Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

Tehsildar

A tehsildar (also spelled tahsildar) is a administrative officer in who heads the administration of a , a sub- subdivision of a , serving as the primary between the and the public in rural and semi-urban areas. The position, subordinate to the collector, encompasses responsibilities for collection, maintenance of records, of subordinate such as inspectors and village accountants, and recovery of dues including taxes. also perform quasi-judicial functions as an Assistant Collector of the second grade, adjudicating disputes, and exercise executive magisterial powers, such as maintaining , issuing certificates, and handling disaster relief coordination. Appointed typically through state public service commissions, tehsildars operate under the state revenue department and are often assisted by a naib tehsildar () to manage the tehsil's sub-treasury and field operations. Their role extends to implementing schemes, conducting surveys for acquisition, and verifying documents for transactions, making them pivotal in local governance despite varying implementation across states due to India's federal structure. In some regions, such as , the tehsildar holds a uniquely broad mandate interfacing directly with landowners on tenancy issues, underscoring the position's foundational importance in agrarian economies.

Etymology and Historical Origins

Linguistic Derivation

The term "tehsildar" derives from the Urdu taḥṣīldār, a compound word adopted into Persian administrative lexicon during the Mughal era. The first element, taḥṣīl (also transliterated as tahseel), stems from the Arabic noun taḥṣīl, which is the verbal noun of ḥaṣṣala, meaning "to collect," "to acquire," or specifically "to gather revenue" in fiscal contexts. This Arabic root reflects the historical emphasis on revenue administration in Islamic governance systems, where collection of land taxes (malguzari) formed a core function. The second element, -dār, is a denoting "holder," "possessor," or "agent," commonly appended to nouns to indicate an responsible for a or , as in zamīndār (landholder). Thus, taḥṣīl-dār literally translates to "revenue collector" or "one in charge of collection," encapsulating the role's primary of overseeing fiscal gathering at the sub-district level. This etymological structure entered South Asian vernaculars via Perso-Arabic influences under Muslim rule, evolving into and regional languages while retaining its administrative . In English usage, "tehsildar" first appears in records from , in correspondence by British administrator Sir Thomas Munro, marking its adoption during early colonial documentation of Indian revenue systems. Variant spellings like "tahsildar" or "tuhsildar" reflect phonetic adaptations in colonial transliterations, but the core Perso-Arabic derivation remains consistent across .

Introduction in Mughal Administration

The tehsildar, a term derived from the words tahsil (revenue collection) and dar (holder or possessor), originated in the as a revenue officer stationed at the level, the primary subdivision for local fiscal administration below the sarkar (). This position was integral to the empire's centralized system, which emphasized systematic and extraction from agrarian produce to sustain imperial finances, military campaigns, and administrative functions. Parganas typically encompassed dozens of villages, and the tehsildar ensured that land —often fixed at one-third of the estimated under systems like zabt introduced during Akbar's reign (r. 1556–1605)—was efficiently gathered and remitted to higher treasuries. In practice, the tehsildar collaborated with subordinate officials such as the shiqdar (administrative enforcer) for oversight of collection processes and the qanungo (record custodian) for verifying fiscal accounts, while directing village-level agents like the muqaddam (headman) and patwari (accountant) to conduct on-ground assessments and payments. These officers handled seasonal surveys of cultivated , crop yields, and cultivator liabilities, often employing tools and crop-sharing ratios to determine demands, with collections made in cash or kind to accommodate local agricultural realities. Non-compliance could invoke coercive measures, including seizure of produce or bonds from defaulters, reflecting the Mughal emphasis on fiscal discipline amid decentralized control by zamindars or jagirdars. The role's introduction aligned with broader administrative reforms under , who in the late restructured revenue extraction to replace arbitrary feudal levies with measured, predictable assessments, thereby enhancing without alienating rural intermediaries. By Aurangzeb's era (r. 1658–1707), tehsildars managed escalating demands from prolonged Deccan campaigns, though inefficiencies arose from , measurement disputes, and , underscoring the position's vulnerability to local power dynamics despite imperial oversight. Historical records indicate tehsildars received no fixed but derived income from commissions on collections, typically 2–5 percent, incentivizing performance while risking over-extraction. This framework persisted as a legacy, influencing subsequent colonial adaptations by providing a proven mechanism for agrarian fiscal control.

