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Withering away of the state

The withering away of the state refers to a prediction in Marxist theory that the coercive apparatus of government, viewed as a tool for maintaining class domination, will dissolve organically once a classless eliminates the underlying antagonisms necessitating organized suppression. This idea posits that, following the and a transitional phase of , will supplant coercion as economic abundance and social harmony render forceful governance obsolete. The concept originated in the writings of , particularly in his 1877 polemic , where he argued that the arises from irreconcilable class conflicts and must fade as those conflicts resolve through the socialization of production. alluded to similar dynamics in analyses like his (1875), envisioning a higher phase of free from the as traditionally understood. systematized the doctrine in (1917), countering reformist distortions by insisting the proletarian would first smash the bourgeois order before withering, contingent on the global triumph of socialism and unprecedented productive forces. In historical application, self-proclaimed Marxist regimes such as the under Lenin and expanded structures into vast bureaucratic machines, prioritizing central and political monopoly over any observable atrophy, with power concentrating in party elites rather than dispersing. Similar patterns emerged in Maoist and other 20th-century experiments, where transitional dictatorships persisted indefinitely amid economic scarcity and internal purges, yielding no empirical instance of stateless . Critics contend the theory underestimates entrenched interests and human incentives for power retention, lacking causal mechanisms to ensure voluntary dissolution and instead facilitating authoritarian consolidation masked as inevitable progress.

Historical Origins

Coinage and Early Development

The phrase "withering away of the state" originates from Friedrich Engels' Anti-Dühring (Herr Eugen Dühring's Revolution in Science), published in 1878, where Engels critiqued the utopian socialism of Eugen Dühring and outlined the Marxist view of the state's eventual dissolution. In the section on socialism, Engels asserted: "The state is not 'abolished'. It dies out," emphasizing that under communism, as class antagonisms vanish and production is organized on a societal scale, the coercive apparatus of the state becomes superfluous and gradually atrophies without forcible destruction. This formulation drew from the German term absterben, connoting a natural decay rather than abrupt elimination, distinguishing it from anarchist calls for immediate state abolition. Engels' coinage built directly on Karl Marx's prior theoretical groundwork, particularly in the (written in 1875 but published posthumously in 1891), where Marx described the revolutionary overthrow of the bourgeois followed by a proletarian as a transitional phase. Marx argued that this dictatorship would suppress bourgeois counter-revolution until the "enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labor" vanishes, enabling a higher phase of where the , as an instrument of class rule, ceases to exist. He contrasted this with reformist demands for a "free people's ," viewing such notions as illusions that perpetuated state power under proletarian guise rather than its ultimate obsolescence. The roots of this idea trace back to Marx and Engels' collaborative The German Ideology (written 1845–1846, published 1932), which first systematically critiqued the state as a product of class division destined to disappear with the abolition of private property and classes. There, they posited that in a classless society, public power would lose its political character, transforming into simple administration of things, thereby rendering the state as a separate entity unnecessary. This early development rejected both Hegelian idealism, which saw the state as the realization of reason, and Proudhonist mutualism, insisting instead on materialist analysis: the state's emergence from economic antagonisms implied its dissolution upon their resolution. Engels later refined these insights in Anti-Dühring to counter Dühring's conservative socialism, which envisioned a perpetuated state under "final cause" governance, underscoring Marxism's commitment to the state's historical transience.

