Television in the United States
Television in the United States encompasses the technological development, regulatory framework, production, distribution, and cultural influence of broadcast, cable, and digital video programming since experimental transmissions began in the late 1920s.[1] The first fully electronic television image was transmitted by inventor Philo T. Farnsworth on September 7, 1927, marking a pivotal advancement over mechanical systems.[2] Commercial viability emerged post-World War II, with television sets proliferating from approximately 20,000 in 1946 to 15.3 million by 1952, rapidly displacing radio as the dominant medium for home entertainment by the 1950s.[3][1] Regulated by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), an independent agency created by the Communications Act of 1934 to manage spectrum allocation and public interest obligations in interstate communications, the industry initially centered on over-the-air networks like NBC, CBS, and ABC during the "network era" from 1948 to 1975.[4][5] This period saw television solidify as a unifying cultural force, broadcasting landmark events and shaping public opinion on social issues, though it also sparked debates over content like violence and political influence.[6] The subsequent cable era (1976–1994) introduced specialized channels and competition, eroding network monopolies through expanded programming diversity and subscriber fees.[7] The digital era since 1995 has accelerated fragmentation, with streaming platforms surpassing traditional broadcast and cable combined, capturing 44.8% of total TV usage by May 2025 amid broadband expansion and cord-cutting trends.[7][8] This shift has democratized access to content while intensifying concerns over algorithmic curation, data privacy, and the dilution of shared national narratives once fostered by mass broadcasts.[6] American television's defining achievements include pioneering live global events coverage and innovative genres from sitcoms to serialized dramas, yet it remains critiqued for amplifying commercial interests over factual rigor in news dissemination.[9]
History
Pre-Broadcast Era and Initial Experiments (1920s-1940s)
The development of television in the United States during the 1920s began with mechanical scanning systems, pioneered by inventors such as Charles Francis Jenkins, who demonstrated a working radiovision system in 1925 using a rotating Nipkow disk to scan and transmit images via radio waves.[10] These early mechanical televisions produced low-resolution images, typically 30 to 60 lines, and were limited to silhouettes or simple moving shapes, as the mechanical disk's spinning action created flickering and required dim lighting for visibility.[10] By the late 1920s, approximately 15 experimental mechanical television stations operated across the country, with broadcasters like General Electric's WGY in Schenectady, New York, airing short programs including vaudeville acts and test patterns starting in 1928.[11] The transition to electronic television accelerated in the late 1920s, driven by Philo T. Farnsworth's invention of the image dissector tube, which electronically scanned images without mechanical parts; on September 3, 1928, the 22-year-old Farnsworth transmitted the first all-electronic television image—a dollar sign—in his San Francisco laboratory.[12] Vladimir Zworykin at Westinghouse and later RCA refined the iconoscope camera tube around 1929, enabling higher resolution and practical broadcasting; RCA demonstrated a 120-line electronic system in 1932, marking a shift from mechanical limitations like noise and low fidelity.[13] Mechanical systems persisted briefly into the early 1930s but were largely obsolete by mid-decade due to electronic superiority in image quality and scalability, though enthusiasts built home "televisor" kits with neon lamps and disks for experimental viewing.[10][14] In the 1930s, major corporations invested heavily in electronic television infrastructure; RCA, under David Sarnoff, established experimental station W2XBS in New York City by 1930, broadcasting test patterns, films, and live events to a small audience of about 200 receiver owners by 1936, when it demonstrated a 343-line, 30-frames-per-second system.[1] NBC, an RCA affiliate, began regular experimental broadcasts in 1936, including coverage of the 1936 Olympics via radiophoto, while CBS experimented with its own New York station W2XAB.[1] These efforts faced technical challenges, such as signal interference and limited range, but by 1939, RCA showcased television at the New York World's Fair with President Franklin D. Roosevelt's opening address broadcast to approximately 200 sets in the New York area, signaling the technology's public viability.[15] Regulatory oversight by the Federal Radio Commission (predecessor to the FCC, established 1927) classified all pre-1941 television operations as experimental, issuing about 20 licenses for stations like those in Schenectady, New York, and Passaic, New Jersey, where a 1928 transmission from a studio to New York City demonstrated intercity potential.