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Nominalization

Nominalization is a fundamental linguistic process in which verbs, adjectives, or entire clauses are converted into nouns, thereby transforming actions, states, qualities, or propositions into nominal entities that can function as subjects, objects, or complements in a sentence. This derivation enables speakers and writers to reify dynamic processes as static "things," enhancing abstraction and referential flexibility across languages. Common examples include lexical forms like "decide" becoming "decision" through suffixation, or clausal constructions such as "the fact that it rained," where a verb phrase is embedded under a nominal head. Nominalizations are broadly classified into lexical (or morphological) types, which involve word-formation rules deriving nouns from non-nominal bases within the , and syntactic (or clausal) types, which integrate verbal or clausal structures into nominal phrases, often exhibiting mixed syntactic properties. Lexical nominalizations, such as "destruction" from "destroy," typically align closely with their verbal counterparts in meaning but adopt nominal externally. Syntactic nominalizations, by contrast, preserve more internal verbal features, like argument structure, and vary typologically across languages—for instance, gerunds in English versus verbal nouns in Irish that blend nominal and verbal categories. In , nominalization has been pivotal in since Robert Lees's 1960 monograph, which analyzed it as a combining nominal heads with clausal complements, later refined by to emphasize lexical derivations over syntactic rules. In , M.A.K. Halliday conceptualized nominalization as a form of ideational grammatical , where processes normally expressed by verbs are incongruently realized as nouns to reconstrue experience and pack information densely. This metaphorical shift is particularly prominent in scientific and academic discourse, where nominalizations constitute up to 4-5% of words in corpora like the Corpus of English Scientific Prose, facilitating objectivity, , and hierarchical argumentation by encapsulating clauses into compact themes.

Overview and Fundamentals

Definition and Scope

Nominalization is the process by which verbs, adjectives, or other non-nominal categories are transformed into , often preserving key aspects of the original meaning, such as actions, states, or qualities. This results in complex that denote events, results, participants, or abstracts, allowing non-nominal elements to function as heads of noun phrases. For instance, the verb destroy yields the noun destruction, capturing the action as a nominal . The scope of nominalization spans morphological, syntactic, and semantic dimensions. Morphologically, it typically involves affixation or to form new nouns; syntactically, it influences phrase structure and argument realization; and semantically, it introduces , where derived nouns may shift between eventive, , or referential interpretations. It is distinct from related word-formation processes like , which combines existing lexemes rather than deriving from non-nominals, or , which syntactically juxtaposes noun phrases without morphological change. The term "nominalization" emerged in generative linguistics during the 1960s, building on traditional grammar's observations of derivations like those from Latin roots. Noam Chomsky's influential 1970 paper, "Remarks on Nominalization," formalized its analysis within , distinguishing lexical from syntactic derivations and sparking decades of theoretical debate. This process is vital for forming abstract nouns, such as run to running, which facilitates complex sentence structures, discourse , and the condensation of ideas in scientific and . By enabling the nominal expression of dynamic concepts, nominalization enhances textual density and formality across genres.

