amendments' original intent to secure political equality, arguing that state-imposed restrictions constituted direct violations of the 15th Amendment's prohibition on denying votes based on race. The culmination of this activism was the Voting Rights Act (VRA) of 1965, signed into law by President Lyndon B. Johnson on August 6, 1965, explicitly designed to enforce the 15th Amendment through federal mechanisms. Key provisions suspended discriminatory devices like literacy tests in jurisdictions with low voter turnout, authorized federal examiners to oversee registration, and imposed Section 5 preclearance, requiring "covered" jurisdictions—those with less than 50% total voter registration or turnout in the 1964 election and a history of tests—to obtain prior approval from the Department of Justice or a federal court for any changes to voting practices. This preclearance targeted areas with documented discrimination, aiming to prevent retrogression in minority voting strength rather than merely remedying past harms. Empirical data demonstrated substantial gains in black voter participation following VRA implementation, with registration rates in the South rising from approximately 23% in 1964 to 61% by 1969, enabling increased black representation in local and state offices. Studies attribute these increases causally to the Act's enforcement tools, as covered counties saw sharper rises than non-covered ones, countering arguments that activism alone would have sufficed amid ongoing local intimidation. Proponents viewed the VRA as a necessary revival of congressional authority under Section 2 of the 15th Amendment to overcome entrenched resistance, yielding measurable political empowerment without relying solely on judicial remedies. Critics, including Southern officials, contended that preclearance represented federal overreach, preemptively invalidating state laws on presumptive discrimination and infringing on 10th Amendment principles of local control over elections. Historical perspectives from the era highlighted tensions between mobilization—which built community capacity but yielded limited pre-1965 gains due to violence—and top-down mandates, which accelerated enfranchisement but sparked backlash, including white voter mobilization in response to perceived threats. Despite such debates, the VRA's statutory framework marked a pivotal statutory enforcement of the Reconstruction Amendments' voting protections, shifting reliance from voluntary compliance to proactive federal oversight.

Brown v. Board of Education (1954) and Doctrinal Shifts

In Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (347 U.S. 483), decided on May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court unanimously held that state-mandated racial segregation in public schools violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, declaring that "separate educational facilities are inherently unequal." This ruling effectively overruled the "separate but equal" doctrine established in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), which had permitted segregation so long as facilities were nominally equal, by emphasizing that enforced separation based on race generated intangible harms incompatible with equal protection guarantees. The Court's opinion, authored by Chief Justice , drew on evidence to support its finding of inherent inequality, including studies documenting psychological damage to black children from . Key among these was the doll test experiments conducted by psychologists in the 1940s, which showed that a majority of black children preferred white dolls and associated black dolls with negative traits, indicating internalized feelings of inferiority and self-rejection attributable to . While subsequent critiques have questioned the tests' methodological rigor and causal inferences—arguing they reflected broader cultural influences rather than alone—the Court at the time accepted this empirical data as demonstrating 's detrimental impact on minority students' educational and emotional development. The decision resulted from sustained litigation by the Legal Defense Fund, which under shifted from challenging inequalities in segregated facilities (as in earlier cases like in 1950) to direct attacks on segregation's constitutionality, consolidating five cases from states including , , , , and . Contributing causally was the geopolitical context, where U.S. domestic racial practices drew Soviet criticism and undermined American moral authority in competing for global influence; administration briefs urged desegregation to bolster U.S. credibility abroad amid and anticommunist efforts. Doctrinally, marked a revival of robust equal protection scrutiny for race-based state actions rooted in the , rejecting Plessy's deference to legislative judgments on and insisting instead on judicial invalidation of classifications imposing or subordination without compelling justification. This shift prioritized individual dignity and empirical effects over formal , influencing subsequent applications of the to dismantle other segregated public institutions, though it stopped short of immediate nationwide remedies. Implementation proved contentious, as the Court's follow-up ruling in Brown II (349 U.S. 294, 1955) directed lower courts to oversee desegregation "with all deliberate speed," a phrase permitting gradual compliance that enabled Southern states to enact "" measures, including school closures, tuition grants for private academies, and legislative defiance, delaying integration for years in districts like , where public schools shut down from 1959 to 1964. Such evasion foreshadowed backlash against remedial tools like court-ordered busing, which emerged in the and to enforce desegregation but provoked violent protests, to suburbs, and political opposition that eroded judicial momentum by highlighting enforcement costs and community disruptions.

Modern Interpretations and Debates

Originalist Readings Emphasizing Fixed Meaning

Originalists interpret the Reconstruction Amendments, particularly the ratified on July 9, 1868, as embodying a fixed public meaning derived from the understandings prevalent at the time of their drafting and ratification, constraining state governments from enacting laws that discriminate on racial grounds or deny equal protection of the laws. This approach emphasizes the amendments' original semantic content, rejecting subsequent judicial expansions that alter the text's import to accommodate contemporary policy preferences. John A. Bingham, the principal architect of Section One of the , articulated its intent as establishing national rights enforceable against states, ensuring that no distinction of or color could justify unequal legal treatment. Congressional records from the 39th reveal that framers deliberately chose general phrasing—such as "equal protection of the laws" and "privileges or immunities of citizens"—over race-specific provisions, after debates explicitly rejected proposals for special legislative protections targeted at freedmen, which were seen as potentially divisive and prone to creating permanent racial privileges rather than universal equality. This causal choice for broad, non-enumerative language stemmed from a to color-blind principles, where laws must apply indifferently to all persons irrespective of race, prohibiting both discriminatory exclusions and affirmative preferences that classify by color. from these deliberations, including floor statements opposing "special rights" for any race, underscores that the amendments aimed to dismantle state-sanctioned racial hierarchies inherited from the antebellum era without embedding race-conscious remedies into the constitutional text itself. In opposition to living , which posits an evolving meaning adaptable to modern sensibilities, originalists critique interpretations that repurpose clauses like to incorporate unenumerated substantive rights, arguing such readings deviate from the amendments' procedural and anti-discriminatory focus at . The fixed-meaning view holds that substantive originally denoted fair procedures under preexisting , not a license for judges to invalidate state actions based on abstract notions of untethered from 1860s understandings, thereby preserving legislative primacy while enforcing textual limits on state power. This restraint aligns with the amendments' causal purpose: to bind Reconstruction-era states to neutral rule-of- principles, averting the very arbitrary classifications that precipitated the .