[16] The FCC, formed in 1934, coordinated spectrum allocation amid competing mechanical and electronic standards, freezing new commercial licenses in 1941 due to World War II defense priorities, which halted expansion despite over 7,000 receivers sold by RCA by 1941.[15] Wartime production shifted to military radar and electronics, limiting civilian broadcasts to a few hours weekly in major cities like New York and Philadelphia, where programming included newsreels and dramas viewed by niche audiences.[1] This era's experiments laid the groundwork for post-war commercialization but underscored television's nascent status, constrained by high costs—early sets priced at $600 to $1,000 (equivalent to $12,000-20,000 today)—and unreliable propagation over distances greater than 50 miles without boosters.[13]Post-War Expansion and the Golden Age (1950s-1960s)
The lifting of the Federal Communications Commission's four-year "freeze" on new television station licenses in April 1952 enabled rapid infrastructure expansion, with plans for over 2,000 additional stations to cover the nation, including allocations for educational broadcasting.[17] This regulatory shift, prompted by postwar demand and technical resolutions on VHF/UHF channel assignments, facilitated the growth of the "Big Three" networks—NBC, CBS, and ABC—through affiliate stations, transitioning from limited East Coast coverage to nationwide reach via coaxial cables and microwave relays by the mid-1950s.[18] Television ownership surged amid economic prosperity and affordable set prices, rising from approximately 9 percent of U.S. households in 1950 (around 5-9 million sets) to 65 percent by 1960, with penetration exceeding 85 percent in some estimates by decade's end.[12] Programming emphasized live broadcasts from New York studios, defining the "Golden Age" through anthology dramas like Kraft Television Theatre and Playhouse 90, which adapted literary works and attracted talent from Broadway and radio, alongside variety shows such as Sid Caesar's Your Show of Shows (1948–1954).[19] The era's innovation stemmed from technical constraints favoring unedited, real-time production, fostering creative experimentation but limiting syndication until filmed series emerged. A pivotal shift occurred with filmed sitcoms, exemplified by I Love Lucy (1951–1957), which drew 40-50 million viewers weekly at its peak and demonstrated profitability through reruns, influencing Hollywood's migration to Los Angeles for studio production.[20] Color television, standardized by the NTSC system in 1953, saw sluggish adoption due to high costs and sparse programming, with only about 150,000 sets sold by 1957; networks like NBC began limited colorcasts, but black-and-white dominated until the mid-1960s.[21] The medium's political influence crystallized in the 1960 Kennedy-Nixon debates, the first televised presidential face-offs, viewed by 70 million on September 26 for the initial installment; studies indicate television audiences favored Kennedy's poised appearance over Nixon's, who appeared unwell, underscoring visuals' sway beyond radio listeners' preferences.[22][23] Events like Elvis Presley's 1956 appearances on The Ed Sullivan Show further amplified youth culture, while Nielsen ratings from 1950 formalized audience measurement, prioritizing advertiser-driven content over public service amid commercial dominance.[24]Rise of Cable and Network Competition (1970s-1980s)
Cable television systems, initially developed to improve reception in rural areas, experienced constrained growth in the 1970s due to Federal Communications Commission (FCC) regulations designed to protect broadcast networks. These rules limited cable operators' importation of distant signals and restricted programming options, such as prohibiting recent movies and sports events. By 1970, approximately 4.5 million U.S. households subscribed to cable, representing about 6.5 percent penetration among television households. Penetration rose modestly to 12 percent by 1975 and 20 percent by 1980, as technological advancements like the 1975 launch of RCA Satcom enabled satellite distribution of programming nationwide.[25][26][27] The introduction of premium cable services marked a pivotal shift, with Home Box Office (HBO) launching on November 8, 1972, offering ad-free movies and sports to initial subscribers in Pennsylvania before expanding nationally via satellite in 1975. This pay-TV model bypassed advertiser constraints, allowing uncut films and exclusive content, which pressured networks to innovate. Ted Turner's innovations further intensified competition: in 1976, he distributed Atlanta's WTCG (later WTBS) as the first superstation via satellite, reaching millions with syndicated reruns and Atlanta Braves games; CNN followed on June 1, 1980, as the inaugural 24-hour news channel, fragmenting news viewership from network dominance. Cable networks proliferated from 28 in 1980 to 79 by 1990, providing niche programming that eroded the Big Three networks' (ABC, CBS, NBC) audience share from over 90 percent in the early 1970s.