Relation to Marx and Engels' Broader Works

The concept of the state's withering away emerges from and ' materialist analysis of history, wherein the state functions as a coercive instrument of the , arising from economic antagonisms as detailed in (written 1845–1846). There, they argue that the division of labor produces classes, and the state emerges to manage irreconcilable class conflicts, but it will dissolve once classes are abolished through communal control of production. This foundational view frames the state not as eternal but as a historical product destined to vanish with the elimination of its economic basis. In (1848), Marx and Engels extend this by declaring the state the "executive committee" of the , which the must conquer to dismantle class society, resulting in an "association" where public power loses its political, i.e., oppressive, character. They envision the revolutionary overthrow centralizing , gradually supplanting state coercion with social self-regulation, aligning the withering process with the Manifesto's call for proletarian dictatorship as a transitional step toward . Engels coined the specific phrase "withering away" (absterben) in Anti-Dühring (1877–1878), critiquing utopian socialism by positing that under proletarian rule, the state's administrative functions would expand while its repressive apparatus atrophies, as class antagonisms fade and social relations self-organize. This builds on Marx's earlier ideas, emphasizing dialectical transition rather than abrupt abolition, and counters anarchist immediatism by rooting dissolution in material preconditions. Marx reinforced this in (1875), distinguishing socialism's lower phase—marked by the "" and "bourgeois right" remnants—from communism's higher phase, where enable distribution "according to needs," rendering the state unnecessary as coercive mediation. Similarly, in (1871), Marx praised the (1871) as a , where officials were elected and recallable, state minimized, and functions fused with societal self-management, prefiguring the state's gradual obsolescence. Engels' The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884), drawing on anthropological data, historicizes the state as emerging around 4,000–3,000 BCE with surplus production and , reinforcing its impermanence tied to 's abolition. Across these works, the withering away embodies : the state, superstructure to the class-based base, extinguishes as realizes human from alienated rule. Scholarly analyses, such as Hal Draper's examination, confirm this consistency, rejecting interpretations of Marx and Engels as statists by emphasizing the state's instrumental, transient role.

Theoretical Framework

Preconditions and Mechanisms

In Marxist theory, the preconditions for the withering away of the state center on the complete abolition of distinctions and antagonisms, which render coercive state apparatus obsolete. argued that the state emerges historically from irreconcilable conflicts and persists only as long as these divisions require organized to maintain ; its becomes possible only when reach a level of development sufficient for society to appropriate the collectively, eliminating scarcity-driven exploitation. This requires a prior revolutionary transformation where the seizes state power, reorganizes production to end commodity exchange and wage labor, and progressively eradicates bourgeois property relations, leading to a capable of self-administration without hierarchical compulsion. The transitional forms the immediate precursor, functioning as the political mechanism to enforce these changes during the shift from to . described this phase as inevitable between capitalist and , where the state assumes the form of proletarian to suppress forces and centralize control over , but this is not the endpoint—rather, it sets the stage for the state's self-negation by abolishing the itself as a distinct class through the elimination of all antagonisms. Engels emphasized that even in this period, the state's role evolves from ruling people to merely "directing processes of ," with coercive elements atrophying as emerges from abundance and labor. Mechanistically, the process unfolds through the proletariat's final independent act: converting private means of production into state property, after which the state loses its raison d'être as classes dissolve and society assumes direct management. Engels clarified that the state does not require forcible abolition post-revolution but "withers away" organically, as its administrative functions—now stripped of class bias—become superfluous in a system of free association where production is planned collectively without anarchy or compulsion. This atrophy hinges on causal progression from revolutionary expropriation to the transcendence of "bourgeois right," where distribution evolves from equivalent exchange to needs-based allocation, obviating any need for state enforcement. Marx and Engels viewed this as dialectical: the very instrument of class suppression (the state) undermines itself by fulfilling its historical task, transitioning governance to unmediated social coordination.

