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Finite verb

A finite verb is a form of a verb that is marked for tense, typically present or past, and agrees with its subject in person and number, enabling it to function as the predicate of an independent clause in a sentence.^[1]^[2] In English, finite verbs include inflected forms such as the third-person singular present (e.g., "runs") or past tense (e.g., "ran"), which convey specific temporal and grammatical relations without requiring additional auxiliaries to establish the clause's core structure.^[1]^[2] Finite verbs play a central role in syntax by licensing a nominative case for their subjects and anchoring the clause to a particular time frame, distinguishing finite clauses from subordinate or embedded ones.^[2] For instance, in "She walks to school," the verb "walks" is finite because it agrees with the subject "she" in third person singular and marks present tense.^[1] Similarly, modals like "can" or "will" often function as finite verbs when they head the verb phrase, as in "They will arrive," where "will" indicates future tense without further inflection on the main verb.^[1] This property of finiteness is tied to the tense feature in linguistic theory, often represented as the [+TNS] category, which ensures subject-verb agreement and clause independence.^[2] In contrast to finite verbs, non-finite verbs—such as infinitives (e.g., "to walk"), present participles (e.g., "walking"), and past participles (e.g., "walked")—lack independent tense marking and subject agreement, typically appearing in dependent clauses or as complements to other verbs.^[1]^[2] For example, in "She wants to walk," "to walk" is non-finite and cannot stand alone as a complete sentence, relying on the finite verb "wants" for its temporal interpretation.^[1] Non-finite forms often do not assign nominative case to subjects, allowing for structures like subjectless infinitives in control constructions, such as "John tried [PRO to leave]."^[2] Cross-linguistically, the concept of finiteness refers to verb forms that are fully inflected for the relevant grammatical categories of a given language, such as tense, mood, aspect, person, and number, and occur in matrix or independent clauses.^[3] While English primarily encodes finiteness through tense and agreement, other languages may emphasize different features, like mood in Romance languages or aspect in some agglutinative tongues, making finiteness a universal yet variable grammatical property.^[3] This variability has been a focus in typological linguistics, where finiteness is analyzed as a scalar rather than binary category in some frameworks, depending on the degree of inflection and clause embedding.^[4]

Definition and Characteristics

Core Definition

A finite verb is a form of the verb that inflects for grammatical categories such as tense, person, number, mood, or voice, thereby enabling it to function as the predicate of a clause. This inflectional capacity distinguishes finite verbs as the core elements that encode essential syntactic and semantic relationships within a sentence.^[4] In opposition to finite verbs, non-finite forms—such as infinitives, participles, and gerunds—lack this inflection and cannot serve independently as the main predicate of a clause, often requiring embedding within a larger structure or auxiliary support. Non-finite verbs are semantically dependent, typically deriving their temporal and modal interpretation from a governing finite element. Finite verbs fulfill a pivotal role in sentence structure by agreeing with the subject in person and number while marking the clause's grammatical time and referential anchoring, thus allowing the expression of a complete, assertive proposition.^[1] A primary criterion for identifying finite verbs is their capacity to head an independent clause through such inflection, providing both syntactic autonomy and semantic specificity.^[4]

Key Properties

Finite verbs exhibit distinctive morphological properties that set them apart from nonfinite forms, primarily through inflection for grammatical categories such as tense, which may include past, present, or future markings, and agreement features like person and number concord with the subject.^[5] In many languages, this inflection manifests as affixes or stem changes on the verb root, enabling it to encode subject-verb agreement, as seen in paradigms where the verb form varies systematically based on the subject's features.^[4] These morphological markers are prototypical indicators of finiteness, though their realization varies cross-linguistically, with some languages relying more heavily on tense suffixes while others emphasize agreement.^[6] Syntactically, finite verbs are characterized by their ability to license a subject and function as the head of an independent clause, often without requiring auxiliaries or superordinate structures.^[5] They typically occupy specific positions in clause structure, such as the second position in verb-second languages or inverted positions in questions, and can govern the overall word order of the clause.^[4] This capacity to project a full clause with a nominative subject and finite tense projection distinguishes them from nonfinite verbs, which are generally subordinate and lack such licensing properties.^[6] Semantically, finite verbs provide temporal or modal anchoring relative to the speech time or a reference point, expressing complete propositional content through specified tense and aspect.^[5] They enable specific interpretations for elements like indefinite noun phrases within the clause, linking the event to a deictic center such as the moment of utterance.^[4] In contrast, nonfinite forms derive their semantic interpretation from a governing finite clause, lacking independent anchoring.^[6] Diagnostic tests for finiteness often rely on these intertwined properties; for instance, finite verbs can head finite clauses in embeddings and permit direct negation, as in forms that allow adverbial negation without altering the verb's inflectional status (e.g., "does not run" versus the nonfinite "not running").^[5] Another test involves subject licensing: a verb form that requires or allows an overt subject in matrix position indicates finiteness, while nonfinite forms typically do not.^[4] Additionally, the ability to stand alone as an independent clause or to trigger verb-second movement in relevant languages serves as a syntactic diagnostic.^[6] These tests collectively confirm the finite status by assessing morphological marking, syntactic independence, and semantic autonomy.^[7]