[28][29][30] The Cable Communications Policy Act of 1984 deregulated subscriber rates and franchise restrictions, spurring rapid expansion by removing barriers to entry and allowing market-driven pricing. Cable penetration surged to 43 percent by 1985 and approximately 53 million households (over 50 percent) by 1989, as operators invested in infrastructure and channel capacity. Networks responded by emphasizing event programming like miniseries (e.g., Roots in 1977 and The Winds of War in 1983) and prime-time access rules to bolster local syndication, but audience fragmentation persisted, with cable capturing viewers seeking specialized content over mass-appeal broadcasts. This era transitioned television from oligopolistic network control toward multichannel competition, laying groundwork for further diversification.[27][31][32][33]Digital Shift, Reality Boom, and Globalization (1990s-2000s)
The Telecommunications Act of 1996 deregulated the broadcasting industry by eliminating national caps on television station ownership and relaxing cross-ownership rules between TV stations and newspapers, enabling corporate consolidation among media conglomerates such as Viacom and Disney.[34] This consolidation facilitated capital investment in new technologies and programming formats, while cable television subscriptions grew from 55.5% of TV households in 1990 to 65.2% in 2000, expanding multichannel options and eroding the dominance of the big three networks (ABC, CBS, NBC).[35] By the late 1990s, cable reached nearly 75 million U.S. households, introducing specialized channels that catered to niche audiences and intensified competition.[33] The digital shift accelerated in the 1990s with the Federal Communications Commission's adoption of Advanced Television Systems Committee (ATSC) standards for high-definition and digital broadcasting in 1995, following demonstrations of digital feasibility as early as 1990 by General Instrument.[36] The first over-the-air digital TV broadcasts began in 1998, allowing stations a second spectrum channel for transition while maintaining analog signals, though full nationwide conversion was not mandated until 2009.[37] This period also saw the proliferation of digital satellite services like DirecTV, launched in 1994, which by 2000 competed with cable by offering hundreds of channels via small dish antennas, further fragmenting viewership.[33] Reality television surged in the late 1990s and early 2000s, driven by production cost efficiencies—often one-tenth those of scripted dramas—and the appeal of unscripted human conflict, which drew broad demographics without reliance on high-profile actors.[38] CBS's Survivor, premiering on May 31, 2000, marked a pivotal launch, averaging 28 million viewers per episode in its first season and generating ad revenues exceeding $100 million, as its survival competition format emphasized strategy, alliances, and eliminations that influenced subsequent shows like Big Brother (2000) and The Amazing Race (2001).[39] By the mid-2000s, reality formats dominated prime time, comprising over 30% of new scripted and unscripted series on major networks, as their low-risk model helped offset rising costs in an era of audience fragmentation.[40] Globalization manifested in the export of U.S. programming formats and content, bolstered by deregulated media giants establishing international arms; for instance, MTV expanded to over 100 countries by 2000, exporting youth-oriented music videos and reality hybrids, while CNN International reached 200 million households worldwide by the late 1990s.[41] U.S. filmed entertainment exports, including syndicated TV series like Friends (1994–2004) and The Simpsons (1989–present), generated billions in foreign revenues, with total audiovisual exports rising from $3.5 billion in 1990 to over $10 billion by 2000, reflecting America's cultural soft power through adaptable formats that local producers reformatted for domestic markets.[42] Satellite and cable infrastructure enabled this reach, as U.S. networks licensed content to emerging markets in Asia and Europe, where American shows captured up to 20% of prime-time airtime in countries like the UK and Australia by the early 2000s.[43]Streaming Dominance and Linear TV Decline (2010s-2025)