Dictatorship of the Proletariat as Transitional Phase

The dictatorship of the proletariat, as conceptualized by Karl Marx, constitutes the political form of the transitional period between capitalist society and communist society. In his Critique of the Gotha Programme (1875), Marx stated: "Between capitalist and communist society lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat." This phase entails the working class seizing control of the state apparatus to dismantle bourgeois property relations and suppress class antagonisms. During this transitional dictatorship, the proletariat employs state power to expropriate the from the capitalist class, reorganize economic life on socialist principles, and defend the revolution against counter-revolutionary forces. Friedrich Engels elaborated in (1878) that the state, under proletarian control, facilitates the abolition of class distinctions by eliminating the economic basis of exploitation, thereby rendering coercive state institutions superfluous over time. Marx viewed this not as perpetual rule but as a temporary measure to achieve the preconditions for a , where "the narrow horizon of bourgeois right" is transcended. The mechanism of transition hinges on the progressive socialization of production, which diminishes the need for as antagonisms fade. Engels clarified that the "withers away" precisely because it loses its function once classes are eradicated, contrasting with anarchistic calls for immediate abolition that ignore the material conditions requiring proletarian power. This theoretical framework posits the as a bridge: proletarian dominance ensures the revolutionary restructuring, after which administrative functions persist briefly in a non-coercive form before dissolving into communal . Empirical implementation, however, has historically deviated from this envisaged temporality, as explored in subsequent analyses.

Key Interpretations

Lenin's Clarifications and Polemics


Vladimir Lenin composed The State and Revolution in August and September 1917 while in hiding from the Provisional Government, aiming to restore the original Marxist doctrine on the state against distortions by Second International socialists. The work, published in 1918, systematically expounds Marx and Engels' views, insisting that the bourgeois state must be violently smashed and replaced by the dictatorship of the proletariat, a transitional apparatus to suppress the bourgeoisie and facilitate the transition to classless society. Lenin clarified that the state's withering away is not synonymous with immediate abolition but a gradual process contingent on the elimination of class antagonisms through proletarian rule.
Lenin delineated two phases of communist society per Marx's (1875): the lower phase, or , featuring labor-based distribution under proletarian ; and the higher phase, where "from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs" prevails, rendering the state obsolete as simple administration of things supplants . He emphasized that this withering requires the economic precondition of socialized eliminating , allowing habits of voluntary cooperation to replace coercive state functions. The expands for the majority while curtailing freedoms of former oppressors, ensuring the conditions for the state's dissolution. In polemics against bourgeois scholars and opportunists like , Lenin rejected portrayals of the as a neutral reconciler of classes, asserting it as an instrument of minority that demands destruction, not mere or "ultra-democracy." He lambasted opportunists for evading the dictatorship's coercive role, accusing them of diluting into parliamentary gradualism that preserves bourgeois machinery. Against anarchists, Lenin countered their advocacy for overnight abolition, arguing—via Engels—that proletarian organization is essential to vanquish exploiters before classes vanish, as " consists in converting the from an organ superimposed upon into one completely subordinate to it." These clarifications positioned the dictatorship not as an end but as a rigorous mechanism to forge the material basis for stateless .

Divergent Views in 20th-Century Marxism

In 20th-century , interpretations of the withering away of the state diverged significantly from Engels' original formulation, often reflecting practical challenges in revolutionary contexts and theoretical adaptations to new conditions. , in The Revolution Betrayed (1936), argued that the Soviet bureaucracy under constituted a parasitic deformation preventing the state's dissolution, asserting that isolation in one country perpetuated defensive necessities and class antagonisms, requiring international for genuine withering. He maintained that the workers' state could only "die away" through progressive extension of globally, criticizing domestic consolidation as fostering a " akin to bourgeois . Conversely, upheld the doctrine rhetorically while prioritizing state strengthening as a prerequisite. In a 1930 speech, he stated, "We are for the withering away of the state, and at the same time we stand for the strengthening of the ," positing that proletarian power must intensify to overcome capitalist encirclement before any atrophy could occur. This view justified expansive centralization, with contending in 1928 that socialism's achievement implied neither class abolition nor state withering until full , effectively deferring the process indefinitely amid rapid industrialization and purges. Rosa Luxemburg, writing amid the 1917-1918 revolutions, emphasized a mass-based to avert bureaucratic , critiquing over-centralized authority as risking the state's entrenchment rather than . In The Russian Revolution (1918), she advocated proletarian self-activity over vanguard imposition, warning that suppressing soviets' spontaneity could transform the transitional state into a perpetuated instrument of coercion, diverging from Lenin's model by prioritizing for eventual withering. Antonio Gramsci reframed the process through , viewing the state as dual—coercive political society and consensual —and arguing that withering demanded proletarian ideological dominance to dismantle bourgeois cultural apparatuses, not mere economic base . In his (1929-1935), Gramsci proposed a "war of position" for intellectual , enabling the state's "molecular" via ethical , contrasting with frontal assaults that might reinforce state reliance. This shifted focus from administrative atrophy to superseding , influencing later Eurocommunist strands skeptical of Soviet .

