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Converb

A converb is a non-finite verb form whose primary function is to mark adverbial subordination, connecting a dependent clause to a main clause to express relations such as simultaneity, anteriority, cause, manner, or condition. Unlike finite verbs, converbs lack independent tense, mood, and subject agreement marking, relying on the main clause for temporal and aspectual interpretation, and they often attach via specialized suffixes to verb stems or participles. Converbs form paradigmatic sets in many languages, with specialized forms encoding specific semantic nuances; for example, temporal converbs may distinguish between actions occurring before, during, or after the main . Morphosyntactically, they exhibit behavior by modifying the main without requiring additional linking words, though some languages allow adsentential uses for broader connective roles. Typologically, converbs are distinguished from infinitives by their subordinating role and from participles by their non-attributive, clause-linking function. These forms are cross-linguistically valid and widespread, occurring in about two-fifths of sampled languages worldwide, with greater prominence in object-verb (OV) languages. They appear in diverse families, including Indo-European (e.g., , Lithuanian), Uralic (e.g., , ), Turkic (e.g., Turkish, Turkmenian), (e.g., Lezgian), Koreanic (e.g., ), Japonic (e.g., ), , Ethiopian Semitic, and some South American indigenous languages, spanning , South and , the , , and the .

Terminology

Etymology

The term "converb" was coined by linguist and Altaicist Gustaf Ramstedt in , in his seminal work Über die Konjugation des Khalkha-Mongolischen, to describe a specific type of non-finite verb form in Mongolian that functions to connect clauses without independent predication. Ramstedt introduced the German "Konverb" to capture this linking role, drawing from the Latin prefix con- ("together" or "with") combined with verbum ("verb" or "word"), thereby emphasizing the form's adverbial and connective properties in chaining multiple actions within a . This marked a deliberate terminological innovation within early 20th-century , where such forms had previously lacked a unified label. In the , scholars studying , including Mongolic and Turkic varieties, referred to analogous verbal constructions using established Indo-European categories like "," "participial forms," or "verbal adverbs," often adapting terms from Latin and to describe their subordinate, non-finite nature. These earlier descriptors reflected the influence of classical but frequently led to ambiguities, as they imposed nominal or adjectival interpretations on forms that primarily served subordination. Throughout the , the adoption of "converb" gained traction beyond Altaic specialists, particularly from the onward, as typologists sought to differentiate these structures from Indo-European non-finites like gerunds (which often nominalize actions) and participles (which modify nouns adjectivally). This shift, accelerated by cross-linguistic comparisons in works such as those by Igor Nedjalkov (1995), underscored the converb's unique role in encoding dependent clauses, avoiding the Eurocentric biases of traditional terminology and facilitating broader typological analysis. By the late , the term had become standard in descriptions of non-finite verb forms across Eurasian languages, reflecting a move toward more precise, function-based categorization.

Definition

A converb is a non-finite verb form whose primary function is to mark adverbial subordination, linking a dependent clause to a main clause by expressing relations such as , anteriority, or . This form typically consists of a stem combined with a specific , enabling it to function adverbially without the full inflectional properties of finite verbs. Key criteria for identifying a converb include its role as a marker of subordination, the absence of independent tense, , or person-number , and its inability to serve as the sole of an independent sentence. Unlike finite s, which exhibit - and can license on s while standing alone, converbs are inherently dependent, requiring a finite main to complete the predication and often sharing the with the main . These characteristics distinguish the converb as a dedicated for encoding dependency, emphasizing its syntactic subordination over nominal or infinitival functions.

Linguistic Features

Syntactic Roles

Converbs primarily function as subordinates within structures, modifying the main or by expressing relations such as manner, time, condition, or cause. This role enables the integration of dependent s that provide circumstantial information to the primary action, often without explicit conjunctions, thereby enhancing cohesion in complex s. For instance, a converb might indicate the temporal sequence or causal basis for the event in the matrix , distinguishing converbs from finite verbs that carry independent illocutionary force. A key syntactic application of converbs is in clause chaining, particularly prevalent in agglutinative and beyond, where they link a series of dependent clauses depicting sequential or concomitant actions culminating in a final . This chaining mechanism supports narrative progression by allowing multiple predications to share subjects and tense-aspect-mood features, facilitating efficient expression of event sequences without repeated marking. Such constructions are especially adaptive for chains of events in . Syntactically, converbs exhibit significant restrictions that underscore their dependent status: as non-finite forms, they cannot serve as the head of an or bear full predicative force on their own. Additionally, converbs typically do not govern direct objects independently, instead sharing arguments with the matrix clause or limiting nominal dependencies to suit their role, which prevents them from functioning as full verbal predicates. These constraints ensure converbs remain tightly integrated into larger clausal structures rather than standing alone.

