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Stocks

Stocks are a wooden restraint device used historically for punishing minor offenses through public immobilization and humiliation, typically consisting of a hinged frame with holes to secure the offender's ankles—and sometimes wrists—preventing movement while seated and exposed to communal scorn.^[1]^[2]
Originating in ancient Greece and persisting in Europe for centuries, stocks enforced social norms by leveraging community pressure rather than inflicting direct bodily harm, targeting infractions like drunkenness, petty theft, or vagrancy.^[3]^[4]
In England, where usage spanned over 500 years from medieval times into the 19th century, they were commonly erected in village squares, churchyards, or market areas to maximize visibility and deter deviance via reputational damage.^[3]^[5]
Distinguished from the pillory, which locked the head and hands upright, stocks allowed a seated posture focused on leg restraint, though both emphasized psychological deterrence over physical torture; their persistence reflects reliance on local, informal justice systems.^[5]^[1]
Never formally abolished in the United Kingdom, stocks fell into disuse with the rise of centralized policing and imprisonment, yet surviving examples in places like Belstone and Keevil serve as testaments to pre-modern penal practices grounded in communal enforcement.^[3]^[5]

History

Ancient and Early Origins

The stocks, a restraint device typically consisting of hinged wooden boards with holes to secure the ankles (and sometimes wrists), emerged as a form of corporal punishment and public shaming in ancient Mediterranean societies. In ancient Athens, penalties for offenses against fellow citizens included fines, imprisonment, and periods of public humiliation in the stocks, serving as a non-lethal deterrent to maintain social order.^[6] Similarly, in the Roman Republic, the Twelve Tables (circa 451–450 BCE), the earliest codified Roman law, permitted creditors to bind defaulting debtors in stocks or fetters weighing no less than fifteen pounds (approximately 6.8 kilograms), allowing the creditor to either hold the debtor or sell them into slavery if unpaid after 30 days.^[7] These provisions reflected a causal link between economic default and physical restraint, emphasizing debt recovery through visible subjugation rather than immediate execution. Such devices prioritized immobilization and exposure over severe injury, distinguishing them from harsher restraints like chains used for slaves or prisoners. Archaeological and textual evidence from these periods indicates stocks were employed for minor infractions or civil debts, fostering communal enforcement of norms without state infrastructure for long-term incarceration. No direct Egyptian precedents are documented, though analogous wooden yokes for captives appear in Mesopotamian records from the 2nd millennium BCE, suggesting parallel developments in restraint technology across early urban societies. The transition to early medieval Europe saw continuity and refinement, with the Utrecht Psalter (circa 820–835 CE), an illuminated manuscript produced in Rheims, providing the earliest surviving European illustration of stocks as a punitive tool, depicting a seated figure with ankles locked for public ridicule.^[8] This Carolingian-era reference aligns with textual allusions in Frankish capitularies, where stocks enforced petty discipline amid decentralized authority, bridging ancient practices to feudal applications.

Medieval and Early Modern Europe

In medieval England, stocks emerged as a standard instrument of local justice for petty offenses, particularly after the labor disruptions following the Black Death. The Ordinance of Labourers in 1349 and its successor, the Statute of Labourers in 1351, responded to wage inflation by requiring every town and village to erect stocks for restraining violators, such as artisans or laborers who refused customary wages or migrated without permission; offenders faced confinement alongside fines or imprisonment.^[8] This mandate reflected broader efforts to enforce social order through visible deterrence, with stocks typically consisting of wooden boards locking the ankles while the offender sat exposed in public squares or markets.^[3] Across continental Europe, analogous devices appeared in urban centers for similar shaming punishments, though documentation is sparser than in England; in the Low Countries and German states, local bylaws from the 14th century onward prescribed foot restraints for brawlers, petty thieves, or moral transgressors like adulterers, often integrated into guild or ecclesiastical oversight.^[4] By the 15th century, English assize records show stocks applied routinely for vagrancy, drunkenness, and scolding, with durations varying from hours to days, exposing victims to ridicule, refuse-throwing, or weather—measures intended to reinforce community norms without resorting to capital sanctions.^[9] During the early modern period (c. 1500–1800), stocks persisted as a flexible tool under justices of the peace, targeting offenses like swearing, Sabbath-breaking, or vagrancy amid rising urbanization and Poor Laws. In England, the 1601 Elizabethan Poor Law empowered overseers to use stocks for "sturdy beggars" refusing work, while Scottish burgh records from the 17th century document their deployment against alehouse disorder; confinement often paired with whipping for emphasis.^[10]^[11] Continental usage mirrored this, with French carcan variants and Dutch schandpaal combining stocks with pillories for market fraud or slander, though Enlightenment critiques of arbitrary corporal penalties began eroding reliance on such public spectacles by the late 18th century.^[12] Effectiveness hinged on communal participation, as isolation in remote areas diminished the humiliation's impact, prompting some locales to mandate attendance at punishments.^[3]