Historical Attempts

Early Soviet Experiments

The Bolshevik seizure of power in the of 1917 initially positioned local soviets—workers', soldiers', and peasants' councils—as the foundational organs of proletarian state power, intended as a transitional form toward the eventual withering away of coercive state structures once class antagonisms were resolved. Lenin emphasized in (written August–September 1917) that the proletarian dictatorship would suppress bourgeois resistance but dissolve as classes equalized, with armed worker detachments replacing standing armies and police. Yet, empirical conditions diverged sharply: the outbreak of the in 1918, coupled with foreign interventions, compelled the creation of centralized coercive institutions to preserve Bolshevik rule. Under (1918–1921), the state apparatus expanded dramatically to enforce economic requisitioning, of industry, and grain confiscations from peasants, measures Lenin justified as temporary wartime necessities despite their deviation from socialist ideals. The , formalized in January 1918 under Leon Trotsky's commissariat, grew from irregular detachments to a peak strength of approximately 5 million personnel by October 1920, incorporating conscription and hierarchical command structures modeled on tsarist precedents. Parallel to this, the (Extraordinary Commission for Combating Counterrevolution and Sabotage), established December 20, 1917, ballooned from a small investigative body to over 100,000 operatives by 1919, executing or imprisoning tens of thousands in extrajudicial operations to suppress dissent, including during the decreed in September 1918. These developments marked not a contraction but a hypertrophy of state power, with the party-state bureaucracy surging to 5.4 million employees by 1920, absorbing former imperial officials and proletarian cadres into administrative roles that entrenched central control over soviets. The introduction of the (NEP) in March 1921, prompted by economic collapse, peasant revolts (such as the Tambov uprising of 1920–1921), and the in March 1921, permitted limited private enterprise and market mechanisms to revive production, but retained state monopolies on banking, foreign trade, and "commanding heights" industries. Politically, the state intensified: opposition parties were banned by 1921, internal Bolshevik factions suppressed via the 1921 Party Ban on Factions, and the reorganized into the (State Political Directorate) with continued repressive functions. Lenin acknowledged this bureaucratic ossification in works like Better Fewer, But Better (), decrying the "bureaucratic cancer" and proposing purges and workers' oversight, yet attributing persistence to Russia's economic backwardness and isolation rather than inherent flaws in proletarian statehood. No observable withering occurred; instead, the state apparatus solidified as a permanent fixture, with coercive and administrative elements expanding to manage internal threats and economic directives, contradicting theoretical expectations of spontaneous dissolution under proletarian administration.