The advent of broadband internet and smartphone proliferation in the early 2010s enabled the rapid expansion of over-the-top (OTT) streaming platforms, which offered on-demand access to content without reliance on traditional cable or broadcast schedules. Netflix, transitioning from DVD rentals, introduced a streaming-only subscription plan in 2010 and invested heavily in original programming, launching House of Cards in February 2013 as its first major scripted series, which popularized the binge-watching model and garnered 23 Emmy nominations.[44][45] This shift attracted subscribers seeking flexibility, with Netflix's U.S. streaming households growing from under 20 million in 2010 to over 60 million by 2019. Hulu, initially a joint venture by broadcasters launched in 2007, evolved into a key competitor by adding live TV options in 2017 and originals like The Handmaid's Tale in 2017, capturing ad-supported viewers disillusioned with cable bundles.[46] Cord-cutting accelerated as consumers rejected escalating cable prices—averaging $217 monthly for expanded bundles by 2023—and fragmented channel lineups, opting instead for à la carte streaming at lower costs. Pay TV penetration fell from 88% of U.S. households in 2010 to 64% by mid-2023, with cable providers losing approximately 25 million subscribers since 2012 due to factors including generational preferences among millennials and Gen Z for mobile and on-demand viewing.[46][47] Amazon Prime Video, bundled with e-commerce perks since 2011, further eroded linear dominance by 2013 with originals like Transparent, while services such as HBO Now (2015) and CBS All Access (2014, later Paramount+) extended premium content online. The late 2010s saw intensified competition, culminating in Disney+'s November 2019 launch, which amassed 10 million subscribers on day one by leveraging exclusive Marvel, Star Wars, and Pixar libraries, prompting traditional networks to unbundle assets.[48] By the 2020s, streaming's content investment—exceeding $20 billion annually across major platforms—drove superior production quality and algorithmic personalization, outpacing linear TV's ad-driven, time-bound model amid declining ad revenues for cable, which dropped to $143.9 billion globally in 2025 partly due to audience migration.[49] Linear viewership contracted as broadband reached 90% of U.S. households by 2020, enabling seamless multi-device consumption; cable subscribers dwindled to 66.1 million households by 2024, a 34.57% decline from 105 million peaks.[50] Nielsen data revealed streaming's inexorable rise: from 15-20% of TV usage in the early 2010s to 40.3% in June 2024, then surging to 44.8% in May 2025—eclipsing combined broadcast (20.1%) and cable (24.1%) shares for the first time—fueled by originals, live sports shifts (e.g., NFL on Peacock), and free ad-supported TV (FAST) options like Tubi.[8] By September 2025, streaming commanded 45.2% of usage, with cable and broadcast each at 22.3%, reflecting structural causes like viewer agency over scheduling and economic pressures on linear from fixed rights costs amid shrinking bases.[51] Projections indicate over 100 million U.S. cord-cutters by 2024, comprising 41.6% of consumers by 2026, as pay TV households dip below 30% by 2029.[52][53] This dominance reshaped economics, with streaming subscriptions overtaking linear in U.S. revenue share by 2024, though challenges emerged including platform consolidation (e.g., Warner Bros. Discovery's 2022 HBO Max rebrand to Max) and profitability quests via ad tiers and crackdowns on password sharing, as Netflix reported 100 million global paid sharing conversions in 2023.[54] Linear TV's resilience in live events like sports and news—retaining niches via retransmission fees—has slowed total collapse, but causal drivers of decline, including high churn from bundling fatigue and superior streaming discovery tools, position OTT as the primary video ecosystem through 2025.[55]Technology and Delivery Methods
Over-the-Air Broadcast Standards and Evolution
The National Television System Committee (NTSC) standard, defining 525-line interlaced scanning at 60 fields per second for monochrome television, was adopted by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) on April 30, 1941, enabling commercial broadcasting to commence after World War II.[56] This analog system operated primarily in the VHF band (channels 2–13) with supplemental UHF channels (14–83) added via the All-Channel Receiver Act of 1962, which mandated TV sets to tune both bands to expand capacity.[57] Color broadcasting was introduced compatibly under the revised NTSC standard, approved by the FCC on December 17, 1953, following the rejection of incompatible systems like CBS's mechanical color proposal.[58][59] Adoption was gradual; by 1972, color sets comprised over 50% of households, driven by network programming investments.[57] By the late 1980s, limitations of NTSC—such as visible scan lines, susceptibility to interference, and inefficiency for high-definition—prompted development of advanced standards. The Advanced Television Systems Committee (ATSC), formed in 1982, coordinated the Grand Alliance's efforts, culminating in the ATSC Digital Television Standard (A/53) for 8-VSB modulation and MPEG-2 compression.[60] The FCC adopted this standard on December 24, 1996, allocating 6 MHz channels for digital signals while requiring broadcasters to return analog spectrum post-transition.[61] The Digital Television Transition mandated full-power stations to cease analog broadcasts, originally set for February 17, 2009, but delayed to June 12, 2009, due to viewer readiness concerns; low-power and Class A stations followed later.[37][62] This shift freed 108 MHz of UHF spectrum for public safety and wireless broadband via the 2012 Spectrum Act, while enabling HD and multiple subchannels per 6 MHz allotment under ATSC 1.0.