Historical Development

Etymology and Early Concepts

The term "finite verb" derives from the Latin verbum finitum, where finitum is the past participle of the verb finire, meaning "to limit," "to bound," or "to end." This etymology underscores the conceptual distinction between finite verbs, which are morphologically limited or bounded by specific grammatical categories such as person, number, tense, mood, and aspect, and non-finite forms like the infinitive (infinitivus), which lack such restrictions and are thus "unlimited." The contrast emphasizes the finite verb's role in completing a clause with definite syntactic properties, a notion rooted in the idea of grammatical "completion" or delimitation.^[8] Early concepts of the finite verb emerged in Renaissance Latin grammars during the 16th century, as scholars revived and systematized classical traditions for teaching Latin and vernacular languages. These grammars portrayed finite verbs as the core of declarative sentences, essential for expressing complete predications, and served pedagogical purposes in European schools where Latin remained the model for linguistic analysis. This approach, influential across continental Europe, exemplified the shift toward more structured syntax descriptions during the Renaissance revival of antiquity. The distinction has deeper roots in classical Greek and Latin grammatical traditions, which influenced Renaissance scholars. In ancient Greek grammar, verbal forms were differentiated based on whether they were "definite" or specified (implying bounded categories like tense and mood) versus the infinitive, termed aoristos ("indefinite" or unlimited, lacking person and number). Latin grammarians, building on this, adopted infinitivus for the infinitive around the 1st century BCE, implicitly contrasting it with conjugated (finite) forms that "finish" or delimit the action through inflection.^[9] This classical framework provided the foundation for later European grammars, emphasizing finite verbs' syntactic centrality in forming propositions. Prior to the 20th century, usage of the term remained largely confined to prescriptive grammars of Indo-European languages, particularly Latin, Greek, and emerging vernacular standards like French and English, with minimal cross-linguistic extension to non-European tongues.^[10] These texts prioritized normative rules for education and rhetoric, treating finite verbs as the "determined" backbone of sentences while applying the concept selectively, often without deep typological analysis. This pre-modern focus laid the groundwork for later theoretical expansions but was primarily practical and Eurocentric in scope.