Evolution Under Colonial and Post-Colonial Rule

British Colonial Period

The British East India Company, after acquiring the diwani rights in Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa in 1765, adapted the existing Mughal revenue administration by appointing native officers, including tehsildars, to facilitate tax collection under supervisory oversight. Mohammad Reza Khan, as Naib Diwan, introduced tehsildars in the 1760s to manage revenue gathering at the local level, retaining elements of the pre-colonial system while subordinating them to British-appointed supervisors or collectors. This adaptation prioritized fiscal extraction, often exacerbating inefficiencies and corruption observed in early implementations, such as during the 1770 Bengal famine linked to revenue pressures on intermediaries. Tehsildars functioned as stipendiary revenue officers at the (sub-district) level, primarily responsible for assessing and collecting land revenue, supervising village accountants (patwaris) in maintaining cultivation records like and khatauni, and verifying field measurements. In regions outside , such as the where the office was formally introduced in 1802, they conducted land settlements, mediated tenancy disputes, and enforced assessments under systems like the Mahalwari settlement, which emphasized village-level revenue sharing. Their duties extended to minor magisterial functions related to revenue, including resolving agrarian conflicts and ensuring compliance, though they operated under the district collector's authority to curb local abuses. The role evolved amid British reforms aimed at bureaucratic efficiency; in Bengal, tehsildars were largely supplanted by 1772 with direct collector oversight and eliminated post-1793 , which fixed revenue with zamindars and bypassed sub-district intermediaries. In non-zamindari areas like Madras ( system) and after 1849 annexation, tehsildars retained prominence for direct assessments and record-keeping, transitioning from feudal intermediaries to salaried civil servants by the mid-19th century under Crown rule after 1858. Challenges persisted, including with local elites leading to underreporting and overburdening, prompting periodic inquiries and regulations to enhance accountability.

Post-Independence in India

Following 's independence in , the Tehsildar role persisted as a of sub-district , inherited from the colonial framework and integrated into state governments under the Constitution's Seventh Schedule (List II, Entry 45), which assigns land to states. The position's primary duties—land record maintenance, assessment, and collection—remained intact, but were adapted to support post-independence agrarian restructuring aimed at eliminating intermediaries and empowering tillers. Tehsildars played a pivotal role in implementing zamindari abolition laws enacted across states in the late and early , such as Bihar's Zamindari Abolition Act of 1950, which vested land rights directly with cultivators and required field officers to conduct surveys, adjudicate claims, and redistribute intermediary-held lands exceeding ceilings. Subsequent tenancy reforms and land ceiling legislation in the and further expanded Tehsildars' responsibilities, including verifying occupancy rights, registering tenants, and enforcing surplus land acquisition for redistribution to landless laborers. For instance, under state acts like the Bombay Tenancy and Agricultural Lands Act of 1948 (amended post-1947), Tehsildars supervised of records to reflect protected tenancy status, reducing evictions and fixing rents at fair levels, though implementation varied due to local resistance and incomplete surveys. These efforts aimed to boost productivity and equity but often faced delays, with Tehsildars handling disputes via sub-judicial powers as executive magistrates. By the 1960s, amid community development programs and the introduction of institutions via the recommendations (1957), Tehsildars' functions evolved to include supervisory oversight of block-level development schemes, coordination with revenue inspectors for dues, and crisis response like relief, while retaining magisterial authority for minor criminal cases. Despite these additions, core revenue tasks dominated, with Tehsildars ensuring compliance amid challenges like fragmented holdings and evasion, as evidenced by uneven surplus distribution—only about 2% of was redistributed by the 1970s due to exemptions and litigation.

Adaptations in Pakistan and Bangladesh

In , the Tehsildar position retained its core revenue functions post-1947 , serving as the chief for at the tehsil level under provincial laws. The West Act of 1967 formalized this role, designating the Tehsildar (including Mukhtiarkar equivalents) as responsible for collection, record maintenance, and related accounts, while supervising subordinates like patwaris. In province, the Punjab Act of 1967 similarly empowers the Tehsildar to oversee tehsil-wide operations, including proceedings, of holdings, and enforcement of dues. Adaptations emphasized continuity with British-era structures but integrated the Tehsildar into district coordination frameworks, where they act as principal agents of the District Coordination for administrative duties beyond , such as reporting on and crisis response. This evolution addressed post- administrative needs by decentralizing tasks while maintaining hierarchical oversight from provincial boards of . In Bangladesh, formerly East Pakistan, the Tehsildar role adapted more significantly after 1971 independence, aligning with shifts from thana to upazila-based administration introduced in the 1980s. While retaining subordinate Tehsildars for field-level inquiries, such as verifying land ownership in mutation cases under Assistant Commissioner (Land) supervision, the position diminished in prominence compared to Pakistan. The Assistant Commissioner (Land), appointed from 1988 onward to expedite land management, assumed primary oversight of upazila land offices, handling mutations, tax updates, and disputes, with Tehsildars supporting at union levels as land assistant officers. These changes reflected broader decentralization efforts, including the Upazila Parishad system of 1982, which prioritized development functions over pure revenue extraction, though persistent land disputes highlight ongoing inefficiencies in record verification. Tehsildars thus function more as technical aides in a layered system bridging union and upazila levels, contrasting Pakistan's tehsil-centric model.