Expansive Judicial Applications and Substantive Due Process

The doctrine of incorporation applied the protections of the Bill of Rights to the states through the Fourteenth Amendment's Due Process Clause, marking an expansive judicial interpretation beginning in the early twentieth century. In Gitlow v. New York (1925), the Supreme Court first explicitly held that the First Amendment's free speech protections extended to state actions via due process, upholding a conviction but establishing the framework for selective incorporation. This process accelerated after Brown v. Board of Education (1954), with nearly all Bill of Rights guarantees incorporated by the 1960s, such as the right to counsel in Gideon v. Wainwright (1963) and the right against compelled self-incrimination in Miranda v. Arizona (1966). Substantive due process further broadened the Fourteenth Amendment's reach by safeguarding unenumerated fundamental rights against state infringement, shifting from early economic liberties to personal autonomy. Originating in cases like Lochner v. New York (1905), which invalidated a state maximum-hours law for bakers as violating liberty of contract, the doctrine waned during the New Deal but revived in privacy contexts with Griswold v. Connecticut (1965), recognizing a right to marital contraception derived from "penumbras" of the Bill of Rights incorporated via due process. This culminated in Roe v. Wade (1973), where the Court identified a privacy right encompassing abortion, rooted in substantive due process as protecting personal decisions central to liberty. These applications deviated from the Reconstruction Amendments' original emphasis on remedying through Congress's Section 5 enforcement power, instead empowering courts to define and enforce substantive liberties. Critics, including originalists like Justice , argue this constitutes , as unelected judges substitute policy preferences for legislative judgments, fostering instability seen in Dobbs v. (2022), which overruled Roe for lacking historical grounding and returning regulation to states. Proponents counter that it protected evolving individual rights against majoritarian overreach, though empirical outcomes, such as inconsistent "" thresholds, highlight risks of subjective judicial balancing. The expansive turn traces causally to the (1873), which confined the to narrow federal citizenship rights, prompting reliance on for broader substantive protections and tilting federal judicial power toward nationalizing liberties at the expense of state sovereignty. This evasion of the clause's intended scope enabled unchecked doctrinal growth, unbalanced by the amendments' anti-discrimination focus, and invited critiques of overreach from sources prioritizing textual limits over evolving norms.

Recent Supreme Court Cases on Affirmative Action and Voting Rights

In Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. Harvard (2023), the held 6–3 that race-based programs in admissions at and the violated the of the . Roberts's applied , finding that the programs' use of race as a "plus factor" failed to meet the requirements of a compelling interest or narrow tailoring, as they employed vague stereotypes, lacked measurable endpoints, and disadvantaged non-minority applicants without remedying specific past discrimination by the institutions. The ruling permitted limited exceptions, such as race-neutral pursuit of diversity or consideration of race in contexts like academies, but effectively barred racial classifications in admissions for civilians. In (2013), the Court struck down Section 4(b) of the , which determined which jurisdictions required federal preclearance for voting changes under Section 5, as exceeding Congress's Fifteenth Amendment enforcement power. The 5–4 decision, authored by Chief Justice Roberts, deemed the coverage formula—rooted in voting data from the 1960s and 1970s—outdated, given empirical evidence of dramatic increases in Black (from 29.3% in in 1965 to 73.1% by 2004) and turnout, rendering the perpetual of certain states unjustifiable without current evidence of widespread . Post-decision, states formerly covered under the formula enacted over 100 voting-related laws by 2016, including expansions of and absentee ballots in places like and alongside stricter photo ID mandates in others like and , reflecting state-level balances between access and prevention. Empirical analyses post-Shelby indicate that in-person impersonation fraud, the type most addressed by ID laws, occurs at rates below 0.0001% of votes cast, with databases documenting fewer than 1,500 proven instances nationwide from 1982 to 2020 despite over 1 billion ballots. Overall minority turnout rose, with Black participation reaching 62.6% in the 2020 presidential election—higher than in 1965 and surpassing white turnout in some off-year contests—suggesting that devolved state authority did not broadly suppress access, though proponents of renewed federal oversight cite localized restrictions as evidence of lingering racial motivations absent preclearance. Critics of indefinite oversight, however, argue that the original formula's failure to account for post-1965 progress, such as the elimination of literacy tests and poll taxes, violated equal sovereignty among states under the Tenth and Fifteenth Amendments. As of October 2025, Louisiana v. Callais remains pending after oral arguments on , 2025, examining whether 's creation of a second majority-Black to comply with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act constitutes intentional racial in violation of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. The case, consolidated with Callais v. Landry, challenges the permissibility of race as the predominant factor in districting under VRA disparate-impact claims, with several justices expressing skepticism toward expansive readings of Section 2 that could mandate without evidence of vote dilution tied to historical . A ruling narrowing Section 2 could further limit federal intervention in state , prioritizing color-blind districting principles amid data showing Black voting access in at levels comparable to the national average (over 70% registration).

References

  1. [1]
    13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution: Abolition of Slavery (1865)
    May 10, 2022 · The 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution provides that "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime ...14th · Purchased Alaska from Russia... · Emancipation Proclamation
  2. [2]
    14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution: Civil Rights (1868)
    Mar 6, 2024 · Passed by Congress June 13, 1866, and ratified July 9, 1868, the 14th Amendment extended liberties and rights granted by the Bill of Rights to formerly ...
  3. [3]
    15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution: Voting Rights (1870)
    May 16, 2024 · Passed by Congress February 26, 1869, and ratified February 3, 1870, the 15th Amendment granted African American men the right to vote.<|separator|>
  4. [4]
    Civil War Amendments (Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth ...
    Amendment XIII. Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, ...