Use in the Americas and Colonies

Stocks were employed as a form of public corporal punishment in the American colonies, primarily by English settlers who imported the practice from Britain to enforce community norms through humiliation rather than severe physical harm. Typically consisting of wooden boards that locked the offender's ankles, the device immobilized individuals in prominent public locations such as town squares or near meetinghouses, exposing them to verbal abuse, thrown refuse, and weather for durations ranging from one hour to several hours.^[13] This punishment targeted minor offenses after initial warnings or fines had failed, serving as a deterrent in tightly knit colonial societies where social cohesion was vital for survival.^[13] In New England colonies, particularly Massachusetts, stocks were erected early in settlement to maintain Puritan discipline. Villages were mandated to construct and maintain them, facing fines if neglected, reflecting their role in upholding moral and civic order. A notable instance occurred in Boston around 1632, when carpenter Edward Palmer, tasked with building the colony's first stocks to replace iron bilboes, charged an exorbitant fee of £1 13s. 7d.; he was fined £5 and sentenced to one hour in the device he constructed, for extortion.^[14] Such uses extended to Sabbath violations, drunkenness, and petty theft, with offenders often seated on a stool bearing a sign detailing their crime to amplify communal shaming.^[15] Southern colonies like Virginia also documented extensive application, with court records indicating hundreds of cases involving stocks for similar infractions. In Accomack County in 1638, Samuel Powell was ordered to sit in the stocks during Sabbath services from morning prayer to sermon’s end, with the stolen breeches draped around his neck as a visible emblem of his theft.^[13] These punishments were milder alternatives to whipping or branding, emphasizing restitution and public exposure over incapacitation, though they could combine with fines or labor servitude in cases like theft in New Hampshire in 1771.^[15] Prevalence varied by colony, but stocks underscored a reliance on visible, community-enforced justice in resource-scarce frontier settings.^[13]

Decline and Abolition

The use of stocks as a form of public punishment began to wane in England during the 18th century, coinciding with broader penal reforms that emphasized incarceration and rehabilitation over spectacles of humiliation. This shift was driven by the expansion of the penitentiary system, which prioritized solitary confinement and labor as means of moral reformation, rendering public devices like stocks less necessary for minor offenses.^[16]^[17] Humanitarian critiques, influenced by Enlightenment thinkers advocating rational and less degrading penalties, further eroded support for visible corporal punishments that often incited crowd violence or sympathy for the offender rather than deterrence.^[18] Although the pillory—a related device—was formally abolished in England and Wales by an 1837 act of Parliament under Home Secretary Lord John Russell, stocks were never statutorily prohibited and persisted sporadically into the mid-19th century.^[19] Recorded instances included their application in 1860 for petty offenses, reflecting residual rural use where local magistrates retained authority.^[20] The last documented employment in England occurred on June 18, 1872, in Newbury, Berkshire, against a habitual drunkard, after which practical obsolescence and evolving legal norms effectively ended the practice.^[21] In the American colonies and early United States, stocks mirrored British usage but declined similarly amid post-Revolutionary penal modernization, with most states phasing them out by the mid-19th century in favor of fines, imprisonment, or short-term jail sentences for misdemeanors.^[19] Urbanization and weakened community cohesion reduced the efficacy of public shaming, as isolated towns where social interdependence amplified stigma gave way to anonymous societies less conducive to such rituals.^[22] By the late 19th century, stocks had vanished from formal justice systems across Europe and the Americas, supplanted by institutionalized corrections that avoided the unpredictability of mob-influenced public displays.^[3]