Evolution in Linguistic Theory

In the 19th century, the concept of finite verbs gained prominence through comparative linguistics focused on Indo-European languages, where scholars examined verb inflections to reconstruct proto-forms and identify systematic patterns. Franz Bopp's seminal 1816 treatise on the conjugation systems of Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, Persian, and Germanic languages highlighted finite verbs as conjugated forms bearing tense, person, and number markers, distinguishing them from non-inflected elements and laying groundwork for understanding inflectional morphology across related tongues.^[11] Jacob Grimm's analysis in his Deutsche Grammatik (1819–1837) further advanced this by applying sound laws—such as Grimm's law—to verb stem changes, reinforcing finite verbs as core inflected units central to sentence predication in historical reconstruction. During the structuralist era of the early 20th century, Leonard Bloomfield formalized the notion of finite verbs within a morpheme-based framework, defining them as inflected expressions that function as the primary predicators in clauses, identifiable through distributional tests in syntactic constructions. In his 1933 monograph Language, Bloomfield emphasized finite verb expressions (e.g., "left" or "went") as fixed combinations of phonemes with definite meanings, contrasting them with non-finite forms and integrating them into immediate constituent analysis to describe language as a system of form classes.^[12] This approach shifted focus from historical comparison to synchronic structure, treating finiteness as an empirical property observable in form-meaning pairings without reliance on mentalistic interpretations.^[13] Post-World War II developments marked the integration of finite verbs into generative grammar, where Noam Chomsky reconceptualized them as syntactic features within phrase structure rules, essential for generating well-formed sentences. Beginning with Syntactic Structures (1957), Chomsky's framework treated finite verbs—particularly auxiliaries—as elements triggering transformations and ensuring grammaticality in declarative and interrogative structures, moving beyond distributional analysis to a rule-based system capable of producing infinite sentences from finite means.^[14] This generative perspective positioned finiteness as a mechanism for embedding and recursion, influencing subsequent models of universal syntax. In recent updates since 2000, the minimalist program has refined finiteness as a functional head within the Tense phrase (TP), encoding tense and agreement features that license subjects and clause structure, while accommodating cross-linguistic variations such as optional finiteness in non-Indo-European languages. Chomsky's 1995 outline of the minimalist program, with revisions in later works like Derivation by Phase (2000), views the [+finite] feature as a strong attractor for verb movement in some languages (e.g., French V-to-T raising) versus weak in others (e.g., English), minimizing computational operations to probe-check uninterpretable features at interfaces.^[15] This economy-driven approach has spurred typological studies, emphasizing finiteness as a parametric variation rather than a universal morphological invariant.^[16]

Illustrative Examples

In English

In English, finite verbs are the primary forms of verbs that carry tense, person, and number, agreeing with the subject and forming the core of a clause's predication. For instance, in the simple present tense, a finite verb like "runs" in "She runs daily" inflects for third-person singular agreement by adding -s, distinguishing it from the plain form used with other subjects, such as "they run."^[17] This agreement ensures the verb aligns with the subject's grammatical features, a hallmark of finiteness in declarative clauses. The past tense provides another clear illustration of finite verbs, where regular forms add -ed, as in "They walked home," marking completion in the past while agreeing with the plural subject. Irregular past forms, such as "went" in "She went home" or "saw" in "She saw it," similarly function as finite verbs, conveying tense without a uniform inflection pattern but still requiring subject agreement.^[17] Modal auxiliaries serve as finite verbs despite lacking inflection for person or number, as seen in "He must leave now," where "must" expresses obligation in the present tense and heads the verb phrase without altering the main verb "leave" to a finite form. These modals are inherently finite, restricted to tensed clauses, and combine with non-finite complements to build complex meanings like necessity or possibility.^[17] Finite verbs also appear in subordinate clauses, anchoring their structure much like in main clauses. In "I know that she sings well," the verb "sings" is finite, showing present tense and third-person singular agreement within the content clause introduced by "that," which cannot stand alone without this tensed element. Such constructions highlight how finiteness extends across clause types, enabling embedded propositions.^[17] A common point of distinction involves copular verbs, which link the subject to a complement and remain finite when tensed, as in "She is happy," where "is" agrees with the third-person singular subject in the present tense. Unlike non-finite forms, this copula "is" fully predicates a state, clarifying that linking verbs are not exempt from finiteness criteria but exemplify it through agreement and tense marking.^[17]