Core Roles and Responsibilities

Revenue Collection and Land Records Management

The Tehsildar is revenue officer at the tehsil level, tasked with the assessment and collection of , which constitutes the primary source of agricultural taxation in rural . This involves levying taxes based on , crop patterns, and irrigated versus unirrigated , with collection targets typically aligned to annual fiscal cycles ending 31. The officer issues demand notices under relevant state codes, such as Section 118 of the Maharashtra Code, and recovers arrears through coercive measures like attachment of property if payments lag. Supervision extends to subordinate revenue inspectors and village accountants (patwaris), ensuring field-level verification of holdings and , with the Tehsildar liable for shortfalls in targets. Beyond core land revenue, the Tehsildar collects ancillary dues including non-agricultural assessments on urbanized rural land, water cess for usage, and betterment levies from infrastructure-induced value appreciation. In 2022-23, for instance, tehsil-level collections in states like contributed significantly to district revenue pools, often exceeding ₹100 per in high-productivity areas, though evasion remains a challenge due to fragmented holdings averaging under 2 hectares per farmer. The role demands periodic tours to verify cultivator declarations and reconcile accounts, with digital platforms like Bhulekh in increasingly integrated for real-time tracking since 2015. In land records management, the Tehsildar acts as custodian of all tehsil-wide registers, including (field maps), khatauni ( ledgers), and mutation records for or . Duties encompass verifying and approving s, resolving discrepancies from surveys, and maintaining serial updates to reflect partitions or consolidations, often processing over 1,000 entries annually per . Oversight of patwaris ensures accurate field measurements and crop reporting, with the Tehsildar empowered under state tenancy acts—like Rajasthan's 1955 Act—to adjudicate disputes up to specified limits, preventing encroachments on government or common lands comprising up to 10% of tehsil area in some regions. Modernization efforts, such as digitization under the Land Records Modernization Programme launched in 2008, have shifted much verification online, reducing manual errors but requiring Tehsildar certification for legal validity.

Executive and Judicial Functions

The Tehsildar functions as an executive magistrate under the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973, with over the to maintain public tranquility and prevent disturbances. Key powers include dispersing unlawful assemblies through civil force or police assistance, as authorized under Section 129, and prohibiting gatherings or actions posing imminent threats via urgent orders under Section 144, which can last up to two months and extend to six with state approval. They also require bonds for good behavior from persons likely to breach peace (Section 107) and resolve possession disputes over land or water sources that risk violence (Section 145). In support of , Tehsildars conduct inquests into unnatural deaths (Section 174), order exhumations for suspicious cases like custodial deaths or those involving women within seven years of marriage (Section 176), and arrange patrols during festivals or emergencies. Beyond magisterial duties, executive responsibilities encompass supervising revenue subordinates such as and patwaris, distributing calamity relief, assessing crop conditions through field tours, and addressing cultivators' grievances on-site to ensure timely revenue administration. These functions position the Tehsildar as a frontline for localized response, including coordination for elections or disaster management, under the district collector's oversight. In judicial capacities, Tehsildars operate revenue courts to adjudicate tenancy disputes, recovery, tenant ejectments, and revenue corrections, exercising powers as Assistant Collector Second Grade. For partitions, they escalate to Assistant Collector First Grade authority, enabling binding decisions on inheritance and division. Additional quasi-judicial roles involve settling conflicts, ordering on 'B' memoranda cases, and penalizing village officials for , thereby streamlining rural and resource disputes without higher court escalation. This revenue-focused adjudication complements executive prevention, fostering administrative integration in tehsil-level governance.