Design and Mechanism

Physical Construction

Stocks were constructed from two parallel heavy timbers, typically wooden, with semi-circular notches cut into the facing edges of the boards to form circular holes sized for the ankles when the boards were aligned and closed.^[23] The upper board was designed to be raised via hinges or removable pegs and then secured in place with a lock, bolt, or iron clasp, immobilizing the offender's feet while allowing a seated posture on the ground or a low bench.^[23] This mechanism ensured restraint without requiring constant supervision, as the wood's weight and the lock prevented easy escape.^[23] Durable hardwoods such as oak were commonly selected for the timbers due to their strength and resistance to weathering, enabling prolonged outdoor exposure in public spaces.^[24] ^[3] Iron reinforcements, including fittings for hinges and locks, were occasionally integrated to enhance security and longevity, as seen in 18th-century British examples like those at Wimborne St Giles.^[3] The overall frame measured roughly 2 to 3 feet in length, with holes spaced to fit adult ankles, though exact dimensions varied by locale and era; for instance, early colonial stocks in Boston, built in 1639, utilized planks and associated woodwork costing £1 13s. 7d.^[23] The base structure often incorporated short legs or a simple platform, elevating the device 1 to 2 feet off the ground to position the offender at a humiliating but accessible height for public viewing and to deter tampering.^[25] Some designs featured multiple pairs of holes to restrain several individuals simultaneously or adjustable spacing for varying body sizes.^[24] Rare variants included a rudimentary seat or backrest for extended punishments, though standard models prioritized simplicity and portability for village or market use.^[3] Metal-framed stocks appeared less frequently, mainly in regions favoring iron for corrosion resistance, but wood dominated due to its availability and ease of local craftsmanship.^[3]

Operational Use and Variations

The stocks were operated by securing the offender's ankles between two hinged wooden boards featuring aligned semi-circular cutouts, which were closed and fastened with an iron bolt, pin, or padlock by a local constable or magistrate's officer following a summary conviction for minor infractions such as public drunkenness, vagrancy, or petty disorder.^[26] The prisoner was positioned in a seated posture on the ground or a rudimentary bench, rendering the lower legs immobile and extended, which induced cramping and vulnerability without inflicting direct bodily harm.^[27] Sessions typically endured one to six hours, calibrated to the offense's severity and dictated by statutes like England's 1405 mandate requiring villages to maintain stocks for such sanctions, with placement in high-traffic public venues like market crosses or churchyards to ensure communal visibility and verbal derision from onlookers.^[26]^[9] Exposure to weather, insects, and occasional missiles such as rotten produce amplified discomfort, though systematic pelting was rarer than with upright restraints due to the low seating position.^[9] Design variations reflected regional adaptations and material availability, though the core ankle-restraining mechanism remained consistent from medieval Europe through early modern colonial applications. Single-person stocks, often crudely hewn from oak or elm for portability and low cost, predominated in rural English and American settings, sometimes elevated on short legs or stone bases to deter tampering.^[26] Multi-occupant versions, accommodating two or more individuals side-by-side, appeared in busier urban or market locales to handle group punishments for communal offenses like Sabbath-breaking, as evidenced in 17th-century New England records.^[28] Iron-reinforced or fully metallic stocks, prized for weather resistance, surfaced in harsher climates or high-use sites, such as coastal villages, but comprised a minority due to higher fabrication expenses.^[26] Hybrid forms occasionally integrated hand holes or adjacent pillory elements for escalated restraint, particularly for "scolding" women or recidivists, while some colonial variants included hinged backs for partial upright support to prolong endurance without collapse. Procedural tweaks, like predawn installations to catch morning crowds or nighttime releases to avoid unrest, varied by jurisdiction but prioritized shaming efficacy over uniformity.^[28]^[27]