  5. [5]
    The Constitution of the United States: A Transcription
    May 20, 2025 · The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; ...Missing: 14th | Show results with:14th
  6. [6]
    Understanding the three-fifths compromise
    Sep 16, 2018 · Counting the whole number of slaves benefited the Southern states and reinforced the institution of slavery. Minimizing the percentage of the ...
  7. [7]
    ArtIV.S2.C3.1 Fugitive Slave Clause - Constitution Annotated
    The enforcement provisions of Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 were strengthened as part of the Compromise of 1850. See 9 Stat. 462 (1850). Jump to essay-8Prigg v ...Missing: pre- Civil War<|control11|><|separator|>
  8. [8]
    Dred Scott v. Sandford | Oyez
    A case in which the Court decided that slaves who were descendants of American slaves were not citizens of the United States under Article III of the ...
  9. [9]
    Free Blacks in the Antebellum Period - The African American Odyssey
    Free blacks in the antebellum period—those years from the formation of the Union until the Civil War—were quite outspoken about the injustice of slavery.Missing: Codes analysis
  10. [10]
    The Civil War - PBS
    In his inaugural address, delivered on March 4, 1861, Lincoln proclaimed that it was his duty to maintain the Union. He also declared that he had no intention ...
  11. [11]
    Abraham Lincoln: Domestic Affairs - Miller Center
    His purpose, he said again and again, was to save the Union—not to free the slaves. At first, Lincoln announced his commitment to not interfere with slavery.
  12. [12]
    Why Non-Slaveholding Southerners Fought
    Jan 25, 2011 · It is easy to understand why slave owners would be concerned about the threat, real or imagined, that Lincoln posed to slavery. But what about ...
  13. [13]
    The Confiscation Acts of 1861 and 1862 - Senate.gov
    The 1861 act allowed seizing slave property, the 1862 act all Confederate property, and the 1862 compromise allowed freeing slaves and court action for  ...Missing: emancipation | Show results with:emancipation
  14. [14]
    Confiscation Acts | Civil War, Slavery, Union - Britannica
    The second Confiscation Act, passed July 17, 1862, was virtually an emancipation proclamation. It said that slaves of civilian and military Confederate ...
  15. [15]
    The Revolutionary Summer of 1862 | National Archives
    Jul 13, 2023 · Unlike the Emancipation Proclamation, the Militia Act combined with the Second Confiscation Act undermined the loyal slave states as well as ...
  16. [16]
    The Emancipation Proclamation - National Archives
    Jan 28, 2022 · It also expressly exempted parts of the Confederacy (the Southern secessionist states) that had already come under Northern control. Most ...The Emancipation... · Transcript of the Proclamation · Preliminary Emancipation
  17. [17]
    Emancipation Proclamation (1863) - National Archives
    May 10, 2022 · Initially, the Civil War between North and South was fought by the North to prevent the secession of the Southern states and preserve the Union.
  18. [18]
    10 Facts: The Emancipation Proclamation | American Battlefield Trust
    Aug 9, 2012 · It stipulated that if the Southern states did not cease their rebellion by January 1st, 1863, then Proclamation would go into effect. When the ...
  19. [19]
    Black Soldiers in the U.S. Military During the Civil War
    Oct 4, 2023 · In addition to the perils of war faced by all Civil War soldiers, black soldiers faced additional problems stemming from racial prejudice.United States Colored Troops · Equal Pay · Teaching Activities
  20. [20]
    African-American Soldiers During the Civil War
    African-American soldiers comprised about 10 percent of the Union Army. It is estimated that one-third of all African Americans who enlisted lost their lives.
  21. [21]
    The Role of the USCT in the Civil War | American Battlefield Trust
    Oct 27, 2020 · The first Black troops to serve in the Civil War were actually enlisted in 1862. They were raised in Kansas, Louisiana, and South Carolina ...
  22. [22]
    13th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States
    Four months after the first House vote, in June, 1864, the House tried for a second time to pass the amendment. ... Yet the House had failed to produce a bill ...
  23. [23]
    The Senate Passes the Thirteenth Amendment
    Before a packed gallery, a strong coalition of 30 Republicans, four border-state Democrats, and four Union Democrats joined forces to pass the amendment 38 to 6 ...Missing: 119-56 | Show results with:119-56
  24. [24]
    13th Amendment - The National Constitution Center
    ... House · The Democratic response · A partisan vote. June 15, 1864. Amendment fails in House. In June 1864, the House voted on the proposed amendment. It received ...
  25. [25]
    House passes the 13th Amendment | January 31, 1865 - History.com
    The amendment passed 119 to 56, just barely above the necessary two-thirds majority. While Section 1 of the 13th Amendment outlawed chattel slavery and ...Missing: breakdown | Show results with:breakdown
  26. [26]
    Congressional Record Vol. 166, No. 206 (House - December 7, 2020)
    Dec 7, 2020 · Speaker, in the final vote, all 86 House Republicans voted in favor of the 13th Amendment, along with 15 Democrats, 14 unconditional ...Missing: breakdown | Show results with:breakdown
  27. [27]
    U.S. Constitution - Thirteenth Amendment | Library of Congress
    Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the ...Thirteenth · Fourteenth Amendment · Twelfth Amendment
  28. [28]
    13th Amendment - Abolition of Slavery | Constitution Center
    Section 1: Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the ...
  29. [29]
    Amendment 13 – “The Abolition of Slavery” | Ronald Reagan
    Amendment Thirteen to the Constitution – the first of the three Reconstruction Amendments – was ratified on December 6, 1865. It forbids chattel slavery ...
  30. [30]
    Amdt13.S1.4 Exceptions Clause - Constitution Annotated
    The Supreme Court has long recognized limited historical exceptions to the Thirteenth Amendment's ban on involuntary servitude.Missing: intent | Show results with:intent
  31. [31]
    [PDF] THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT ABOLITION OF SLAVERY - GovInfo
    Thirteenth Amendment, Section 1: Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, ...
  32. [32]
    Overview of Enforcement Clause of Thirteenth Amendment
    Section 2 of the Amendment grants Congress the power to enforce the Amendment's prohibitions by enacting appropriate legislation.