Types and Processes

Nominalization encompasses several distinct processes through which verbs, adjectives, or other lexical items are transformed into nouns, each involving different linguistic mechanisms. Morphological nominalization primarily relies on affixation, where suffixes or prefixes are added to a word to change its . For instance, suffixes such as -tion or -ment attach to verbal roots to form abstract nouns denoting actions or results, as seen in derivations that encode types or agents. This process is derivational in , altering the word class while often preserving core semantic features of the . Syntactic nominalization, in contrast, operates at the phrasal or clausal level, converting verbal structures into nominal ones without necessarily relying on overt . This involves embedding clauses or phrases within nominal positions, such as through gerundial or infinitival constructions, where the entire verbal unit functions as a . These forms retain internal syntactic properties, like argument selection, allowing the nominalized to embed within larger sentences while inheriting verbal characteristics. Four primary levels of syntactic nominalization have been identified—corresponding to projections like , TP, vP, and VP—each exhibiting varying degrees of nominal and verbal traits, such as marking on arguments. Zero-derivation, also known as , achieves nominalization without any visible or morphological alteration, relying instead on contextual cues or a postulated zero to shift categories. In this process, a word like a directly serves as a based on syntactic position, with semantic predictability varying across languages; for example, only a subset of roots in polysynthetic languages exhibit this flexibility. This mechanism highlights polycategoriality, where lexical items lack rigid category assignment, enabling bidirectional shifts between nouns and verbs. Cross-linguistically, zero-derivation appears in approximately 12% of roots in certain languages, underscoring its limited but significant role. Prosodic and stress-dependent nominalization involves suprasegmental features like , intonation, or patterns to signal the category shift, often without morphological changes. In languages, raising the on a can mark nominal status, distinguishing it from the verbal form as a distinct morphemic . Similarly, placement—such as initial in compounds—can nominalize structures, interacting with to derive event-denoting nouns. These prosodic cues are particularly evident in languages where affixation alone is insufficient, blending phonological and morphological signals. A key across these processes is semantic retention, whereby nominalized forms inherit elements of the source category's meaning, including event structure, ual properties, and argument roles. Eventive nominals preserve the or agentivity of the base , resulting in process-oriented readings that denote ongoing actions, while result nominals maintain bounded but lose dynamicity. Argument roles, such as agents or themes, are often realized through syntactic projections, with nominalizations exhibiting varying degrees of theta-role assignment based on their eventive nature. This inheritance ensures that nominals like those denoting destruction retain the causative structure of their verbal origins, though ual differences distinguish process from result interpretations. Cross-cutting processes frequently blend these mechanisms, producing forms that combine morphological affixation with syntactic or prosodic adjustments. For example, some languages employ alongside shifts to form nominals, incorporating internal arguments in possessive-like structures. These mixed strategies challenge strict categorizations, as seen in suffix competition or zero-derived forms with prosodic support, reflecting the interplay of lexical, syntactic, and phonological domains in nominalization. Such blending is documented across diverse language families, emphasizing the non-modular nature of the process.

Nominalization in English

Derivational Morphology

Derivational morphology in English nominalization primarily involves the addition of suffixes to verbs or adjectives to form nouns that denote actions, states, results, or qualities. Common suffixes include -tion, which typically derives nouns indicating an act or state from verbs, as in "inform" becoming "information"; -ment, which forms nouns denoting the result or means of an action, such as "develop" to "development"; and -ance or -ence, which create nouns expressing a quality or action, exemplified by "perform" yielding "performance". These suffixes are highly productive in contemporary English, enabling the systematic expansion of the lexicon through affixation. The of these suffixes is constrained by etymological origins and base category. Latinate , often borrowed from Latin or , readily accept suffixes like -tion and -ment, whereas Germanic show lower with these, favoring native suffixes such as -ness for deadjectival nominalizations, as in "happy" to "". Suffix selection also depends on verb class; for instance, -ness is restricted to adjectives denoting properties, while -tion applies predominantly to transitive s of Latinate origin. This reflects the Latinate , where non-native suffixes avoid combining with Germanic bases to prevent morphological complexity. Morphological rules governing these derivations often involve alternations at the or level, such as shifts or suppletive forms; for example, the "decide" undergoes a change from /aɪ/ to /ɪ/ in forming "decision," preserving the stem's phonological while adapting to suffixal requirements. The or serves as the , with suffixes attaching to bound morphemes in Latinate cases, ensuring semantic between the derived and its verbal or adjectival source. Historically, the influx of and Latin suffixes into English accelerated after the of 1066, when Norman became the prestige language, introducing productive forms like -ment and -tion that supplanted or coexisted with older Germanic patterns. Certain derivations encode aspectual information, distinguishing between simple, completed and more complex . For instance, "destruction" from "destroy" typically conveys a telic (bounded, result-oriented) , implying completion, whereas suffixes like -ment can denote ongoing results without strict , as in "" suggesting a with potential endpoints. This aspectual encoding arises from the suffix's with the base verb's inherent properties, providing nuanced representations of in nominal form.