Experiences in Other Socialist Regimes

In the , founded on October 1, 1949, the (CCP) established a centralized state apparatus that expanded significantly rather than diminishing as theorized in Marxist doctrine. During the Maoist era, state control intensified through mass campaigns like the (1958–1962) and the (1966–1976), which mobilized millions under party directives and suppressed dissent via state security organs. Post-1978 economic reforms under introduced market elements, yet the CCP retained monopoly over political power, with the state bureaucracy growing to over 40 million civil servants by the 2010s and party membership exceeding 95 million, ensuring no observable withering of coercive or administrative functions. Cuba's socialist regime, consolidated after the 1959 revolution led by , developed into a where the maintained unchallenged authority over all institutions. The state expanded its role in and , with the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (formed 1960) monitoring citizens and suppressing opposition, while central planning persisted despite partial reforms in the that devolved some economic activities without reducing political centralization. By , the state's fiscal dominance and security apparatus remained intact, with no transition toward stateless communism, as institutions faced restrictions rather than the state apparatus contracting. In Eastern European socialist states under Soviet influence post-World War II, such as , , and , regimes imposed one-party rule with extensive state security networks like Poland's Ministry of Public Security (1944–1956), which employed tens of thousands to enforce loyalty and quash uprisings, as in the . These states centralized through bodies like (1949–1991), bolstering bureaucratic power without mechanisms for withering, leading to their collapse in 1989 amid economic stagnation and popular revolts rather than internal dissolution of state structures. Vietnam, unified under communist rule in 1976, mirrored this pattern with the (CPV) upholding a post-Doi reforms (1986 onward), which liberalized markets but preserved control over the military, , and economy, with state-owned enterprises accounting for about 30% of GDP as of 2020. Similarly, Yugoslavia's system of , introduced in the under , decentralized some enterprise decisions but retained a strong federal and League of Communists oversight, culminating in ethnic conflicts and state fragmentation in the without achieving theoretical withering. Across these regimes, empirical evidence indicates sustained or augmented power, attributed to persistent class antagonisms and external pressures, contradicting expectations of proletarian .

Empirical Realities

State Expansion in Practice

In the , the establishment of centralized under Joseph Stalin's in 1928 markedly expanded the state apparatus, as the government assumed direct control over , industrial production, and agricultural collectivization, requiring an extensive bureaucratic network to oversee . This shift from the limited of the 1920s, which allowed some market elements, to full command economy management involved the creation of numerous ministries and agencies, with state employment in administration and business growing substantially; by 1970, over 60% of such employees were women, reflecting the scale of administrative proliferation. The bureaucracy's role intensified to suppress inefficiencies and enforce quotas, leading to a layered that prioritized over . Military and security structures further exemplified state expansion, as the Soviet regime built a vast from onward, peaking in facilities, research institutes, and design bureaus to support rapid armament and later capabilities. By the 1970s, the USSR had achieved supremacy in composite national capability indices, incorporating military personnel and expenditure, which consumed a disproportionate share of resources—often repressing civilian consumption to fund and armaments. Internal security organs, such as the (predecessor to the ), ballooned to monitor dissent and maintain order, with purges in consolidating power through coercive state mechanisms rather than democratic withering. Similar patterns emerged in other socialist regimes. In the after 1949, Mao Zedong's (1958–1962) and subsequent campaigns centralized state control over agriculture and industry, expanding administrative cadres to millions to enforce collectivization and ideological conformity, resulting in a that grew alongside failed economic targets. In under from 1959, the state nationalized industries and expanded government employment to over 80% of the workforce by the 1980s, with ministries proliferating to manage and planning amid isolation. These cases illustrate a consistent trend: transitional socialist states augmented coercive and administrative capacities to address internal challenges and external threats, perpetuating rather than diminishing state structures.

Absence of Observed Withering

In historical attempts to establish as a precursor to , no regime has observed the predicted withering away of the state; instead, state structures have persistently expanded or entrenched themselves. Marxist theory posits that the proletarian state would gradually dissolve as antagonisms resolve and production relations align with abundance, yet empirical records from the , , , and demonstrate sustained or growing state apparatuses without transition to . The exemplifies this absence, where the state bureaucracy ballooned during and after the , reaching 5.4 million personnel by 1920, far exceeding pre-revolutionary levels and entrenching administrative control over economic and social life. expenditures from the state budget more than doubled between 1965 and 1976, growing at an average annual rate of 7.6 percent, while defense spending escalated from 2 percent of GDP in 1928 to 15-17 percent by the mid-1980s. revenues constituted approximately 41 percent of GDP, reflecting pervasive fiscal dominance rather than diminution. Similar patterns persist in other self-identified socialist states. In , the maintains centralized control over key economic sectors and political institutions, with state-owned enterprises accounting for about 30 percent of GDP as of recent assessments, showing no trajectory toward obsolescence despite market-oriented reforms since 1978. Cuba's economy remains predominantly state-directed, with government control over nearly all production and distribution, yielding no evidence of institutional atrophy. exhibits an even more absolutist model, where the state under the monopolizes resources and enforces total oversight, resulting in chronic economic without internal dissolution. These cases underscore a consistent empirical divergence from theoretical expectations, as state and planning apparatuses have proven indispensable for maintenance amid external pressures and internal challenges.