Morphological Characteristics

Converbs constitute a category of non-finite verb forms characterized by their inability to serve as the primary in an and their lack of for or number with a . Unlike finite s, they do not independently express , , or illocutionary force, though they may incorporate limited tense-aspect marking dependent on the main . This non-finite status positions converbs on a morphological cline between fully finite and nominal forms, emphasizing their verbal yet subordinate nature. Morphologically, are typically derived from the through suffixation, a process that applies productively across many languages employing this . These suffixes result in fixed modifications without altering the core lexical meaning of the , distinguishing from more flexible finite inflections. The non-finite ensures that function adverbially, often linking clauses without requiring additional case or agreement markers on associated arguments. Languages with converbs frequently distinguish multiple types through dedicated suffixes that convey semantic nuances related to temporal or aspectual relations, such as simultaneous converbs (indicating actions occurring concurrently with the main event) versus anterior converbs (denoting actions completed prior to the main event). Other common variants include terminative forms (marking actions up to a point of completion) and conditional forms (expressing hypothetical or cause-effect relations). These specialized markers allow for precise subordination while maintaining the overall non-finite profile of the form.

Distribution and Typology

Languages Employing Converbs

Converbs are attested in Turkic, Mongolic, and , spoken across and . In these s, converbs serve as key non-finite verb forms for linking dependent clauses, with examples such as the gerunds in Turkish (a Turkic language) and adverbial participles in Evenki (a Tungusic language). This distribution aligns with the historical and geographical spread of these languages from the steppes of to the forests of eastern , where converbs facilitate complex sentence structures in oral traditions and narratives. Beyond these, converbs extend to languages in other families, including Uralic (e.g., in and for adverbial subordination), Dravidian (e.g., in for clause conjoining), Caucasian (e.g., Lezgian), Koreanic (e.g., ), Japonic (e.g., ), some (e.g., in verb-final structures of languages), Ethiopian Semitic (e.g., ), and some . Converbs are less prominent in than in Asian families, but they are attested in some, such as and Lithuanian, where analogous functions are often handled by participles or infinitives. Typologically, converbs are widespread, occurring in about two-fifths of sampled languages worldwide, with greater prominence in object-verb (OV) languages. They predominate in agglutinative languages, such as those in the Turkic and families, where suffixation allows precise marking of subordination without fusion of morphemes. They are also prevalent in head-marking languages, which encode on verbs rather than nouns, enabling efficient poly-clausal constructions in discourse-heavy genres. This pattern correlates with object-verb (OV) , common in Asian and , where converbs precede the main verb to build chained clauses expressing temporal, causal, or conditional relations.

Comparison to Other Verb Forms

Converbs differ fundamentally from infinitives in their syntactic roles and morphological properties. While infinitives typically function as arguments, serving as subjects, objects, or obligatory complements in clausal structures, converbs operate strictly as adjuncts, marking optional subordination without nominalizing the verb action. This distinction arises because infinitives often derive from purposive action nominals and retain some verbal-noun characteristics, allowing them to integrate into noun phrases, whereas converbs lack such nominal properties and emphasize dependency in chaining. For instance, the obligatoriness of infinitives in complement positions contrasts with the free, non-argumental positioning of converbs, which do not govern or complement but modify the main adverbially. In comparison to participles and gerunds, converbs exhibit a more specialized function rather than adjectival modification or . Participles, as verbal adjectives, primarily attribute qualities to s in attributive or predicative roles, agreeing in features like tense, , or case with the head they modify. Gerunds, akin to action nominals, function as verbal s capable of taking nominal inflections such as case or determiners, enabling them to appear in argument positions or as heads of phrases. Converbs, by contrast, do not modify s adjectivally nor exhibit nominal ; instead, they chain clauses sequentially through subordination, focusing on interclausal relations like or anteriority without altering the nominal status of surrounding elements. This sequential chaining role underscores their unique position among non-finites, prioritizing connectivity over descriptive or substantive functions. Supines represent another point of , particularly in their emphasis on or result over the aspectual and relational aspects central to converbs. Supines, a rare non-finite form preserved in languages like Latin and some varieties, often serve as complements to verbs of motion or , expressing in a manner akin to infinitives but with distinct morphological markers, such as the accusative -um in Latin for directional . Unlike converbs, which highlight aspectual relations like precedence or in adverbial chains, supines focus on teleological complementation and lack the broad subordinating capacity of converbs. This functional divergence positions supines closer to infinitival complements, reinforcing the adverbial exclusivity of converbs in facilitating linkage without purposive intent.