Applications

Targeted Offenses

Stocks were predominantly reserved for minor, non-violent offenses that threatened community norms or public order, serving as a mechanism of humiliation rather than physical harm. Common infractions included public drunkenness, profane swearing, and disorderly conduct, which magistrates deemed warranting exposure to ridicule over fines or imprisonment alone.^[13]^[19] For instance, in 1735, Onslow County justices in North Carolina sentenced George Cogdell to three hours in the stocks for swearing in court, alongside a fine, illustrating their application to breaches of decorum in official settings.^[1] In medieval and early modern Europe, stocks targeted petty theft, vagrancy, and idleness, offenses often linked to economic disruption or moral laxity without intent for grave harm. Blasphemy and fortune-telling also fell under this category, as they challenged religious or social authority in localized communities.^[29] These punishments emphasized communal enforcement, with offenders restrained in public spaces to invite scorn, such as pelting with refuse, reinforcing social cohesion through collective shaming.^[19] Colonial American records show similar patterns, extending to cheating in trade or gambling, where stocks followed initial warnings for repeated minor violations. Adultery and other sexual improprieties occasionally merited stocks in Puritan settlements, though whipping or fines were alternatives for comparable acts.^[30] Unlike capital crimes like murder or treason, which demanded execution or transportation, stocks addressed infractions amenable to deterrence via visibility, preserving resources for graver threats.^[31] This selectivity underscores their role in graduated justice systems, prioritizing rehabilitation through embarrassment over retribution.

Implementation Procedures

Implementation of stocks as punishment typically followed a judicial sentencing for minor offenses, such as drunkenness, petty theft, or public disorder. Magistrates or local courts imposed sentences ranging from one to six hours of confinement, often on market days to maximize public exposure.^[9]^[3] The procedure began with officials, such as constables, escorting the offender to a public site like a town square or village green where the stocks were fixed. The device consisted of two hinged wooden boards with semi-circular holes aligned to secure the ankles; the offender was seated on the ground or a low bench with legs extended straight, feet inserted through the holes, and the boards clamped shut using a simple lock or pin.^[32]^[5] During confinement, the individual remained immobile and vulnerable to weather, insects, and public ridicule, including verbal abuse or projectiles like rotten produce, mud, or stones thrown by onlookers. Minimal guarding occurred, relying on the device's restraint and social pressure to prevent escape, though in some cases, a watchman ensured compliance.^[19]^[14] Variations included combining stocks with fines or prior warnings, and in colonial America, similar processes applied for offenses like Sabbath-breaking, with stocks often placed near churches or courthouses for heightened visibility.^[13]^[19] By the 17th and 18th centuries in England, implementation emphasized humiliation over physical pain, with records showing use until at least 1872 in Newbury.^[3]^[19]

Effects and Effectiveness

Deterrence Through Public Humiliation

The stocks functioned as a deterrent by exposing offenders to prolonged public humiliation, restraining their ankles or wrists in a wooden frame placed in highly visible community locations such as market squares or crossroads.^[32] This visibility allowed passersby to mock, insult, and sometimes pelt the individual with rotten food or refuse, intensifying the social stigma and psychological distress intended to reinforce communal norms.^[33] In pre-modern societies characterized by tight social networks, the fear of reputational loss—critical for economic opportunities and social standing—served as the primary mechanism, making recidivism personally and socially costly.^[34] Authorities employed the stocks for minor offenses like drunkenness, petty theft, or moral lapses, positioning the punishment as a visible warning to potential wrongdoers that deviance would invite collective disapproval.^[35] The ritualistic nature of the exposure, often lasting hours or days, underscored the community's role in enforcement, fostering a sense of shared vigilance and moral conformity without resorting to lethal measures.^[1] Historical records from medieval Europe indicate that such shaming was rationally designed for deterrence in agrarian communities where anonymity was absent and interpersonal relationships dictated survival.^[2] Unlike corporal punishments emphasizing physical pain, the stocks prioritized enduring social consequences, aiming to internalize guilt and deter through anticipated shame rather than immediate bodily harm.^[36] This approach aligned with theories of altruistic punishment, where public condemnation promoted group cooperation by signaling intolerance for antisocial behavior. In contexts of low state capacity, the stocks thus leveraged informal social controls to maintain order, with the humiliation's potency derived from its inescapability in face-to-face societies.^[37]