Zero-Derivation

Zero-derivation, also known as , is a morphological process in English whereby verbs or adjectives are transformed into nouns through the addition of a zero , without any overt affixation. This results in words that retain their phonological form but shift , such as the "call" becoming the "a call," denoting an instance of the action. Bidirectional shifts are common, as seen in "drink," which functions as both a (to consume ) and a (a beverage or act of drinking). The primary triggers for this category shift are syntactic positioning and semantic adjustments. In , the nominal reading emerges when the word appears in a headed by an or , such as "the walk" versus "to walk," allowing it to function as the head of a . Semantically, this involves bleaching of verbal properties, where the dynamic aspects of the verb are subdued to denote an , result, or entity, as in "the invite" referring to an rather than the act itself. Constraints on zero-derivation include resolution of and restrictions based on . For instance, the "run" can nominalize as "a run" to mean either a (result reading) or the action of running (event reading), with context disambiguating the intended . Productivity is limited by verb classes: manner verbs like "run" typically yield event nominals, while result verbs like "cut" produce result nominals denoting outcomes, and zero-derivation is often blocked if the base already has an overt nominalizing . In , zero-derivation demonstrates high productivity, particularly in and neologisms influenced by and . A prominent example is "," originally a for the search engine, which has undergone zero-derivation to serve as a ("to " meaning to search ) and back to a ("do a " for a search action), reflecting the process's adaptability in contemporary usage. Historically, zero-derivation has evolved significantly, with a marked increase in its use after , driven by the language's shift toward analytic structures that favor functional shifts over synthetic morphology. In , such derivations were less frequent and often tied to inflectional alternations, but by , they became a dominant word-formation , enabling efficient category changes without morphological marking. Adjectival zero-derivation to is also attested, particularly for words denoting persons or qualities, as in "criminal" shifting from an (pertaining to crime) to a noun (a person who commits crimes). In terms of argument realization, event-denoting zero-nominals like "" imply participants such as the hunter and hunted through their base verb's argument structure, preserving semantic relations without explicit marking. Unlike the overt affixes in derivational , zero-derivation relies solely on contextual cues for this implicit encoding.

Stress- and Prosody-Dependent Forms

In English, certain nominalizations arise through shifts in word or prosody, where the same functions as both a and a but is distinguished phonologically without morphological alteration. This mechanism primarily affects disyllabic words of Germanic or Latinate origin, with nouns typically receiving primary on the first and verbs on the second. For instance, "" is pronounced as /ˈrɛbəl/ when referring to a person in revolt () but /rɪˈbɛl/ when meaning to resist (verb). Similarly, "object" shifts from /ˈɒbdʒɪkt/ (a thing) to /əbˈdʒɛkt/ (to oppose), and "conduct" from /ˈkɒndʌkt/ (behavior) to /kənˈdʌkt/ (to lead). These patterns overlap with zero-derivation but emphasize prosodic cues for . Prosodic effects further influence these forms through vowel quality and intonation. In the nominal form, the initial syllable often retains a full under , while the verb form reduces the initial to a (/ə/) due to lack of , enhancing the auditory distinction. Intonation can also mark nominal use in context, such as rising on the stressed to signal a entity. In compounds, primary on the first element reinforces nominal status, as in "blackboard" (/ˈblækbɔːd/), where the unified pattern denotes a single object, contrasting with phrasal constructions like "black board" (stressed on the second word). These phonological rules trace to Germanic , where initial on predominated in Old English nouns, evolving into modern patterns via analogical pressure and frequency effects. Such stress-dependent forms play a key role in disambiguating meaning during speech, where prosody provides rapid grammatical cues without relying on syntax. Event-related potential studies show that listeners process these shifts neurally to distinguish categories, aiding comprehension in real-time discourse. Historically, this prosodic reliance intensified in (c. 1500–1800), as the loss of inflections from shifted English toward analytic structures, with stress alternation becoming productive amid Romance influx and the coexistence of Germanic and Romance stress rules—evident in early attestations like "" and "" by the 1570s. This evolution from synthetic to stress-based distinction reflects broader phonological changes, including rightward stress shifts influenced by Norman French, solidifying prosody's role in nominalization.