In Other Languages

In Romance languages such as French, finite verbs exhibit inflection for person and number, agreeing with the subject in present indicative forms; for instance, the verb manger (to eat) conjugates as je mange for the first-person singular, indicating present tense and subject agreement.^[18] This fusional morphology combines tense, mood, and agreement into a single ending, distinguishing finite forms from infinitives like manger.^[19] In non-English Germanic languages like German, finite verbs show person and number agreement through stem changes or endings, often with umlaut in the present tense for strong verbs; the verb essen (to eat) becomes wir essen in the first-person plural, reflecting plural agreement without additional auxiliaries in simple present clauses.^[20] This inflection positions the finite verb in the second constituent slot in main clauses, a hallmark of V2 word order.^[21] Non-Indo-European languages like Turkish, an agglutinative Turkic language, mark finiteness through suffixes that encode tense, person, and aspect on the verb stem; for example, geliyorum derives from gel- (come) with -iyor for progressive aspect and -um for first-person singular, yielding "I am coming" as a fully inflected finite form.^[22] These suffixes attach sequentially, allowing transparent separation of morphemes unlike fusional systems.^[23] Agglutinative structures in Bantu languages such as Swahili contrast with fusional ones by using prefixes for subject agreement in finite verbs, where the verbal complex begins with a subject marker followed by tense and root; for instance, ni-na-soma breaks down as ni- (first-person singular agreement), -na- (present tense), and -soma (read), meaning "I am reading."^[24] This prefixal agreement highlights noun class agreement, a typological feature of Bantu languages where subject markers on verbs agree with the noun class (or person) of the subject, enforcing finiteness via obligatory subject markers in declarative clauses. In languages with optional finiteness like Mandarin Chinese, serial verb constructions allow multiple verbs to chain without explicit inflection for tense or agreement, as in wǒ qù xuéxiào kàn tā ("I go to school see him"), where both qù (go) and kàn (see) function as finite-like predicates sharing the subject and tense covertly.^[25] This lack of obligatory morphological marking for finiteness permits monoclausal interpretations, differing from languages requiring per-verb agreement.

Grammatical Categories

Tense and Aspect

Finite verbs encode tense to indicate the location of an event relative to the time of speaking or another reference point, distinguishing between absolute and relative systems. Absolute tense systems locate events deictically with respect to the speech time, typically marking past (e.g., English "walked"), present (e.g., "walks"), or future (e.g., "will walk"). Relative tense systems, in contrast, anchor the event to another temporal reference point rather than the speech time, as seen in the English pluperfect "had walked," which denotes anteriority to a past reference. These categories are grammaticalized through inflectional affixes, auxiliaries, or particles on the finite verb, enabling precise temporal reference in clauses. Aspect, meanwhile, expresses the internal temporal structure or viewpoint of the event, primarily through perfective and imperfective distinctions. Perfective aspect presents the event as a complete whole, often implying boundedness or completion, as in English "has eaten" using the present perfect auxiliary. Imperfective aspect, by contrast, views the event as ongoing, habitual, or unbounded, exemplified in English "was eating" or the simple present "eats" for states. English progressive forms, such as "is eating," represent a subtype of imperfective aspect emphasizing temporariness or ongoing action. These aspectual markings interact with tense on finite verbs via morphological fusion or periphrastic constructions, allowing nuanced combinations like the future perfect progressive "will have been running," which conveys ongoing action completed before a future reference point. Cross-linguistic variation in tense-aspect marking on finite verbs is pronounced, particularly between creole languages and isolating languages. Creole languages often feature simplified, analytic tense-aspect systems using preverbal particles rather than extensive inflection; for instance, many Atlantic creoles mark non-past tense with zero or a particle, with Haitian Creole using te for anterior (past or perfective) aspect, reflecting a prototypical TMA inventory of past, durative, and potential markers.^[26] In contrast, isolating languages such as Mandarin Chinese lack verb inflection for tense, relying instead on aspectual particles like le for perfective completion or zhe for ongoing states, with absolute tense inferred from context or adverbs; finite verbs here are identified by their clausal role rather than morphological changes. This variation highlights how finite verbs in isolating systems prioritize aspectual viewpoint over deictic tense, differing from the fused tense-aspect morphology common in inflectional languages.^[27]