Empirical Evidence and Causal Impacts

Historical records from early modern England and colonial America document the widespread application of stocks for minor offenses, such as public drunkenness, petty theft, and disorderly conduct, with court documents in places like Williamsburg, Virginia, noting hundreds of such sentences as a mild escalation after fines or warnings.^[13] These punishments were predicated on the causal mechanism of public exposure inducing communal disapproval, intended to leverage social reputation as a deterrent in small, interconnected communities where anonymity was low.^[10] However, quantitative data on crime rates or recidivism directly attributable to stocks remains unavailable, as pre-19th-century criminal justice systems lacked systematic tracking of offense frequencies before and after specific penalties.^[38] Indirect causal insights emerge from the operational context: restraint in stocks caused physical strain from immobility, potential exposure to elements, and vulnerability to unofficial crowd actions like pelting, which could amplify humiliation but also risk disproportionate harm, as evidenced by occasional fatalities or severe injuries reported in pillory cases, a related device.^[39] Psychologically, the mechanism targeted shame over guilt, aiming to stigmatize the offender's character to enforce norm compliance; in agrarian societies with strong kinship ties, this likely reinforced deterrence by threatening ostracism and livelihood loss, though urban migration and weakening community bonds contributed to declining perceived efficacy by the 18th century.^[40] Contemporary psychological research offers causal analogs, indicating that induced shame—central to stocks—correlates with externalized blame and higher recidivism (odds ratio approximately 1.08 in longitudinal inmate studies), whereas guilt-prone responses predict reduced reoffending (odds ratio 0.92).^[41]^[42] Reintegrative shaming theory posits effectiveness when humiliation prompts community reinclusion rather than permanent exclusion, a dynamic arguably present in village stocks but eroded in colonial settings with diverse populations; empirical tests in modern contexts, however, show shaming penalties yielding mixed recidivism outcomes, often no better than fines.^[43]^[44] Overall, while stocks causally imposed immediate social costs with presumed short-term deterrent value for low-stakes crimes, the absence of rigorous historical metrics precludes firm conclusions on net crime reduction, highlighting reliance on normative rather than empirically validated mechanisms.

Risks, Abuses, and Criticisms

Individuals restrained in stocks were exposed to the elements without protection, risking hypothermia during cold weather, dehydration or sunburn in heat, and illnesses from rain or poor sanitation, as the devices were invariably positioned outdoors in public spaces.^[32] The fixed posture often led to muscle cramps, restricted blood flow, and sores from prolonged immobility, exacerbating vulnerabilities for the elderly, infirm, or those held for extended periods.^[32] Public placement invited assaults from crowds, who frequently hurled rotten produce, stones, or excrement, potentially causing concussions, broken bones, or infections; while fatalities were rarer in stocks than in the elevated pillory, unchecked mob actions occasionally escalated to lethal violence, as the restrained position prevented self-defense.^[45] In plantation settings, particularly in the Caribbean, stocks were misused against enslaved people for minor infractions like tardiness, combining restraint with exposure to tropical conditions and supervisory brutality, often without legal oversight.^[46] Reformers in the 18th and 19th centuries, influenced by Enlightenment principles, criticized stocks for fostering disproportionate humiliation and vigilantism rather than measured justice, arguing that public participation risked excessive cruelty uncontrolled by authorities.^[45] Cesare Beccaria's 1764 treatise On Crimes and Punishments condemned such spectacles as barbaric, ineffective for deterrence in expanding societies, and prone to arbitrary abuse by officials or communities, contributing to their phased abolition in England by the mid-19th century. Empirical observations noted inconsistent application, disproportionately targeting the poor or nonconformists while sparing elites, undermining claims of equitable enforcement.^[22] Modern analyses highlight psychological scars from shaming, including long-term stigma without rehabilitation, rendering the practice causally linked to recidivism in non-tight-knit communities.^[45]