Nominalization Across Other Languages

Indo-European Languages

In Indo-European languages excluding English, nominalization often relies on inherited derivational suffixes from Proto-Indo-European (PIE), particularly the *-ti- suffix, which formed action nouns denoting events or processes associated with verbal roots. This suffix typically attached to verbal stems to create feminine abstract nouns, exhibiting ablaut (vowel gradation) patterns where the root vowel alternated between full-grade (e.g., *e or *o) and zero-grade forms, influencing the phonological shape in descendant languages. For instance, in Ancient Greek, the verb poiein "to make" derives the noun poiēsis "making, creation" via the -sis form evolved from PIE *-ti-, with the root showing o-grade (*poi- from *kʷeih₁-) contrasting with e-grade in other forms, a pattern traceable to PIE accent-ablaut paradigms that distinguished strong and weak cases. Similarly, in Latin, the verb agere "to drive, do" yields actio "action" through the -tiōn- extension of *-ti-, preserving the action-denoting function while adapting to Latin's inflectional system for gender and case agreement. Romance languages, descending from Latin, maintain robust deverbal nominalization via suffixes like -tiōn-, -ātiōn-, and their variants, often resulting in feminine nouns that agree in gender with articles and adjectives. In , actuar "to act" forms acción "," a feminine noun requiring as in la acción importante "the important ," reflecting Latin actio and emphasizing event complexity over simple states. parallels this with agir "to act" yielding action "," also feminine (l'action décisive), while uses agire to azione, inheriting the suffix's for complex event nominals that retain verbal structures, such as internal objects. These forms underscore a shared Romance tendency for suffixation to encode aspectual nuances, like perfective completion in the derived . is suffix-driven, with -ción/-tion typically marking feminine gender across these languages, aligning with PIE's original feminine association of *-ti-. In , nominalization frequently employs suffixes like -ung-, derived from PIE verbal abstracts, to form or result nouns, often neutral in gender but inflecting for case and number. exemplifies this with handeln "to act" deriving Handlung "," a that can take genitive complements to express possession, as in die Handlung des Films "the of the film." mirrors English gerund-like forms with -ing, as in lezen "to read" to lezing "reading, lecture," functioning as a nominal that denotes the event and allows modifiers like adjectives (een interessante lezing "an interesting reading"), though it leans toward concrete result interpretations in analytic constructions. These Germanic patterns preserve PIE's event-denoting heritage but show simplification in argument realization compared to more inflected branches. Slavic languages utilize suffixes such as -ie/-je for verbal nouns, often influenced by the verb's aspectual properties, where imperfective bases predominate to denote ongoing processes. In Russian, čitat' (imperfective "to read") forms čtenie "reading," a neuter noun that captures the iterative or durative aspect of the action, as in čtenie knigi "reading of the book," and can influence countability—imperfective-derived nouns like čtenie are typically mass or abstract, resisting pluralization unless contextualized as repeated events. Aspectual choice affects the nominal's semantics: perfective verbs may yield result-oriented nouns (e.g., pročitanie "reading through" implying completion), but imperfective bases like čitat' favor processual čtenie, reflecting Slavic's rich verbal aspect system that conditions nominal form and interpretation. Common Indo-European traits in nominalization include the persistence of ablaut in derivations and the -ti- lineage for action abstracts, seen across branches: poiēsis shows e/o ablaut from PIE *kʷeih₁-, while Latin and Romance extend it phonologically without full gradation, and -ie adapts it to consonant stems. Older Indo-European languages exhibit inflectional richness, with nominals declining fully for case, number, and gender (e.g., Latin actiōnis genitive), whereas modern varieties trend analytic, using prepositions or periphrases alongside suffixes. In , gerunds like leggendo "reading" serve nominal functions in analytic structures, such as Leggendo è rilassante "Reading is relaxing," bypassing heavy suffixation for adverbial-nominal hybrids that prioritize over . This shift highlights a broader from synthetic PIE derivations to mixed strategies in contemporary Indo-European tongues.

Sino-Tibetan and Austroasiatic Languages

In Sino-Tibetan and , nominalization often relies on analytic strategies rather than inflectional , transforming verbal predicates into nominal expressions through particles, classifiers, or serial constructions that highlight eventive or agentive meanings. These processes underscore the families' typological preference for isolating structures, where and functional elements play a central role in shifting from event descriptions to referential nouns. In , a Sino-Tibetan , serial verb constructions frequently serve as nominal bases, allowing sequences like chī fàn ('eat ') to denote the nominalized activity of 'eating ' or '' in context-dependent uses, such as in referring to daily routines. The particle de further facilitates nominalization by attaching to , verb , or clauses, converting them into modifiers or headless that function as event arguments, as in tā de chī fàn ('his/her eating ', nominalizing the action). This de-construction often blurs relativization and nominalization, enabling predicates to head noun without affixation. Vietnamese, an Austroasiatic language, employs classifiers as nominalizers to derive event nouns from verbs, exemplified by việc ăn ('the act of eating'), where việc transforms the verb ăn ('eat') into a countable nominal referring to the activity. Among Tibeto-Burman languages, such as Tibetan, nominalization involves suffixes like -pa, which derives agentive nouns from verbs, as in slob pa ('teacher', from 'teach'), marking the agent of the action in both literary and spoken varieties. Prefixes and suffixes also encode evidentiality within nominal forms; for instance, in Qiang (a Tibeto-Burman language), nominalizers combine with evidential markers to specify the source of knowledge in event nominals, like sensory or reported evidence attached to the derived noun. These languages share analytic traits, lacking robust and instead using particles or to nominalize events, as seen in Mandarin's chī zhe fàn ('eating rice' as an ongoing nominal, with zhe aspectualizing the for durative reference). Historically, nominalization strategies evolved from classical to modern forms through ; , for example, adopted classifier-based nominalizers influenced by prolonged Sinitic exposure, adapting -like particles into its Austroasiatic framework during periods of cultural exchange from the 1st century BCE onward. In , the de particle's role expanded in modern from classical relativizers, reflecting shifts toward analytic amid internal evolution.