Mood and Voice

Finite verbs express mood through inflectional changes or auxiliary constructions that convey the speaker's attitude toward the proposition, such as certainty, hypothesis, or command.^[28] The indicative mood is the default form used for stating facts, opinions, or realities, as in "She runs every morning," where the verb indicates an actual event.^[29] In contrast, the subjunctive mood signals hypothetical, unreal, or desired situations, often appearing in clauses introduced by "if," "that," or expressions of wish, such as "If I were you, I would apologize," using the past subjunctive form "were" regardless of person.^[30] The imperative mood delivers direct commands or requests, typically with an implied second-person subject, as in "Run now!" or "Please close the door."^[31] Voice in finite verbs indicates the relationship between the subject and the action, altering the prominence of the agent or patient.^[31] The active voice positions the subject as the performer of the action, exemplified by "The dog bites the bone," where the subject "dog" initiates the event.^[29] The passive voice reverses this, making the subject the recipient while often demoting or omitting the agent, as in "The bone was bitten by the dog," constructed with the auxiliary "be" plus the past participle.^[32] Some languages feature a middle voice, where the subject both performs and receives the action in a reflexive-like manner or with suppressed agency, such as English "The window opened" (inchoative sense) or "Novels sell well," though English middles lack dedicated inflection and rely on active forms semantically.^[33] Finite verbs mark mood and voice via morphological inflection or periphrastic means, ensuring the verb agrees with clause requirements while anchoring the event.^[28] In English, the passive voice employs finite auxiliaries like "be" in various tenses, such as "The report is being written" (present continuous), integrating mood with tense through the finite auxiliary.^[32] For subjunctive mood, Spanish finite verbs inflect distinctly, as in the present subjunctive "quiera" (that he/she want) from "querer," used in hypothetical clauses like "Espero que venga" (I hope that he/she comes), contrasting with the indicative "quiere."^[34] Historically, the subjunctive mood has undergone significant reduction in English, shifting from robust inflection in Old English—where it appeared frequently in subordinate and hypothetical contexts—to near vestigial status in modern varieties, largely replaced by indicative forms or modals like "should."^[35] This loss accelerated from Early Modern English onward due to phonological mergers and analytic tendencies, with corpus data showing a decline from 59 instances in a 950 AD text to zero in a 1923 translation.^[35] In contrast, languages like Spanish retain a productive subjunctive system with dedicated finite forms across tenses, preserving its role in expressing non-factual attitudes.^[34] In present-day English, the mandative subjunctive (e.g., "I demand that he go") shows partial revival in American English written registers, though overall usage remains limited compared to historical prevalence.^[36]

Person, Number, and Agreement

Finite verbs in many languages inflect to indicate person, which categorizes the subject based on its role in the speech act: first person for the speaker, second person for the addressee, and third person for entities neither speaking nor addressed.^[37] Some languages further distinguish number within these categories, including dual forms for exactly two participants alongside singular and plural.^[37] Number agreement on finite verbs typically marks whether the subject is singular or plural, adjusting the verb form accordingly; for example, in English, the third-person singular subject "he" requires "walks," while the plural "they" takes "walk."^[38] This inflection ensures the verb aligns morphologically with the subject's quantity, though the extent varies across languages. Subject-verb agreement for person and number can be robust or limited. In pro-drop languages like Italian, finite verbs exhibit full agreement through distinct endings for all six person-number combinations in the present tense (e.g., parlo "I speak," parli "you speak," parla "he/she speaks"), allowing subjects to be omitted as the inflection conveys the information.^[38] In contrast, English shows only partial agreement, primarily marking third-person singular with an -s suffix, while other forms remain invariant.^[38] Ergative patterns appear in languages like Basque, where finite verbs agree in person and number with both the absolutive argument (intransitive subjects or transitive objects) and the ergative subject (transitive subjects), as in gizonak liburua irakurtzen du ("the man reads the book," with "du" agreeing with both the ergative subject gizonak and absolutive object liburua).^[39] Exceptions occur in analytic languages such as Chinese or Vietnamese, where finite verbs lack inflection for person or number and remain invariable regardless of subject features.^[4]