  33. [33]
    Enforcement Clause: Scope of the Power | U.S. Constitution Annotated
    Thirteenth Amendment, Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. For more than a century after the states ...
  34. [34]
    Mass Incarceration, Convict Leasing, and the Thirteenth Amendment
    The text clearly specified that, once convicted of a crime, a person could be sold into slavery for life or leased for a term at the discretion of state ...
  35. [35]
    [PDF] MASS INCARCERATION, CONVICT LEASING, AND THE ...
    Dec 21, 2019 · Present-day scholars ... 1, 2–4. (2016) (analyzing how the Thirteenth Amendment authorized the continuation of slavery through convict leasing).
  36. [36]
    Black Codes | American Battlefield Trust
    Oct 9, 2020 · Southern governments began to write black codes to restrict the freedom of formerly enslaved people and guarantee the continuation of a cheap labor force.
  37. [37]
    [PDF] Peonage and Contractual Liberty - Chicago Unbound
    Peonage laws extracted labor from blacks under threat of criminal sanction. The Supreme Court used freedom of contract to address this, related to the 13th ...
  38. [38]
    Interpretation: The Thirteenth Amendment | Constitution Center
    ... Thirteenth Amendment is best understood solely as a ban on coerced labor. ... states as proposed amendments. Jan 30. The Drafting Table Drafting Table Icon ...Missing: date passage readmission
  39. [39]
    Freedmen's Bureau Records: An Overview - National Archives
    Oct 7, 2022 · For ease of reference, appendixes to the three-part inventory list records of special interest, such as labor contracts, hospital records, ...Missing: enforcement Amendment
  40. [40]
    The Freedmen's Bureau: New Beginnings for Recently Freed African ...
    The 13th Amendment, which passed Dec. 6, 1865, made slavery illegal in the ... The more than 1.5 million files include labor contracts, land leases ...Missing: enforcement numbers
  41. [41]
    [PDF] The Thirteenth Amendment and Equal Protection
    May 6, 2021 · The author expresses his appreciation to those who gave helpful comments about this Article during the 13th. Amendment and Racial Justice ...
  42. [42]
    [PDF] Thirteenth Amendment Echoes in Fourteenth Amendment Doctrine
    The idea that the Constitution would protect civil rights against racial discrimination assumed that other forms of discrimination—discrimination involving “ ...
  43. [43]
    Congressional Debate on the 14th Amendment
    On April 30, 1866, members of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction reported to Congress a new 14th Amendment, substantially the same as the final amendment.
  44. [44]
    House Passage of the Fourteenth Amendment - History, Art & Archives
    Approved by the 39th Congress (1865–1867) in June 1868 and ratified by the states on July 9, 1868. On this date, the House of Representatives approved the ...
  45. [45]
    Landmark Legislation: The Fourteenth Amendment - Senate.gov
    The amendment authorized the government to punish states that abridged citizens' right to vote by proportionally reducing their representation in Congress.
  46. [46]
    Speech Introducing the Fourteenth Amendment (1866)
    On May 8, 1866, Thaddeus Stevens delivered this speech introducing the Fourteenth Amendment in the U.S. House of Representatives. The leader of the Radical ...
  47. [47]
    [PDF] unorthodox - ratification of the fourteenth amendment
    Some argued that ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment by the South was not required because the Southern states did not exist.
  48. [48]
    Constitution, Jefferson's Manual, and the Rules of the ... - GovInfo
    The dates of ratification were: Connecticut, June 30, 1866; New Hampshire, July 6, 1866; Tennessee, July 18, 1866; New Jersey, September 11, 1866 ...
  49. [49]
    Reconstructing Citizenship
    Three states—Ohio, Oregon, and New Jersey—that initially ratified the 14th Amendment rescinded their ratifications in 1868 after Democrats gained control of ...<|control11|><|separator|>
  50. [50]
    Effect of Prior Rejection of an Amendment or Rescission of Ratification
    The two states that ratified the Amendment and later sought to rescind their ratifications were New Jersey and Ohio. Id. However, it is unclear whether this ...Missing: date | Show results with:date
  51. [51]
    The Constitution: Amendments 11-27 | National Archives
    The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment among the several States, and without ...
  52. [52]
    Interpretation: The Citizenship Clause | Constitution Center
    The Citizenship Clause—designed to strike out against both the Black Codes and Dred Scott—gave Congress the power to overturn this order, not just by going ...
  53. [53]
    Privileges or Immunities of Citizens and the Slaughter-House Cases
    The Slaughter-House Cases, therefore, reduced the Privileges or Immunities Clause to a superfluous reiteration of a prohibition already operative against the ...
  54. [54]
    Slaughter-House Cases | Oyez
    Any rights guaranteed by the Privileges or Immunities Clause were limited to areas controlled by the federal government, such as access to ports and waterways, ...
  55. [55]
    Due Process Generally | Constitution Annotated | Library of Congress
    The Fourteenth Amendment's Due Process Clause provides that no state may deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.
  56. [56]
    Interpreting the Equal Protection Clause
    But its original purpose was to ensure that the recently defeated Southern states did not infringe on the rights of the newly emancipated slaves. Initially, it ...
  57. [57]
    Fourteenth Amendment Section 5 | Constitution Annotated
    Section 5 Enforcement: The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.
  58. [58]
    [PDF] The Intent of the Framer: John Bingham's Fourteenth Amendment
    It is not often that a single individual is responsible for constitutional provisions as important as Sections 1 and 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment.
  59. [59]
    12.5 Primary Source: John Bingham, One Country, One Constitution ...
    Bingham delivered this speech in defense of an early draft of the 14th Amendment, advancing a bold vision of nationally protected rights. Today, the Bill of ...
  60. [60]
    Congressional Debates 14th Amendment United States Constitution
    Page 1. Congressional Debates of the. 14th Amendment to the. United States Constitution. Electronic Version 1.0. Page 2. Congressional Globe, 39th Congress ( ...
  61. [61]
    American folkways: Laissez-faire and the economic objection to civil ...