Supervisory and Crisis Management Duties

Tehsildars exercise supervisory authority over subordinate staff, including patwaris, kanungos, and village-level officers such as lekhpals or village assistants, ensuring compliance with maintenance, mutation entries, and crop inspections within their jurisdiction. This oversight extends to verifying receipts, patta distributions, and the accuracy of Record of Rights registers, with periodic field inspections to prevent discrepancies or malpractices in administration. They also coordinate the of schemes at the level, directing subordinates to facilitate timely execution of agricultural subsidies, irrigation dues collection, and demarcation proceedings under relevant laws like the Delhi Land Reforms Act, 1954. In their capacity as executive magistrates under the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973, tehsildars hold powers to maintain public order, including dispersing unlawful assemblies, attaching disputed properties, and inquiring into unnatural or suspicious deaths on police requisition. These magisterial functions enable them to enforce executive directives during localized crises, such as communal tensions or minor law-and-order disturbances, often involving coordination with local police for patrols along like railway lines. For broader crisis management, particularly in disasters like floods or droughts prevalent in agrarian tehsils, tehsildars serve as nodal officers at the sub-district level, mobilizing efforts, assessing damage to crops and , and distributing aid under the district collector's guidance. They coordinate with zonal task forces to provide logistical support, including resource allocation to affected villages and verification of beneficiary lists for state funds, as seen in frameworks established post the Disaster Management Act, 2005. This role underscores their position as in rural , bridging administrative gaps between district and remote areas while reporting real-time updates to higher authorities.

Administrative Hierarchy and Structure

Position Within Government Framework

The Tehsildar functions as the principal revenue administrator at the tehsil or taluka level, which constitutes a sub-district unit within India's district-based administrative framework. This role is positioned in the executive branch under the state revenue department, with the Tehsildar typically reporting to the Sub-Divisional Officer or directly to the District Collector (also known as the District Magistrate), the apex revenue authority at the district level. In states with divisional commissioners, oversight extends upward through this intermediary to state revenue secretaries. Appointed as a gazetted —often Class I or II—via state civil services recruitment, the Tehsildar wields delegated authority equivalent to an Assistant Collector Second Grade, encompassing recovery, record adjudication, and executive magisterial powers within the tehsil jurisdiction. This placement ensures the Tehsildar serves as a field-level executor of directives on , integrating with local enforcement while remaining accountable to district-level audits and performance metrics. Structurally, the position links collectorship to subordinate units, supervising Naib Tehsildars, , and village accountants (patwaris) to maintain in revenue circles. In and , analogous roles align under coordination officers or collectors, preserving the as an intermediate tier for inherited from colonial precedents, though with variations in magisterial scope.

Subordinates and Oversight Mechanisms

The Tehsildar heads the administration at the level and supervises subordinate officials including Naib Tehsildars, who serve as deputy officers assisting in maintenance, collection, and magisterial duties. Naib Tehsildars exercise powers akin to Assistant Collector Grade II and handle sub-registrar functions under the Tehsildar's direction. Lower in the hierarchy, the Tehsildar oversees inspectors (also known as kanungos in some regions), who in turn supervise patwaris responsible for village-level records, crop inspections, and initial assessments. This ensures decentralized implementation of policies, with the Tehsildar conducting periodic field tours to verify subordinates' work and resolve discrepancies in records. Oversight of the Tehsildar is primarily exercised by the (SDM), to whom the Tehsildar submits regular reports on collection, land disputes, and administrative performance. The District Magistrate (DM) or Collector provides higher-level supervision, including approvals for major decisions like land mutations or remissions, and conducts inspections to enforce . Mechanisms include mandatory reporting protocols, surprise audits of land records, and grievance redressal channels where complaints against Tehsildars are escalated to the SDM or DM for investigation. In cases of misconduct, such as irregularities in handling, disciplinary action follows state rules, often initiated through departmental inquiries overseen by the board or . This layered supervision aims to mitigate local-level abuses while maintaining operational autonomy at the tehsil.