Syntactic Theories

Generative Approaches

In generative syntax, finiteness is conceptualized as a property of the Tense (T) head within the X-bar theoretic framework, where T projects a Tense Phrase (TP) that serves as the core structural layer for finite clauses. This approach, developed in the Government and Binding (GB) theory, posits that finite verbs must enter into a spec-head agreement relation with T to license tense and agreement features, distinguishing finite clauses from non-finite ones lacking such projection. The TP layer anchors the clause's temporal interpretation and subject agreement, ensuring that finite verbs bear interpretable tense morphology. Feature checking mechanisms further elaborate this view, requiring finite verbs to raise to T via V-to-T movement to value and check uninterpretable tense and person features on T. In languages like French, this overt movement is evident, as finite main verbs cross adverbs positioned between VP and TP, contrasting with English where such raising is typically covert or restricted to auxiliaries. This process satisfies the Extended Projection Principle (EPP), positioning the subject in Spec-TP and ensuring clause finiteness through feature percolation from T to the verb. Within the Minimalist Program, updates refine finiteness as a parametric variation tied to the strength of T's features, allowing some languages to lack overt T realization while maintaining finiteness through null tense morphology, as in radical pro-drop systems like Chinese. Chomsky's framework (2001) emphasizes that finiteness emerges from phase-level computations where T, as a functional head, interfaces with the computational system, permitting cross-linguistic differences in whether T triggers overt verb raising or supports null subjects. These parameters account for why finite TPs universally require feature checking but vary in morphological realization. Empirical support for this T-head analysis comes from English phenomena like auxiliary inversion and do-support, where only finite auxiliaries invert in questions (e.g., *Did John eat? vs. *Eat John apples?), indicating T's selection for finite forms to host tense affixes. Do-support arises when no auxiliary is present, inserting do as a dummy to bear T's finite features and enable movement or affixation, underscoring that finiteness demands overt realization in analytic languages like English. These patterns provide diagnostics for the TP layer's role in enforcing finiteness.

Functional and Dependency Models

In functional grammar, as developed by Simon Dik, finite verbs serve as the central elements of predications, which form the core of clause structure by integrating arguments and predicates to express propositional content. These predications are expanded into full clauses through the addition of operators and satellites that encode illocutionary force—such as declarative, interrogative, or imperative functions—and polarity, distinguishing affirmative from negative expressions. For instance, in a declarative clause like "The cat sleeps," the finite verb "sleeps" anchors the predication, with tense and polarity operators specifying its interpersonal and experiential roles. This approach emphasizes the verb's function in conveying speaker intent over formal constituency, contrasting with generative models that prioritize hierarchical phrase structures. Dependency syntax, pioneered by Lucien Tesnière, treats finite verbs as the primary structural governors of clauses, establishing asymmetric dependency relations directly with their arguments and modifiers without relying on intermediate phrase structures. In this framework, the finite verb occupies the root position in a dependency tree, subordinating elements like subjects, objects, and adjuncts to it; for example, in "She reads a book," "reads" governs "She" as subject and "book" as object, with all dependencies radiating from the verb. This verb-centric model rejects binary subject-predicate divisions in favor of a radial organization, where the finite verb's tense and agreement features determine the clause's overall syntactic coherence. Within layered functional models, such as Michael Halliday's systemic functional grammar, finite verbs play a pivotal role in defining matrix clauses by realizing the Finite element in the Mood structure, which interpersonalizes the clause through tense, modality, or polarity to engage the addressee. The Finite—often the auxiliary or inflected main verb—anchors the clause to the speech situation, distinguishing matrix clauses (independent units) from embedded ones; for example, in "She will arrive," "will" as Finite initiates the primary clause, enabling negotiation or assertion. This positioning in clause typology highlights how finite verbs stratify clauses into layers of meaning, from experiential processes to interactive exchanges. In computational linguistics, functional and dependency models leverage finite verbs to parse clause boundaries efficiently, with the verb serving as the head that identifies matrix clause roots and subordinates dependent structures. Dependency parsers, such as those in the Universal Dependencies framework, use finite verbs to resolve ambiguities in clause embedding and attachment, improving accuracy in natural language processing tasks like sentence segmentation. This application underscores the models' utility in handling real-world text variability without exhaustive phrase-level rules.