    Sep 18, 2025 · By shifting the focus from race to the dangers of government overreach, Southern Democrats positioned anti-discrimination legislation as a ...
  62. [62]
    Equal Protection and Race :: Fourteenth Amendment - Justia Law
    The Fourteenth Amendment was designed to assure to the colored race the enjoyment of all the civil rights that under the law are enjoyed by white persons.
  63. [63]
    [PDF] Affirmative Action and the Legislative History of the Fourteenth ...
    This history strongly suggests that the framers of the amendment could not have intended it generally to prohibit affirmative action for blacks or other ...
  64. [64]
    Landmark Legislation: The Fifteenth Amendment - Senate.gov
    Ratified February 3, 1870, the amendment prohibited states from disenfranchising voters “on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.”<|separator|>
  65. [65]
    “The Fifteenth Amendment in Flesh and Blood:” 1870–1901
    The Fifteenth Amendment prohibited any state from depriving citizens of the right to vote because of “race, color, or previous condition of servitude.”
  66. [66]
    Passage of the Fifteenth Amendment | American Experience - PBS
    Congress passed the Fifteenth Amendment on February 26, 1869. But some states resisted ratification. At one point, the ratification count stood at 17 ...
  67. [67]
    Did Dems Oppose 13th, 14th, 15th Amendments That ... - Snopes
    Nov 7, 2022 · House was made up of 257 Democrats to 178 Republicans. Almost 85% of House Democrats did vote in favor of Obamacare in this particular case ...Missing: breakdown | Show results with:breakdown
  68. [68]
    Amdt15.1 Overview of Fifteenth Amendment, Right of Citizens to Vote
    The right of US citizens to vote may not be abridged by the government on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.
  69. [69]
    Interpretation: The Fifteenth Amendment | Constitution Center
    Added to the Constitution in 1870, the Fifteenth Amendment was the final of the three constitutional amendments enacted during Reconstruction in the aftermath ...
  70. [70]
    The Unabridged Fifteenth Amendment - The Yale Law Journal
    Feb 4, 2024 · This Article argues that the Fifteenth Amendment's original understanding went beyond forbidding facially discriminatory voting qualifications.
  71. [71]
    Why the Women's Rights Movement Split Over the 15th Amendment ...
    Jan 14, 2021 · On the other hand, prominent voices such as Anthony and Stanton argued that any constitutional amendment that did not grant women's suffrage ...
  72. [72]
    Woman Suffrage and the 19th Amendment | National Archives
    Jun 2, 2021 · ... Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony in May of 1869 – they opposed the 15th amendment because it excluded women. In the year ...Failure is Impossible · Petition for Woman Suffrage · Susan B. Anthony PetitionMissing: Fifteenth | Show results with:Fifteenth
  73. [73]
    "The Lawfulness of the Fifteenth Amendment" by Travis Crum
    ... Southern States and questioned whether those States' ratifications were obtained through unlawful coercion. Scholars have also teased out differences in how ...
  74. [74]
    African American Voter Suppression after Reconstruction
    ... violence. The congressional legislation that followed the end of the four bitter years of the Civil War produced a series of constitutional amendments that ...
  75. [75]
    Black voting rights and voter suppression: A timeline - CNN
    shaped by political violence aimed at reestablishing White authority.
  76. [76]
    The Promise and Pitfalls of the 15th Amendment Over 150 Years
    Feb 3, 2020 · It paints a bleak picture for our future. Tragically, failure is nothing new to the 15th Amendment. One need only look to the amendment's ...
  77. [77]
    The Enforcement Acts of 1870 and 1871 - Senate.gov
    Congress passed a series of Enforcement Acts in 1870 and 1871 (also known as the Force Acts) to end such violence and empower the president to use military ...
  78. [78]
    Protecting Life and Property: Passing the Ku Klux Klan Act
    Sep 6, 2021 · Between May 1870 and April 1871, Congress passed three “Enforcement Acts” targeting white supremacist violence. The first law prohibited voter ...Missing: impact | Show results with:impact
  79. [79]
    Civil Rights Act of 1870 | Federal Judicial Center
    The act provided criminal penalties for those attempting to prevent African Americans from voting by using or threatening to use violence or engaging in other ...
  80. [80]
    [PDF] Enforcement Act, 1870 - Senate.gov
    , the prosecution may be either by indictment or information filed by the district attorney in a court having jurisdiction. the circuit court. ment or infor.Missing: details impact
  81. [81]
    The Enforcement Acts - Teaching American History
    A series of Enforcement Acts (also known as the Ku Klux Klan Acts), which tried to identify the various ways in which criminal conspiracies threatened loyal ...
  82. [82]
    [PDF] Enforcement Act, Feb 1871 - Senate.gov
    from office with loss of all pay.or emoluments, but shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction shall be punished by imprisonment for not less than six ...
  83. [83]
    The Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871 | US House of Representatives
    The Ku Klux Klan Act, which enforced the Fourteenth Amendment by guaranteeing all citizens of the United States the rights afforded by the Constitution.Missing: effectiveness | Show results with:effectiveness
  84. [84]
    Civil Rights Act of 1871 | Federal Judicial Center
    Congress followed the Civil Rights Act of 1870 with an 1871 law “to enforce the Provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United ...<|control11|><|separator|>
  85. [85]
    The 150-year-old Ku Klux Klan Act being used against Trump in ...
    Feb 18, 2021 · In May 1870 and February 1871 ... Prosecutors won more than 1,000 convictions for Enforcement Act violations in the South between 1871 and 1873.<|separator|>
  86. [86]
    Ku Klux Klan Trials of 1871-1872 - Federal Judicial Center |
    In 1871, the Ku Klux Klan in South Carolina embarked on one of the worst campaigns of domestic terrorism in American history. The group employed vicious ...
  87. [87]
    The Social History of Crime and Punishment in America: An ...
    Despite a high number of enforcement cases in the first few years, the legislation became ineffective by 1874, and the number of successful convictions ...