Criticisms and Debates

Theoretical Incoherencies

The Marxist theory of the 's withering away, primarily elaborated by in (1878), posits that under , as divisions erode, state coercion becomes progressively unnecessary, leading to its gradual obsolescence and replacement by self-administration. This process assumes the proletarian 's functions—initially intensified to suppress bourgeois resistance—will diminish as production is socialized and antagonisms vanish, with government of persons yielding to administration of things. However, the theory harbors a fundamental tension: the , deemed essential for the transition, constitutes a state apparatus of unprecedented centralization and force, tasked with expropriating capitalists and defending the revolution, yet expected to orchestrate its own dismantlement without defined institutional safeguards or incentives against entrenchment. Engels' depiction of withering as interference "dying out of itself" lacks specificity on causal mechanisms, presupposing a frictionless progression from coercive suppression to voluntary decentralization amid potential scarcity and holdout behaviors in post-capitalist society. This vagueness contrasts with Karl Marx's analysis of the Paris Commune (1871), where he advocated smashing the bourgeois state outright and instituting a Commune-style polity with revocable delegates and smashed standing armies—implying abrupt abolition rather than incremental withering. The resultant ambiguity undermines theoretical coherence: if the proletarian state mirrors prior forms in bureaucratic hierarchy, as Lenin conceded while terming it a "semi-state," the dialectical logic falters in explaining self-transcendence without reverting to utopian voluntarism or external contradictions absent from the classless endpoint. Moreover, the framework's reliance on to predict stateless encounters an internal in treating the state instrumentally—as a tool—while vesting it with revolutionary agency to abolish classes, thereby risking the emergence of state interests autonomous from the , a dynamic unaddressed in core texts. Lenin, in (1917), reinforced this by insisting the state persists until classes disappear but must be "smashed" selectively, yet offered no empirical or logical criterion for discerning withering's onset beyond vague metrics like bourgeois remnants' elimination. Such unresolved dualities—between smashing and withering, coercion and self-dissolution—expose the doctrine's conceptual elasticity, permitting interpretive flexibility that has historically justified state perpetuation rather than dissolution.

Causal Factors Preventing Withering

The absence of genuine market mechanisms in socialist economies creates insurmountable barriers to the efficient allocation of resources, perpetuating the need for coercive state authority. argued in 1920 that , by abolishing private ownership of the , eliminates market prices as signals of and preferences, rendering rational economic impossible for central planners. Without these prices, authorities cannot determine the relative values of or labor, leading to misallocations, waste, and chronic shortages that demand ongoing state intervention to enforce production quotas and —directly contradicting the preconditions for stateless , which Marx assumed would arise from abundance. Empirical outcomes in the , where five-year plans from 1928 onward resulted in inefficiencies such as the 1932-1933 killing an estimated 3-7 million despite grain surpluses, illustrate how such failures entrenched state power rather than allowing its obsolescence. F.A. extended this critique in 1944, emphasizing the "knowledge problem": individual, dispersed across society cannot be aggregated by planners, necessitating hierarchical command structures that expand and suppress dissent to maintain control. Bureaucratic entrenchment within parties further solidifies state permanence by creating self-perpetuating elites insulated from proletarian oversight. Lenin's 1917 framework for a professional revolutionary cadre, intended as temporary, evolved into a system in the USSR, where by 1970 the apparatus included over 800,000 full-time functionaries wielding unchecked authority over appointments and resources. analyzed this degeneration in 1936, attributing it to the isolation of the and economic backwardness, which allowed a parasitic bureaucratic to usurp workers' power, privileges, and decision-making without democratic accountability—transforming the dictatorship of the proletariat into one over it. This stratum's material interests, including access to dachas, special stores, and foreign travel denied to the masses, incentivized resistance to devolution; Soviet state employment ballooned from 2 million in 1928 to 57 million by 1980, comprising nearly half the workforce and entrenching administrative coercion. described this as a "bureaucratic revolution" by 1948, where the ruling layer consolidated as a new exploiting class, rendering Marx's withering mechanism infeasible absent revolutionary renewal. Persistent and human incentives for retention exacerbate these structural issues, as leaders exploit ideological pretexts to maintain dominance. Marxist presupposed rapid surges under to eliminate antagonisms, yet Soviet GDP per capita lagged Western levels—$6,000 versus $18,000 in the by 1989—sustaining and via party privileges, which recreated de facto es without market dynamics. Public choice theorists like noted in 1965 that concentrated ruling groups form "stationary bandits" who maximize over redistribution, with no in one-party states to compel voluntary relinquishment of once seized. In practice, external threats from capitalist encirclement, invoked by from 1924, justified militarization—the grew to 5 million by 1941—but internal dynamics, including purges eliminating 700,000 party members in 1937-1938, reveal self-preservation as primary, preventing the administrative simplification Marx envisioned. These factors collectively demonstrate that without resolving through voluntary , the apparatus, far from withering, hypertrophies to enforce unattainable utopian endpoints.