Cross-Linguistic Perspectives

Across language families, the expression of finiteness exhibits significant typological variation, particularly between polysynthetic and isolating structures. In polysynthetic languages such as Inuktitut, finiteness is typically realized through intricate verbal morphology, where verbs incorporate nouns and affixes to encode tense, mood, person, and number within a single complex word, thereby marking the clause as independent and complete. This incorporation allows for highly compact clauses that integrate multiple syntactic elements, contrasting sharply with isolating languages like Mandarin Chinese. In Mandarin, an analytic language lacking inflectional endings, finiteness is conveyed via periphrastic means, notably sentence-final aspectual particles such as le (perfective) and guo (experiential), which restrict their occurrence to root or finite clauses and signal event completion or relevance to the speech act. These particles thus serve as key indicators of clausal independence in the absence of morphological agreement or tense marking. Universalist perspectives posit finiteness as a fundamental clause-level distinction present in all languages, differentiating matrix or independent clauses from embedded or subordinate ones, though its morphological and syntactic manifestations differ widely. Nikolaeva (2010) argues that finiteness universally correlates with features like tense anchoring, subject agreement, and illocutionary force, enabling clauses to interface with discourse contexts; however, exceptions arise in fragmental or highly analytic languages, where nominal or verbless structures function as full clauses without overt finite markers, challenging strict morphological definitions.^[6] Post-2010 research has intensified debates on finiteness in creoles and pidgins, emphasizing the role of language contact in reshaping finite marking. In contact-induced varieties like Hawaiian Creole English, finiteness often emerges variably, with reduced or optional tense-aspect systems reflecting substrate influences and simplification during pidginization, yet creolization can lead to innovative periphrastic strategies for marking clausal independence.^[40] Recent studies (2020s) on sign languages further illuminate cross-modal patterns, showing that in American Sign Language (ASL), non-manual markers—such as eyebrow raises for yes/no questions or head tilts for relative clauses—play a crucial role in encoding finiteness by distinguishing finite interrogative or declarative clauses from non-finite embeddings through prosodic and grammatical facial expressions.^[41]

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In this paper we will explore the form and interpretation of finite and non-finite verbs in the early stages of the acquisition of Swahili. Because Swahili is a ...Missing: definition | Show results with:definition<|control11|><|separator|>
[26]
[PDF] Serial Verb Constructions Revisited - UC Berkeley
SVCs involve two main verbs that form a single predicate and share at least one of their arguments. In addition, they have shared values for tense, aspect, and ...
[27]
Chapter Position of Tense-Aspect Affixes - WALS Online
Languages lacking tense-aspect affixes are most common in two areas in which isolating languages, ones with little or no inflectional morphology, are common: ( ...
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Mood - Universal Dependencies
In English, Mood is a feature of finite verbs. It is used to express modality and further subclassify finite verb forms. Ind : indicative. The indicative can be ...<|separator|>
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Verbs: Voice and Mood - Purdue OWL
Indicative, Imperative, and Subjunctive Mood Most verbs we use are in the indicative mood, which indicates a fact or opinion: Examples: He was here.
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Essentials - Mood - Hamilton College
The indicative mood: a declarative statement or a question. · The imperative mood: a command or request. · The subjunctive mood: a condition contrary to fact, a ...
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Person, Number, Tense, Mood, Voice
The INDICATIVE mood is most common, and expresses facts or beliefs: she runs, he stops · The IMPERATIVE mood gives commands: run! stop! · The SUBJUNCTIVE mood ...
[32]
10 Passive - Penn Linguistics
In English, the passive is expressed analytically by a combination of the past participle and an auxiliary verb (be or get). Other languages allow the passive ...
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What is the Middle Voice? | OUPblog
Jun 2, 2019 · You can think of the middle voice as mid-way between the active and the passive—grammatically active but semantically passive. The middle voice ...
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[PDF] Mood in Spanish - HAL-SHS
Sep 17, 2007 · This paper is mainly concerned with the uses of the subjunctive in Modern Spanish (section. 3).1 Section 2 gives a brief sketch of those ...
[35]
[PDF] Come What May: The History and Future of the English Subjunctive
May 9, 2015 · In this paper, I investigate the historical developments leading to this conception of the English subjunctive mood, examine the modern usage of ...
[36]
(PDF) The subjunctive in present-day english: Revival or demise?
According to Givón (1993: 274), towards the end of the twentieth century 'the old grammatical category of subjunctive has almost disappeared'. More recently, ...<|separator|>
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Summary of each segment:
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Morphology and Pro Drop
### Summary of Pro-Drop Languages and Subject-Verb Agreement
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### Summary of Ergative Agreement Patterns in Basque Finite Verbs (Person and Number)
[40]
Tense and Finiteness in Contemporary Child Pidgin (Hawai'i Creole)
Jan 27, 2020 · These findings suggest that Pidgin 'waz' used with plural subjects and zero-marking of tense and finiteness are properties of typical ...Missing: post- | Show results with:post-
[41]
Detecting clauses and their dependencies in signed utterances
Nov 20, 2018 · Prosodic markers in visual-manual languages include such manual cues as sign lengthening, holds, and pauses during sign transitions, as well as ...