  88. [88]
    The Rise and Fall of the Freedmen's Bureau - National Park Service
    Jul 18, 2025 · From 1865 to 1870 the Freedmen's Bureau provided over fifteen million rations to destitute whites and the formerly enslaved. The bureau ...
  89. [89]
    The Freedmen's Bureau | National Archives
    Dec 29, 2022 · It helped freedpeople establish schools, purchase land, locate family members, and legalize marriages. The Bureau also supplied necessities such ...
  90. [90]
    [PDF] The Political and Economic Consequences of the Freedmen's Bureau
    Aug 20, 2018 · At the county level, I find that the presence of the Freedmen's Bureau was associated with significantly higher Black literacy rates and smaller ...
  91. [91]
    [PDF] The Freedmen's Bureau: Success or failure? - UMBC
    The biggest criticism of the Bureau is that it failed to secure land for the majority of freedmen, thus relegating them to the status of renter, not owner.Missing: achievements | Show results with:achievements
  92. [92]
    Ku Klux Klan in the Reconstruction Era - New Georgia Encyclopedia
    From 1868 through the early 1870s the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) functioned as a loosely organized group of political and social terrorists.Missing: statistics | Show results with:statistics
  93. [93]
    White Supremacy, Terrorism, and the Failure of Reconstruction in ...
    Jul 19, 2021 · Reconstruction failed in the United States because white Southerners who were opposed to it effectively used violence to undermine Black political power.
  94. [94]
    Southern Violence During Reconstruction | American Experience
    Then, with the radical Reconstruction, you get political violence... You get organized groups -- the Ku Klux Klan and others, like the White League in ...
  95. [95]
    The Colfax Massacre | April 13, 1873 - History.com
    Apr 5, 2023 · The Colfax Massacre ... An armed group of white supremacists attacks a courthouse guarded by a mostly-Black militia in the town of Colfax, ...
  96. [96]
    The Colfax Massacre in History and Memory - National Park Service
    On Easter Sunday 1873 over 100 African Americans were murdered by white supremacists near Colfax, Louisiana. This massacre of Black citizens and voters was ...Missing: toll | Show results with:toll
  97. [97]
    Reconstruction in America - Equal Justice Initiative Reports
    Violence, mass lynchings, and lawlessness enabled white Southerners to create a regime of white supremacy and Black disenfranchisement alongside a new economic ...
  98. [98]
    The Legacy of the Reconstruction Era's Black Political Leaders
    Feb 7, 2022 · Foner, the author of Freedom's Lawmakers: A Directory of Black Officeholders During Reconstruction, estimates that about 2,000 Black Americans ...
  99. [99]
    Black Officeholders in the Reconstruction South | Who Built America?
    During Reconstruction, about 2,000 Black men held office, influenced by Republican support and local organizing. They held positions like tax assessor, ...
  100. [100]
    120 Years of Literacy - National Center for Education Statistics (NCES)
    Following the Civil War, enrollment rates for blacks rose rapidly from 10 percent in 1870 to 34 percent in 1880.
  101. [101]
    Reconstruction (U.S. National Park Service)
    Jan 29, 2024 · The Civil Rights Act became the first major piece of legislation in American history to become law over a president's veto.
  102. [102]
    Introduction - Presidential Election of 1876: A Resource Guide
    Sep 6, 2022 · Although Tilden won the popular vote, he fell one vote shy of winning an Electoral College majority, with the electoral votes of Louisiana, ...
  103. [103]
    Disputed Election of 1876 | Miller Center
    In the presidential election of 1876, Democrat Samuel Tilden ran against Republican Rutherford B. Hayes. At the end of election day, no clear winner emerged.
  104. [104]
    The Compromise of 1877 (article) | Khan Academy
    President Hayes' withdrawal of federal troops from Louisiana and South Carolina marked a major turning point in American political history, effectively ending ...
  105. [105]
    “Redeemers” and the Election of 1876 | United States History I
    They represented the Democratic Party in the South and worked tirelessly to end what they saw as an era of “negro misrule.” By 1877, they had succeeded in ...
  106. [106]
  107. [107]
    End of Reconstruction Era Overview & Causes | When Did ...
    All of this occurred against the backdrop of economic depression resulting from the Panic of 1873 , leading many Americans to question continuing expensive ...
  108. [108]
    Black Americans and the Vote | National Archives
    Jun 9, 2021 · The Fifteenth Amendment (ratified in 1870) extended voting rights to men of all races. However, this amendment was not enough because African ...Laws and Court Cases · People and Icons · Selma Marches · Freedom SummerMissing: text | Show results with:text
  109. [109]
    African American Voting Rights - The Library of Congress
    “Grandfather clauses” were one tool that states used. For example, Oklahoma passed a constitutional amendment in 1910 that stated only citizens whose ...
  110. [110]
    Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) - National Archives
    Feb 8, 2022 · The ruling in this Supreme Court case upheld a Louisiana state law that allowed for equal but separate accommodations for the white and colored races.
  111. [111]
    Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) - The National Constitution Center
    the Supreme Court—in a 7-1 vote—upheld the Louisiana law, concluding that laws providing for “separate but equal” facilities for African Americans and white ...
  112. [112]
    Slaughterhouse Cases | 83 U.S. 36 (1872)
    The constitutional provision there alluded to did not create those rights, which it called privileges and immunities of citizens of the States. It threw around ...
  113. [113]
    The Slaughter-House Cases - The National Constitution Center
    The Supreme Court's decision ... This holding dramatically narrowed the application of the Fourteenth Amendment, especially the Privileges or Immunities Clause.
  114. [114]
    51. The Slaughterhouse Cases and the Privileges or Immunities ...
    Oct 30, 2023 · And yet, in Slaughterhouse, the Supreme Court adopted an interpretation of the Privileges or Immunities Clause that renders it effectively ...
  115. [115]
    The Slaughterhouse Cases: Decision Summary and Impact - FindLaw
    Aug 29, 2022 · The decision is best known for its narrow construction of the privileges and immunities clause and has been roundly criticized by Constitutional ...
  116. [116]
    Civil Rights Cases | 109 U.S. 3 (1883)
    If an action is taken by a private party, it cannot be attacked on constitutional grounds because the Fourteenth Amendment applies only to the government.