Ideological Justifications for State Perpetuation

In Marxist-Leninist ideology, the perpetuation of the proletarian state was justified as a necessary phase of the dictatorship of the proletariat, serving as an organ of class oppression against remnants of the bourgeoisie and counter-revolutionary forces. Lenin emphasized that the state, while destined to wither away in a classless society, required initial strengthening to suppress exploitation and defend the revolution, particularly amid civil war and foreign interventions from 1918 to 1922 that threatened Soviet survival. This view positioned the state not as an end but as a transitional tool for enforcing proletarian rule, with its coercive apparatus—including the Cheka secret police established in December 1917—deemed essential to prevent capitalist restoration. Stalin further ideologically entrenched state perpetuation by arguing that as socialism advanced toward communism, the state would intensify rather than diminish, countering the classical Marxist expectation of withering. At the 18th Congress of the Communist Party in March 1939, Stalin declared confidence in the state's growing strength to overcome internal and external enemies, framing this as preparation for eventual dissolution once class antagonisms fully subsided—a formula echoed in Soviet doctrine as "the highest development of state power in preparation for its withering away." This rationale supported the expansion of the NKVD security apparatus, which by 1937 oversaw purges eliminating over 680,000 perceived threats, justified as safeguarding the socialist transition. The vanguard party's monopoly on power provided another key justification, positing that only a disciplined, centralized could guide the through historical materialism's stages, preventing deviations that might revert society to . Lenin critiqued "" in 1920 for underestimating the need for a strong apparatus to manage economic reconstruction, such as through the introduced in 1921, which retained control over "commanding heights" like . In this framework, multi-party democracy was dismissed as a bourgeois , with the upheld as the authentic expression of working-class interests against anarchist or opportunistic challenges. Economic imperatives also underpinned perpetuation, as centralized planning demanded robust state intervention to industrialize agrarian economies rapidly. Soviet ideologues, drawing from Lenin's advocacy for as a bridge to during the famine and failures—where grain requisitions from 1918 to yielded only partial recovery—argued that without coercive state direction, proletarian ownership could not materialize against or market chaos. This logic persisted into the Five-Year Plans starting in , where state power was glorified as the engine for surpassing capitalist productivity, with output in steel production rising from 4 million tons in to 18 million tons by , albeit at the cost of forced labor systems. Such justifications portrayed state strength not as deviation but as dialectical , adapting Marxist theory to geopolitical isolation and developmental lags.