Modern Status and Debates

Current Legal Standing

In most modern jurisdictions, the use of stocks as a form of corporal punishment or public restraint is prohibited under constitutional or international human rights frameworks that ban cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.^[12]^[47] For instance, in the United States, such restraints qualify as "cruel and unusual punishment" under the Eighth Amendment, with historical analogs like the pillory formally abolished by 1839 and no recorded judicial application of stocks since the 19th century.^[48] In Europe, the European Convention on Human Rights (Article 3) effectively bars stocks through its prohibition on torture and degrading punishment, rendering it unlawful in European Union member states and Council of Europe signatories, though enforcement varies.^[9] The United Kingdom stands as an exception, where stocks have never been formally repealed; a 15th-century statute permitting their use for offenses like public drunkenness or Sabbath-breaking remains on the books, theoretically allowing magistrates to impose it, despite no verified application since 1872.^[12] Globally, over 60 countries have enacted comprehensive bans on all corporal punishments, including restraint devices like stocks, often aligning with United Nations standards against degrading penalties.^[49] In jurisdictions retaining limited judicial corporal punishment, such as Brunei or Iran, stocks are not among authorized methods, which instead involve caning or flogging under strict statutory limits. No contemporary legal systems actively employ stocks for criminal sanctions, with preserved historical examples serving solely as cultural monuments rather than functional instruments.^[50]

Arguments for Revival and Contemporary Critiques

Proponents of reviving stocks as a form of punishment argue that such shaming sanctions could effectively deter minor offenses by leveraging social norms and community disapproval, serving as a low-cost alternative to incarceration. Legal scholar Dan Kahan has contended that shaming penalties, including historical devices like stocks, express communal values of condemnation more vividly than fines or short prison terms, potentially educating both offenders and the public about the wrongfulness of crimes while avoiding the fiscal burdens of imprisonment, which in the U.S. exceeded $80 billion annually as of 2017.^[51] Kahan posits that for nonviolent offenses, these penalties could reintegrate offenders if implemented with expressive equivalence to match the severity of the crime, drawing on historical precedents where public exposure induced genuine remorse without physical harm.^[51] Criminologist John Braithwaite's theory of reintegrative shaming further supports revival by distinguishing it from stigmatizing punishment; stocks could facilitate community-mediated disapproval that pressures desistance from crime while allowing offender reintegration, as evidenced in small-scale studies of restorative justice programs where shamed individuals showed lower recidivism rates compared to purely punitive isolation.^[52] Advocates highlight practical advantages, such as minimal infrastructure needs—stocks require only wood and locks—and public visibility to amplify deterrence, with a 2010 UK petition garnering signatures for their use against persistent petty criminals to reduce prison overcrowding, which affected over 85,000 inmates in England and Wales that year.^[53] These arguments emphasize causal mechanisms like status loss and reputational damage, which empirical psychology links to behavioral compliance in tight-knit societies, potentially applicable to modern community settings for offenses like vandalism or public drunkenness.^[51] Contemporary critiques contend that reviving stocks risks exacerbating recidivism by fostering defiance rather than remorse, particularly in individualistic cultures where public humiliation alienates offenders from support networks. Legal analyses argue that such penalties violate Eighth Amendment prohibitions on cruel and unusual punishment in the U.S., as they inflict psychological harm disproportionate to minor crimes and echo discredited medieval practices without empirical validation of long-term efficacy.^[54] Critics like Toni Massaro highlight implementation failures, noting that shaming often backfires by hardening attitudes—studies of signage penalties for drunk driving found increased resentment and no deterrence gains over traditional sanctions.^[55] Furthermore, in an era of mass incarceration critiques, stocks invite abuses like mob violence, as historical records document assaults on pilloried individuals, undermining claims of humane revival.^[55] Human rights frameworks, including the European Convention on Human Rights, deem public shaming degrading, with courts rejecting similar proposals for incompatibility with dignity principles; a 2018 review of judicial shaming found inconsistent application leading to unequal outcomes based on offender demographics.^[56] Skeptics question the causal realism of deterrence, citing meta-analyses showing humiliation correlates with higher reoffending due to eroded self-efficacy rather than moral reflection.^[57] While still technically legal in the UK under a 1552 statute, non-use reflects broader consensus that modern sentencing prioritizes rehabilitation and proportionality over spectacle, with alternatives like community service proving more verifiable in reducing costs and crime without dignity erosions.^[12]