  117. [117]
    The Civil Rights Cases (1883) - The National Constitution Center
    Now, in The Civil Rights Cases, the Court held that the amendment required “state action” and did not apply to privately owned “public accommodations” likes ...
  118. [118]
    The Civil Rights Cases | Oyez
    Differentiating between state and private action, the majority ruled that the Fourteenth Amendment did not permit the federal government to prohibit ...
  119. [119]
    The Civil Rights Cases - Teaching American History
    The Supreme Court concluded that Congress lacked the power to ban private discrimination, a ruling whose effects were not overcome for another eight decades.
  120. [120]
    State Action Doctrine | U.S. Constitution Annotated - Law.Cornell.Edu
    The doctrine applies to other rights protected of the Fourteenth Amendment, such as privileges and immunities and failure to provide due process. It also ...
  121. [121]
    [PDF] JURISPRUDENCE OF RETREAT - NYU Law Review
    Nov 2, 2024 · Reconstruction's potential diminished substantially and ultimately crumbled as the Supreme Court “systematically undermined Congress's powers ...
  122. [122]
    How Woodrow Wilson's racist policies eroded the Black civil service
    Oct 27, 2020 · But when Wilson assumed office in 1913, he mandated that the federal workforce be segregated by race—leading to the reduction of Black civil ...Missing: facts | Show results with:facts
  123. [123]
    The President Who Re-Segregated the Federal Government | TIME
    Oct 14, 2025 · His administration first segregated the Post Office, which employed over half of the federal government's Black employees—especially Black women ...
  124. [124]
    Bar Graph of Lynchings of African Americans, 1890-1929 · SHEC
    From 1890 to 1900, an average of 175 African Americans were lynched each year. Lynchings were attacks motivated by racism where white mobs brutally murdered ...
  125. [125]
    Lynching Statistics by Year - UMKC School of Law
    Lynchings: By Year and Race. Year, Whites, Blacks, Total. 1882, 64, 49, 113. 1883, 77, 53, 130. 1884, 160, 51, 211. 1885, 110, 74, 184. 1886, 64, 74, 138.
  126. [126]
    Black Progressivism and the Progressive Court
    Jan 6, 2021 · Harris,5 the Court eviscerated the racial equality purpose and meaning behind all three Reconstruction Amendments, providing constitutional ...
  127. [127]
    World War I and Postwar Society - The African American Odyssey
    World War I galvanized the black community in their effort to make America truly democratic by ensuring full citizenship for all its people.
  128. [128]
    African American Experiences | How WWI Changed America
    Black veterans faced continued discrimination, even violence, despite—and because of—their wartime service. Despite obstacles, African Americans were determined ...
  129. [129]
    African American History and WWI
    As Black men and women strove to “make the world safe for democracy” in World War I they also faced battles for equality – overseas and at home.Great Migration and War Support · Military Service in WWI · Women's Service
  130. [130]
    World War I and the African-American experience | BrandeisNOW
    Jul 21, 2014 · Black soldiers faced systemic racial discrimination in the army and endured virulent hostility upon returning to their homes at the end of the war.
  131. [131]
    1965 Voting Rights Act - A Brief History of Civil Rights in the United ...
    Oct 16, 2025 · The Voting Rights Act of 1965 offered African Americans a way to circumvent state and local barriers that prevented them from exercising their 15th Amendment ...Missing: details | Show results with:details<|separator|>
  132. [132]
    [PDF] The Voting Rights Act and the Fifteenth Amendment Standard of ...
    Part I will examine relevant background, including a historical summary of the adoption of the Reconstruction Amendments, the passage of the. VRA, and the ...
  133. [133]
    Voting Rights Act (1965) | National Archives
    Feb 8, 2022 · This act was signed into law on August 6, 1965, by President Lyndon Johnson. It outlawed the discriminatory voting practices adopted in many southern states ...
  134. [134]
    About Section 5 Of The Voting Rights Act - Department of Justice
    Nov 17, 2023 · On June 25, 2013, the United States Supreme Court held that it is unconstitutional to use the coverage formula in Section 4(b) of the Voting ...
  135. [135]
  136. [136]
    [PDF] THE EFFECTS OF THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT Andrea Bernini ...
    Since African Americans regained the right to vote, racial polarization has remained a distinctive feature of southern political life (Kuziemko and Washington, ...
  137. [137]
    Black enfranchisement and white mobilisation: Evidence from the ...
    Jul 26, 2023 · Among them stands out the 1965 Voting Rights Act (VRA), aimed at striking down “… restrictions to voting in all elections, federal, state and ...
  138. [138]
    The Voting Rights Act: Historical Development and Policy Background
    Apr 25, 2023 · The Voting Rights Act (VRA) is one of the most significant elections statutes ever enacted. The law prohibits discrimination based on race, color, or language- ...
  139. [139]
    Study finds Voting Rights Act of 1965 led to greater racial ...
    Apr 21, 2023 · A new study published in the Journal of Political Economy has found that the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA) led to greater racial representation in local ...
  140. [140]
    Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (1) - Oyez
    The Supreme Court held that “separate but equal” facilities are inherently unequal and violate the protections of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth ...
  141. [141]
    Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka | 347 U.S. 483 (1954)
    The case ruled that the Fourteenth Amendment prohibits states from segregating public school students by race, even if facilities are equal.
  142. [142]
  143. [143]
    separate but equal | Wex | US Law | LII / Legal Information Institute
    “Separate but equal” refers to the infamously racist decision by the U.S. Supreme Court in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) that allowed the use of segregation ...Missing: records | Show results with:records
  144. [144]
    Doll Cultural Study Had Impact on 'Brown v. Board' - NPR
    Dec 11, 2003 · The work of many psychologists and researchers was presented to the court, but the doll experiments conducted by Kenneth Clark and his wife, ...