[63] ATSC 3.0, branded as NextGen TV, represents the latest evolution, approved by the FCC for voluntary deployment starting September 2018, incorporating HEVC compression, OFDM modulation, IP-based delivery, and support for 4K UHD, HDR, immersive audio, and interactivity.[64] As of October 2025, over 125 stations in 80 markets broadcast ATSC 3.0 signals, covering approximately 75% of U.S. households, with hybrid ATSC 1.0/3.0 tuners required for legacy compatibility via "lighthouse" stations.[65] The FCC has reaffirmed support through clarified application processes but rejected mandatory timelines, favoring market-driven rollout amid debates over costs and spectrum efficiency.[66] More than 100 NextGen TV devices are projected for retail availability in 2025, enhancing OTA resilience against internet disruptions.[67]Cable, Satellite, and Multichannel Expansion
Cable television originated in 1948 as Community Antenna Television (CATV) systems designed to deliver over-the-air broadcast signals to households in remote or mountainous regions with poor reception, such as Mahanoy City, Pennsylvania; Astoria, Oregon; and parts of Arkansas, using mountaintop antennas connected via coaxial cables.[30] By the early 1960s, approximately 800 CATV systems served around 850,000 subscribers, primarily retransmitting local stations.[68] However, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) imposed restrictive regulations starting in 1962, mandating carriage of local signals and prohibiting duplication of programming from distant markets to protect broadcast affiliates, which stifled urban expansion and limited subscriber growth to about 4.5 million by 1970.[68] [69] The 1970s marked the onset of multichannel expansion through pay cable and satellite technology. Home Box Office (HBO) launched in 1972 as the first premium subscription service, initially distributed via terrestrial microwave and telephone lines, offering uncut movies and events without commercials.[30] A pivotal advancement occurred on September 30, 1975, when HBO became the first U.S. network to transmit programming nationally via satellite, delivering the "Thrilla in Manila" boxing match between Muhammad Ali and Joe Frazier to cable systems across the country using RCA's Satcom 1 geostationary satellite, which drastically reduced distribution costs and enabled simultaneous nationwide delivery.[70] [71] This satellite integration facilitated "superstations" like WTBS in 1976, after FCC deregulation lifted distant signal restrictions, allowing Ted Turner's Atlanta independent station to reach 2 million households via satellite.[30] By 1979, U.S. cable subscribers numbered 14.8 million.[31] Deregulatory shifts in the late 1970s and 1980s accelerated multichannel proliferation. The FCC's progressive easing of rules, including the 1976 repeal of certain signal importation limits, spurred launches of specialized ad-supported networks: ESPN in 1979 for sports, CNN in 1980 for 24-hour news, and MTV in 1981 for music videos, coinciding with 25% household penetration.[30] The Cable Communications Policy Act of 1984 granted the FCC explicit jurisdiction over cable while deregulating rates for non-basic tiers and streamlining franchising, removing barriers to new system builds and fostering competition.[72] Cable networks expanded from 28 in 1980 to 79 by 1990, with basic service tiers offering dozens of channels.[30] Subscriber base surged to 53 million households by 1989, representing about 50% penetration.[73] Satellite direct-to-home (DTH) services complemented cable's wired infrastructure, targeting rural non-cable areas. In the early 1980s, backyard satellite dishes (TVRO systems) using C-band frequencies allowed households to receive unscrambled superstations and early feeds directly, with installations peaking at millions by mid-decade despite high costs (dishes up to 10 feet in diameter).[74] Digital broadcast satellite (DBS) emerged in the 1990s with compressed signals enabling smaller dishes: DirecTV launched in 1994 with 175 channels, followed by Dish Network in 1996, rapidly gaining subscribers by bundling local stations and national programming.[74] By 1990, 92% of U.S. television households had cable access, with 60% subscribing (51.7 million), while satellite added further multichannel options, fragmenting audiences and eroding broadcast network dominance through niche content and expanded choice.[35]Internet Streaming and Connected TV Platforms