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An event-history analysis indicated that feelings of guilt at the beginning of a prison term correlated with lower rates of recidivism, and feelings of shame ...
[42]
Understanding Shame and Guilt in the Prediction of Jail Inmates ...
As hypothesized, shame exerted a significant positive mediated effect on recidivism via its relation to externalization of blame (indirect effect = .08, p < .01) ...
[43]
A Test of Reintegrative Shaming Theory in the White-Collar Crime ...
Aug 7, 2025 · ... shame-related emotions mediate the effects of different kinds of shaming on ... SHAMING, SHAME AND RECIDIVISM. 901. Shaming and compliance.
[44]
Public Shamings | The Marshall Project
Mar 31, 2015 · ... impact of public shaming on recidivism rates. Psychologist June Tangney of George Mason University has studied guilt and shame among inmates ...
[45]
[PDF] What is Wrong with Inflicting Shame Sanctions?
over public humiliation has played a role in the decline of western shame sanctions. ... humiliation that are often likely to be effective and to bring ...
[46]
2 Everyday resistance: enslavement in the Caribbean
Trinidad (London, 1836). Stocks were kept on plantations as punishment for less serious infractions of discipline such as being late for work or not finishing a ...
[47]
[PDF] TACKLING THE TRADE IN TOOLS OF TORTURE AND EXECUTION ...
This briefing presents examples of equipment currently being manufactured, promoted, exported and misused that urgently needs to be banned or more robustly ...<|separator|>
[48]
Constitution Check: Is shaming a legal form of punishment for crime?
Aug 26, 2014 · And no longer do criminals have to have their hands placed in “stocks” in the village square for a rather painful form of public humiliation.
[49]
Countdown - End Corporal Punishment of Children
States prohibiting all corporal punishment of children, including in the home: ; 2025 - Thailand ; 2024 - Tajikistan ; 2023 - Lao PDR ; 2022 - Zambia, Mauritius.
[50]
Judicial corporal punishment - Wikipedia
Legal corporal punishment is forbidden in most countries, but it still is a form of legal punishment practised according to the legislations of Brunei, Iran, ...Missing: device | Show results with:device
[51]
Why aren't the stocks used as a widespread punishment anymore?
Oct 27, 2017 · The stocks aren't used in most countries on the planet due to the nature of the punishment. The punishment is meant to publicly humiliate the offender.Why was the Medieval era so terribly harsh about punishment?Why were punishments harsher before the modern era of history?More results from www.quora.com
[52]
What's Really Wrong with Shaming Sanctions by Dan M. Kahan
Jul 11, 2006 · Shaming penalties would likely be a politically viable substitute for imprisonment for a range of nonviolent (or relatively nonviolent) offenses.
[53]
[PDF] Reintegrative Shaming | John Braithwaite
Reintegrative shaming communicates shame to a wrongdoer in a way that encourages him or her to desist; stigmatization shames in a way that makes things worse.
[54]
Bring back the stocks - Petitions
Shaming them in front of the public that they have tormented and abused would be very effective. Stocks are easy to build, any damage to the criminal would be a ...<|separator|>
[55]
[PDF] Shame's Revival: An Unconstitutional Regression
By af- fecting a person's entire conception of self, shame often works too well.'2 There have even been instances in which offenders subjected to shaming ...
[56]
Evaluating the Efficacy of Shaming Sanctions in Criminal Law - jstor
The first group argues that shaming is an effective form of punishment because the subjective dis- utility - and thus the capacity to deter - of a given term of ...
[57]
Back to the Pillory? - SpringerLink
Jan 9, 2018 · The chapter explores the history of shaming as judicial punishment, the forms it takes, and the conditions under which it is best practiced, and ...Missing: studies | Show results with:studies
[58]
Shame, Guilt and Remorse: Implications for Offender Populations
First, regarding criminal sentencing practices, research argues strongly against “shaming” sentences designed to shame and humiliate offenders. ... Shaming, shame ...Missing: reviving | Show results with:reviving