Case Studies

Khalkha Mongolian

exemplifies a prototypical converb system within the , where non-finite forms facilitate adverbial subordination and clause chaining without finite marking for tense or . The system includes four primary converbs that encode aspectual and temporal nuances: the imperfective converb marked by the suffix -aa, the perfective converb with -san, the terminative converb using -tal, and the conditional converb formed by -ge. These forms derive from the stem through suffixation, adhering to rules inherent to Khalkha phonology, and they cannot inflect for person, number, or case on their own. The imperfective converb -aa typically conveys ongoing or simultaneous actions relative to the main , often serving as a or manner modifier, while the perfective -san indicates completed actions preceding the verb, emphasizing anteriority. The terminative -tal denotes actions extending up to a specific or , and the conditional -ge expresses hypothetical conditions or concessions leading into the main . Unlike participles, which can nominalize s, these converbs remain strictly verbal and , integrating seamlessly into complex sentences to avoid full subordination via conjunctions. A key function of these converbs lies in their role for action chaining in sequential narratives, where multiple converbial forms precede a single to depict a series of linked events, such as yav-aa, xar-aa, buu-san ("going, seeing, returning") to narrate a journey's progression. This chaining mechanism supports compact expression of temporal sequences without repeated subjects or connectives, enhancing flow in spoken and written Khalkha. In syntactic structure, converbs govern dependent clauses where the subject remains in the nominative case, identical to the main clause subject for same-subject constructions, thereby permitting efficient coreference without accusative or genitive marking that would signal switch-reference. This nominative retention underscores the dependent yet coordinated nature of converbial clauses in Khalkha syntax.

Standard Uzbek

In Standard Uzbek, converbs are non-finite verb forms that primarily function to connect clauses in adverbial subordination, expressing relationships such as simultaneity, conditionality, and duration. The key converb suffixes include -ib, which marks simultaneous actions; -ganda, which indicates conditional or temporal relations; and -guncha, which denotes durative aspects with an endpoint. Converbs in Standard Uzbek facilitate clause subordination, particularly for temporal and causal links, allowing complex sentences without repetition. The -ib , for example, links simultaneous or sequential actions in daily speech, as in U kitob o'qib, choy ichdi ("He drank tea while reading a "), creating a temporal overlap. Similarly, -ganda expresses conditional or temporal causation, such as Men seni ko'rganimda, xursand bo'ldim ("When I saw you, I was happy"), subordinating the to imply a causal . The -guncha extends this to durative subordination, marking ongoing actions up to a point, as in Ishlab tur-guncha, dam olmadi ("He didn't rest until he finished working"), highlighting persistence in proverbs like those emphasizing diligence in Uzbek . These forms are prevalent in both spoken narratives and literary expressions, enabling concise chaining of events.

Turkish

In Turkish, converbs function as non-finite verbal forms that primarily serve roles in subordinate , enabling the expression of temporal, aspectual, and relations relative to the main without requiring agreement. These forms are morphologically distinct from finite verbs and participles, typically attaching directly to the verb stem and exhibiting , a hallmark of Turkic agglutinative . Unlike full , converbs in Turkish are obligatorily controlled in certain types, meaning their subjects must corefer with the main clause subject, though others allow independent subjects. Key converb forms include the simultaneous converb -erek/-arak, which denotes actions occurring concurrently with or in the manner of the main , often used to describe accompanying circumstances. For instance, in the Okula giderken Cem bizi aradı ("Cem called us while going to "), -erken (a variant of -erek) indicates . This form is morphologically simple, suffixing to the with or markers like -Ir or -mIş, and it frequently appears in chaining to advance sequences without temporal gaps. Another prominent form is the posterior converb -ince, which signals that the subordinate precedes the main clause event, akin to "after" or "when" in English, as in Çocuk eve gelince yemek yedi ("When the child came home, s/he ate"). This suffix attaches directly to the and permits non-coreferential subjects, making it versatile for sequential events in complex s. The iterative converb -dikçe expresses or , often conveying "as" or "each time" in ongoing processes, exemplified by Kitabı okudukça merakım artar ("Whenever I read the book, my increases"). Morphologically, it combines the marker -dI with -çe for durative emphasis, and it is tense-independent, allowing integration into various aspectual frames. These converbs commonly function as manner adverbials in modern Turkish, embedding descriptive actions within main clauses, such as Koşarak geldi ("Running, he arrived"), where the converb provides circumstantial detail without conjunctions. Historically, Turkish converbs evolved from prototypes, where a richer inventory of B-type converbs (e.g., -ip for chaining) dominated for narrative and modal purposes, but Modern Turkish saw the loss of some forms in favor of participles and new aspectual markers like -Iyor-. This simplification arose through paths in postverb constructions (converb + auxiliary), where lexical verbs like "sit" or "stand" bleached into tense-aspect operators, reducing reliance on older converbal types. For example, sequences like sub-ïn ïd-ïp tabγač-γaru bar-dï ("having done so, went to ") evolved into streamlined modern forms using -erek/-arak for similar sequentiality. In contemporary usage, these developments have streamlined Turkish subordination, prioritizing efficiency in spoken and written while retaining core functions.

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