Internet streaming services emerged in the United States in the mid-2000s, transitioning from broadband-enabled downloads to on-demand video delivery, with Netflix launching its streaming platform in 2007 after originating as a DVD rental service.[75] This shift accelerated with YouTube's founding in 2005, which popularized user-generated video, and Hulu's debut in 2008 offering ad-supported clips from broadcast networks.[76] By the 2010s, original content production by streamers like Netflix's House of Cards in 2013 spurred competition, drawing viewers away from traditional cable bundles due to lower costs and flexible viewing.[75] Major platforms now dominate, with Netflix holding approximately 81.4 million U.S. subscribers as of recent estimates, followed by Amazon Prime Video at around 75 million and Disney+ at over 127 million globally but with significant U.S. penetration.[77] Hulu, owned by Disney, and Paramount+ also command millions, often bundled with live TV options to retain sports and news audiences.[77] These services have fueled cord-cutting, where households abandon multichannel pay-TV subscriptions; pay-TV households fell from 84 million in 2019 to about 58 million by 2023, with 4.9 million more cutting cords in the prior year alone.[46] Streaming now accounts for 45.2% of total U.S. TV usage as of September 2025, surpassing cable and broadcast at 22.3% each, driven by on-demand access and personalized recommendations.[51] Connected TV (CTV) platforms, encompassing smart TVs and external devices, enable this shift by integrating streaming apps into living room viewing. As of 2024, 68% of U.S. internet households own a smart TV, up from 54% in 2020, while 46% have a dedicated streaming media player like Roku or Fire TV.[78] Roku leads the CTV device market with 37% share in North America as of Q2 2025, followed by Amazon Fire TV at 17%, reflecting preferences for neutral interfaces over manufacturer-tied ecosystems.[79] Smart TVs from Samsung and others hold about 21% global share but drive 31% of viewing time among U.S. adults 18-64 via built-in apps.[80][81] This hardware ecosystem has normalized streaming as primary TV consumption, with 83% of U.S. adults using services like Netflix or Prime Video, though only 36% retain cable or satellite subscriptions.[82] The proliferation of CTV has reshaped delivery, emphasizing IP-based transmission over coaxial cables, with platforms optimizing for 4K and ad insertion to monetize free tiers.[83] However, subscriber fatigue from price hikes—averaging $100+ monthly across multiple services—mirrors cable's bundling issues, prompting some households to cycle subscriptions or revert to free ad-supported TV (FAST) channels on Roku and similar devices.[84] Despite this, streaming's empirical dominance persists, as evidenced by its viewing share exceeding linear TV, underscoring a causal pivot from scheduled broadcasts to algorithmic, viewer-initiated content.[85]Industry Organization
Major Networks and Affiliates
The major commercial broadcast television networks in the United States—commonly referred to as the Big Four—comprise ABC, CBS, NBC, and Fox, which collectively reach nearly all U.S. households through a network of affiliated local stations. These networks centralize the production and distribution of national programming, including primetime scripted series, news, and sports, while relying on affiliates for local insertion of news, weather, promotions, and advertising during designated avails. Affiliation agreements, typically multi-year contracts, obligate stations to prioritize network programming (known as "clearance") and prohibit exclusive deals that could hinder competition, as regulated by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). In return, networks provide affiliates with compensation for airtime usage, though recent trends involve "reverse compensation" where affiliates pay networks fixed or variable fees—sometimes exceeding retransmission consent revenues from cable providers—to secure programming rights.[86][87][88] Owned-and-operated (O&O) stations, directly controlled by the networks' parent companies, function as flagship outlets in high-value markets like New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago, allowing networks to retain full advertising revenue and exercise greater content control without affiliate negotiations. Affiliates, comprising the majority of a network's reach, are owned by independent broadcasters or large station groups such as Nexstar Media Group (over 200 stations across affiliations), Sinclair Broadcast Group, and Gray Television, which leverage economies of scale in carriage deals with multichannel video programming distributors (MVPDs). This structure, rooted in post-World War II expansion, enables networks to achieve near-universal coverage—typically 97-99% of households—while affiliates benefit from network-supplied content that drives viewership and local ad sales. However, tensions arise from shifting economics, including declining linear viewership and disputes over fee structures, prompting affiliates to seek more variable compensation models tied to performance.[89][90][91] The following table summarizes key details for the Big Four networks as of 2025:| Network | Parent Company | Approximate Number of Affiliates | Number of O&O Stations |
|---|---|---|---|
| ABC | The Walt Disney Company | 240 | 8 [89] |
| CBS | Skydance Media (via Paramount Global) | ~230 | 5 [92] |
| NBC | Comcast (NBCUniversal) | ~220 | 12 (including shared with Telemundo) |
| Fox | Fox Corporation | ~200 | 18 [93] |