Broader Implications

Comparisons with Anarchism

The Marxist doctrine of the state's withering away envisions a transitional proletarian dictatorship that suppresses bourgeois resistance and organizes production, gradually dissolving as class antagonisms cease and public power becomes superfluous. Anarchist theory shares the ultimate aim of a stateless, classless society but rejects any intermediary state, positing instead the immediate dismantling of coercive hierarchies through federated voluntary associations and mutual aid. This divergence stems from differing views on the state's nature: Marxists regard it as a contingent instrument of class rule that can be repurposed by the proletariat to midwife communism, whereas anarchists view the state as an intrinsically authoritarian structure embodying alienated power, incapable of self-abolition without reproducing domination. The historical rift between the two traditions crystallized during the First International (1864–1876), where critiqued Karl Marx's advocacy for a "people's " as a veiled perpetuation of elite rule by intellectual and bureaucratic vanguardists, predicting it would forge a "red bureaucracy" more despotic than prior regimes due to its ideological self-justification. Marx, in response, dismissed anarchist as an abstract ideal detached from concrete class struggle, arguing that premature abolition would disarm the against capitalist resurgence, as the bourgeois must first be smashed and replaced by a stronger proletarian apparatus to enforce expropriation and coordination. 1873 work Statism and Anarchy formalized this opposition, contending that Marxist transitionalism conflates means and ends, empowering a new privileged stratum under the guise of . Anarchist critiques extend to the causal implausibility of withering: even a workers' state, tasked with centralizing functions like and , accumulates vested interests and expands administratively, as evidenced by the absence of in self-proclaimed states post-1917. Proponents of Marxism counter that underestimates the scale of modern economies, where decentralized communes risk fragmentation and vulnerability to external threats, as partially observed in the 1936–1939 anarchist collectives, which managed localized industry but succumbed to fascist and Stalinist forces amid coordination deficits. Thus, while both paradigms aspire to transcend , prioritizes anti-authoritarian from inception, interpreting Marxist as a theoretical sleight-of-hand that empirically entrenches rather than eroding it.

Perspectives from Non-Marxist Traditions

In libertarian traditions, particularly those influenced by the , the Marxist concept of the state's withering away is critiqued as a rhetorical evasion rather than a feasible outcome, rooted in a misunderstanding of power dynamics and incentives. argued that Marx's formulation postpones the abolition of the state indefinitely under the guise of a transitional "," avoiding the practical impossibility of relinquishing coercive authority once centralized, as rulers inevitably prioritize over dissolution. This view aligns with broader Austrian insights into interventionism, where state expansion begets further expansion due to unresolved economic calculation problems under , rendering any "withering" mechanically unworkable without prices for . Classical liberal thinkers emphasize a minimal but enduring state apparatus to safeguard individual liberties, , and contractual enforcement, rejecting outright withering as an invitation to and predation. , while advocating limited government intervention for utility maximization, maintained that some coercive framework is indispensable to prevent the "" or private violence, positing that human sociability requires institutional permanence rather than utopian evaporation. extended this by demonstrating through historical analysis that pursuits of egalitarian , as in Marxist schemes, concentrate power in unaccountable bureaucracies, fostering rather than ; he observed in interwar how socialist experiments amplified state to enforce compliance, contradicting predictions of harmonious administration of things. Conservative perspectives, drawing from organic theories of , regard the as an indispensable embodiment of historical , moral order, and communal bonds, inherently resistant to engineered withering due to the perils of abstract . critiqued revolutionary ideologies akin to for presuming to reconstruct from first principles, ignoring accumulated wisdom and the fragility of ; he contended that abrupt diminishment of invites Hobbesian , as evidenced by the French Revolution's descent into following institutional upheaval. Modern conservatives like reinforce this, arguing that the functions as a trusteeship for and defense against external threats, where Marxist overlooks immutable aspects of —such as and conflict—that necessitate vigilant governance, not dissolution. Empirical precedents, from ancient city-states to feudal orders, illustrate states evolving through adaptation rather than atrophy, underscoring the causal realism that power vacuums precipitate reconquest by stronger entities.

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