  145. [145]
    The Doll Study - The Legacy of Dr. Kenneth B. Clark
    The Clarks concluded that “prejudice, discrimination and segregation” caused black children to develop a sense of inferiority and self-hatred. Clark concluded, ...Missing: harm evidence
  146. [146]
    Re-Evaluating the Clark Doll Tests - Bard Graduate Center
    Most children identified white dolls as “nice” and Black dolls as “bad”—proof, the Clarks argued, that segregation psychologically damaged Black children. ...
  147. [147]
    Brown v. Board of Education | The Case that Changed America
    On May 17, 1954, a decision in the Brown v. Board of Education case declared the “separate but equal” doctrine unconstitutional.
  148. [148]
    History - Brown v. Board of Education Re-enactment
    Brown v. Board of Education was five cases challenging segregation in public schools. The Supreme Court ruled that separate schools were inherently unequal, ...
  149. [149]
    Brown v. Board of Ed: Key Cold War weapon | Reuters
    May 20, 2014 · The Brown ruling greatly advanced the interests of the United States during the Cold War, when the nation was vying with the Soviet Union for ...
  150. [150]
    The Global Impact of Brown v. Board of Education - SCOTUSblog
    Feb 18, 2010 · The Cold War balance of power itself seemed to turn on the faith of other nations in the benefits of democracy. Yet in the world's leading ...
  151. [151]
    "With All Deliberate Speed" - Separate Is Not Equal
    The Brown decision declared the system of legal segregation unconstitutional. But the Court ordered only that the states end segregation with “all deliberate ...
  152. [152]
    Brown v. Board of Education (1954) | National Archives
    Mar 18, 2024 · ... Brown II, instructing the states to begin desegregation plans "with all deliberate speed." Despite two unanimous decisions and careful, if ...
  153. [153]
    What Led to Desegregation Busing—And Did It Work? - History.com
    Jul 9, 2019 · After a 1954 ruling declared that segregated schools were unconstitutional, a decades-long effort to integrate them through busing was often met ...
  154. [154]
    The Troubled History of American Education after the Brown Decision
    As some Americans celebrated this important ruling and its impact on democracy, their early belief in Brown's power to eliminate racial inequities in the public ...
  155. [155]
    [PDF] Originalism and the Colorblind Constitution - NDLScholarship
    First, the literature has concluded that the original meaning of the. Fourteenth Amendment allows affirmative action, at least for blacks and per- haps for ...
  156. [156]
    Originalism and the Colorblind Constitution - Law & Liberty
    Apr 10, 2013 · The claim that the original meaning supports affirmative action is based on a set of federal statutes passed at the time of the 14th Amendment ...Missing: fixed color- blind
  157. [157]
    [PDF] General Law and the Fourteenth Amendment - Stanford Law Review
    The general-law approach explains Congress's debates about the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and Bingham's subsequent drafting of Section One of the Fourteenth ...
  158. [158]
    [PDF] Fourteenth Amendment Originalism
    An originalist who believes the Constitution is “colorblind” should seek justification for that view not in general considerations of policy or fairness, but in ...
  159. [159]
    [PDF] No Arbitrary Power: An Originalist Theory of the Due Process of Law
    Apr 15, 2019 · Although the dominant originalist view has long been that the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendment's Due Process of Law Clauses are solely “process” ...
  160. [160]
    [PDF] Does Due Process Have an Original Meaning? On Originalism, Due ...
    XIV, § 1, Professor Barnett relies on statements in the legislative history of the Fourteenth Amendment to contend that the amendment protected the same rights.
  161. [161]
    Gitlow v. New York (1925) - The National Constitution Center
    Gitlow v. New York—decided in 1925—was the first Supreme Court decision applying the First Amendment's free speech protections to abuses by state governments.
  162. [162]
    Gitlow v. New York | Oyez
    A case in which the Court held that the First Amendment right to free speech is applicable against the states via the Fourteenth Amendment, but speech
  163. [163]
    incorporation doctrine | Wex | US Law | LII / Legal Information Institute
    Incorporation applies both substantively and procedurally. Prior to the doctrine's (and the Fourteenth Amendment's) existence, the Supreme Court found the Bill ...
  164. [164]
    substantive due process | Wex - Law.Cornell.Edu
    In Lochner v New York (1905), the Supreme Court found a New York law regulating the working hours of bakers to be unconstitutional, ruling that the public ...
  165. [165]
    [PDF] SUBSTANTIVE DUE PROCESS - Erwin Chemerinsky
    Wade," the Supreme Court expressly declared that the right to privacy is safeguarded through the due process clause of the Fourteenth and Ninth Amendments.
  166. [166]
    Clarence Thomas dismantles the fiction of substantive due process.
    Finally, substantive due process causes monumental and irreparable harm, thus bringing the Court and justice itself into disrepute. Thomas has been fearless in ...Missing: activism | Show results with:activism
  167. [167]
    [PDF] Substantive Due Process: The Trojan Horse of Judicial Legislation ...
    Critics may assert that a retreat from substantive due process would extinguish hard fought victories stemming from the women's and gay rights movements. In ...Missing: activism | Show results with:activism
  168. [168]
    [PDF] Substantive Due Process Challenges - BYU Law Digital Commons
    May 1, 1988 · Substantive due process challenges pose an especially significant threat of judicial intrusion because substantive due process analysis goes to ...Missing: critiques | Show results with:critiques
  169. [169]
    [PDF] Judicial Power and Reform Politics: The Anatomy of <em>Lochner v ...
    The second half of the book attempts to trace substantive due process from the dissents in The Slaughter-House Cases9 to its seeming revival in Griswold v. ...
  170. [170]
    [PDF] Myth and Reality in the Origins of Substantive Due Process
    The view that the due process clauses of the Constitution impose substantive restraints on governmental power has long been a subject of contention.
  171. [171]
    [PDF] 20-1199 Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President and Fellows ...
    Jun 29, 2023 · In the Harvard case, the First Circuit affirmed, and this Court granted certiorari. In the UNC case, this Court granted certiorari before ...
  172. [172]
    Supreme Court seems open to limiting key voting protections in ...
    Oct 15, 2025 · U.S. Supreme Court justices seemed open to limiting the consideration of race in the redistricting process, a move that would undermine a ...