Reforms, Modernization, and Challenges

Digitalization and Efficiency Initiatives

The Digital India Land Records Modernization Programme (DILRMP), launched by the Government of India in 2016 as a successor to the National Land Records Modernization Programme initiated in 2008, represents a central effort to digitize land records management at the tehsil level. This initiative encompasses computerization of registration and land records, integration of textual and spatial data, cadastral resurvey using advanced technologies like drone mapping and GNSS, and establishment of statewide geographic information systems. Tehsildars, as key revenue officers overseeing land administration, are integral to these processes, transitioning from manual verification of records maintained by subordinates like patwaris to digital approvals for mutations, subdivisions, and dispute resolutions via centralized portals. Efficiency gains stem from reduced paperwork and access to , enabling tehsildars to process applications faster and minimize fraud-prone manual entries. For instance, e-mutation systems allow online submissions for record updates, with tehsildars conducting digital scrutiny and approvals, cutting processing times from weeks to days in participating states. with property registration offices further streamlines tehsildar duties by automating title verifications, addressing long-standing issues in revenue collection where discrepancies in outdated previously led to revenue leakages estimated at significant percentages in pre-digital audits. State-specific adaptations enhance tehsil-level operations; in Gujarat, the Computerization of Land Records project digitized 7/12 extracts (village-wise land records) across tehsils, empowering tehsildars with searchable databases for quicker revenue assessments. Haryana's 2025 reforms introduced paperless registration, a demarcation portal for boundary disputes, and revenue court management systems, directly aiding tehsildars in adjudicating cases without physical file movements. Similarly, Odisha's Bhulekh project and e-mutation under the Land Records Management System (LRMS) have digitized tahasil operations, allowing tehsildars to handle corrections and certifications electronically. By October 2024, approximately 95% of rural records in had been digitized under DILRMP, correlating with reported reductions in land disputes by up to 20-30% in digitized through transparent access via portals like Bhulekh or equivalents, which tehsildars now use for oversight and public queries. These reforms aim to foster a conclusive land titling , though full nationwide integration remains ongoing, with tehsildars adapting to hybrid digital-manual workflows amid varying levels across tehsils.

Anti-Corruption Efforts and Persistent Issues

State-level anti-corruption institutions, including Anti-Corruption Bureaus (ACBs) and Vigilance Departments, have conducted numerous operations targeting Tehsildars for , land scams, and disproportionate assets. In August 2025, the ACB in registered a case against Tahsildar Bandi Nageswara Rao of Fort for possessing assets exceeding known income sources by significant margins. Similarly, in October 2025, Jammu and Kashmir's ACB booked Naib Tehsildar Surjit Singh for unexplained wealth accumulation. These actions often involve operations, as seen in September 2025 when South Tahsildar was apprehended red-handed accepting a bribe for issuing a community certificate. Government directives and administrative measures aim to enhance oversight and accountability in Tehsildar offices. In July 2025, 's additional secretary for instructed all commissioners to intensify checks on within tehsils, emphasizing proactive monitoring of processes. Suspensions and inquiries follow exposures or complaints; for example, in July 2025, a Naib Tehsildar in was suspended after a video surfaced, prompting a departmental probe. In , a July 2025 directive led to the of Tehsildar Manjeet in Guhla amid allegations, coupled with initiatives to generate records digitally for greater . Despite these efforts, corruption persists as a systemic challenge in Tehsildar roles, particularly in record manipulation and registry approvals, where discretionary powers enable . In region, Tehsildar-level graft has been described as a widespread phenomenon, with multiple suspensions in 2025 failing to deter scams involving fraudulent mutations and bribes. Punjab's tehsil offices continue to report rampant irregularities in registry work, prompting plans in 2025 to replace long-serving clerks with new appointees, acknowledging entrenched malpractices despite prior reforms. Critiques note that drives often involve and yield limited systemic change, allowing 's strong hold in revenue administration to endure. In , the revenue department alone saw 76 cases in 2024, underscoring ongoing vulnerabilities in and dealings.

Criticisms, Controversies, and Empirical Assessments

Prevalent Corruption Cases

Corruption cases involving tehsildars in frequently center on demands for processing documents, such as mutations, deeds, and certificates, as well as involvement in scams and accumulation of disproportionate assets. These practices exploit the tehsildar's authority over records and collection, where officials often collude with subordinates like patwaris or naib tehsildars to extract payments from citizens seeking routine services. agencies, including state vigilance bureaus and the Directorate of Vigilance and (DVAC), have documented hundreds of such instances, particularly in departments handling registrations and encroachments. A prominent pattern involves for -related approvals. In September 2024, a special convicted a former special tahsildar and a middleman to three years' rigorous for accepting a Rs 5 bribe in 2017 to resolve a dispute, highlighting delays in case processing as a leverage point for . Similarly, in September 2025, South tahsildar was apprehended red-handed by DVAC while accepting a bribe for issuing a community certificate, with the driver's involvement underscoring networks within the office. In Rohtak, naib tehsildar Praveen was arrested in May 2025 after six months on the run for demanding Rs 1.80 to execute a , demonstrating evasion tactics employed by accused officials. Land scams represent another recurrent issue, often entailing fraudulent mutations or sales of government property. In July 2025, Haryana's Bureau charged four naib tehsildars and a patwari in a scam involving the illegal sale of prime government land through forged documents. Embezzlement cases further illustrate misuse of funds; a retired naib tehsildar in was arrested in December 2024 for siphoning Rs 1.5 from a branch by fabricating payments to landowners. Disproportionate assets probes, such as the August 2025 case against Warangal tahsildar Bandi Nageswara Rao by Andhra Pradesh's ACB, reveal wealth accumulation beyond known income sources, typically linked to years of illicit gains from revenue duties. In , a 2023 Vigilance Bureau report identified 48 revenue officials, including multiple tehsildars, for systematically demanding bribes during property registrations, often in collusion with lower-level staff. Earlier, in November 2022, tahsildar Meenal Krishna Dalvi was arrested with over Rs 1 in and seized from her residences following a tied to land approvals. These cases, prosecuted under the , indicate that while convictions occur, systemic vulnerabilities in manual land record verification persist, enabling such abuses despite periodic enforcement drives.

Bureaucratic Inefficiencies and Systemic Critiques

The tehsildar-led revenue administration in frequently encounters delays in core functions such as land mutation and issuance of certificates like or domicile proofs, often extending processing times to months due to manual verification processes and high caseloads. A 2005 analysis of land records computerization efforts revealed that despite investments exceeding Rs 300 over a decade, outdated and erroneous entries persisted in many states, undermining the reliability of services handled by tehsildars and subordinate staff like patwaris. These inefficiencies stem from fragmented workflows where tehsildars must coordinate with multiple lower-level officials, leading to bottlenecks exacerbated by understaffing; for instance, in rural tehsils, a single tehsildar may oversee records for thousands of holdings without adequate digital integration at the village level. Systemic critiques attribute these issues to a risk-averse bureaucratic within the tehsildar cadre, where officers prioritize adherence to procedural rules over innovative resolutions, resulting in indecision and coordination failures across departments. Empirical studies document how this manifests in an overemphasis on routine tasks, such as periodic collections, at the expense of dispute resolution or scheme implementation, with tehsildars often deferring decisions to higher authorities to mitigate personal . Political interference compounds this through arbitrary transfers—averaging 1-2 years per posting for revenue officers—which disrupts institutional knowledge and incentivizes short-term compliance with local power brokers rather than long-term efficiency. The hierarchical structure inherited from colonial field administration further entrenches inefficiencies, creating diffused accountability where tehsildars juggle executive, judicial, and supervisory roles without sufficient , leading to poor service delivery in rural areas. Critics argue this outdated model, characterized by overlapping jurisdictions between , blocks, and panchayats, fosters redundancy and delays policy execution, as evidenced by persistent gaps in land governance despite national digitization drives like the Digital India Land Records Modernization Programme (DILRMP). Such systemic rigidities prioritize compliance with central directives over adaptive local responses, perpetuating a cycle of low productivity and public dissatisfaction with tehsil offices.

Achievements in Local Governance

![Tehsildar Office in Wardhannapet][float-right] Tehsildars have achieved successes in local governance by implementing revenue recovery measures and protecting state assets from encroachment. In December 2021, Tehsildar Mamta Sudershan in Maira Mandrian, , led efforts to retrieve 77 kanals and 4 marlas of state land valued at Rs 2.5 crores, demonstrating effective and enforcement against illegal occupation. In , Tehsildar Casper James of the received the Atal Bhushan Award in 2024 for advancing among tribal populations, including enhancements to socio-economic structures and greater participation in administrative processes. His work exemplifies how Tehsildars can bridge gaps between government policies and marginalized rural groups. Tehsildars contribute to rural property formalization through schemes like SVAMITVA, distributing drone-surveyed property cards to households; in January 2025, Tehsildar Drass in conducted awareness sessions and facilitated distributions to promote secure and reduce disputes. Exemplary grievance handling and anti-encroachment drives have also marked achievements, as seen with Naib Tehsildar Ab Qayoom in 2025, who earned a of appreciation for resolving complaints, conducting demolitions in areas like Sonpah, and supporting developmental projects. In crisis response, Tehsildars have supported local initiatives, such as reallocating MGNREGA funds for mitigation in states like and , aiding employment and enforcement at the level.