Japanese and Austronesian Languages

In Japanese, nominalization frequently employs the ren'yōkei (also known as the adnominal or rentaikei form) of verbs as a base for conversion into nouns, often combined with dedicated nominalizers to form clausal or event nouns. For instance, the verb stem taberu ("to eat") in its ren'yōkei form pairs with koto to yield taberu koto, glossed as "the eating" or "the act of eating," functioning as a nominal expressing an event or fact. Similarly, the nominalizer no attaches to the ren'yōkei to create clausal nouns, as in taberu no, which can mean "that which is eaten" or serve as a complement. These nominalizers exhibit a dual verbal-nominal nature, where koto typically denotes abstract events or facts (e.g., tabeta koto, "the fact of having eaten," retaining ), while no often functions more modifier-like, embedding clauses as attributive phrases. Verbal properties such as , , and even of objects persist in these forms, allowing nominalized clauses to behave partially like verbs within larger structures; for example, genitive marking on subjects in no-clauses signals a defective projection. relative clauses also operate as nominals, directly modifying nouns without additional particles, as in taberu hito ("person who eats"), where the ren'yōkei clause assumes a nominal role. In Austronesian languages, exemplified by , nominalization often involves suffixes that convert verbs into event or nouns, preserving verbal argument structures and interacting with the family's characteristic system, which highlights specific arguments (e.g., , ) through affixal originally derived from nominalizers in Proto-Austronesian. The agentive suffix -ia marks passivized or agent-focused forms, while the stative -ʻana derives or event nominals; for example, the verb hele ("to go") becomes ka hele ʻana ("the going" or "the act of going"), with the definite article ka nominalizing the entire . Hawaiian event nominals with -ʻana retain voice distinctions, such as or , allowing the nominal to embed complex predicates while functioning nominally. Serial verb constructions in can be nominalized collectively via articles, treating the sequence as a single event nominal that preserves internal voice and focus s, as in chained motions like hele mai ʻana ("the coming"). Some Austronesian languages exhibit ergative patterns in nominalizations, where agents receive genitive marking distinct from verbal clauses, influenced by the focus system's prioritization of non-agent arguments; however, maintains a more accusative alignment in these forms.

Theoretical Frameworks

Early Syntactic Developments

The analysis of nominalization in the mid-20th century was shaped by structuralist linguistics, which emphasized morpheme-based derivations as the primary mechanism for . , in his seminal work , described as a process of combining bound and free forms to create new lexical items, viewing nominalizations as endocentric constructions where the derived form inherits the syntactic role of its base . This approach focused on distributional patterns and immediate constituents, treating nominalization as a static morphological operation rather than a dynamic syntactic process. A foundational development in came with Robert Lees's 1960 monograph The Grammar of English Nominalizations, which analyzed nominalization as a combining nominal heads with clausal complements derived from underlying sentential structures. This transformational approach, building on early generative principles, treated forms like "John's destruction of the city" as generated by syntactic rules mapping deep sentential forms to surface nominals, preserving verbal argument structure. Chomsky's early work aligned with this perspective, as seen in references in (1957) and Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (1965), where emphasized transformations for deriving complex expressions, including nominalizations that retained sentential properties. Building on this foundation, Chomsky's Remarks on Nominalization (1970) refined the analysis by distinguishing derived nominals (e.g., "destruction," lexical and idiosyncratic in productivity) from gerundive nominals (e.g., "destroying," syntactically derived and fully productive). Here, Chomsky critiqued the earlier transformational accounts for derived nominals, arguing they overgenerated and failed to capture lexical idiosyncrasies, instead proposing a partial lexicalist where such forms are generated in the while gerundives remain syntactically derived. He introduced the X'-scheme, an early formulation of , positing that nominal phrases are hierarchically structured with a head (N), optional specifier (e.g., possessives like "John's"), and complements, mirroring sentential organization under base rules like X → [Spec X] X. This schema supported lexical integrity for derived nominals, where productivity constraints stemmed from lexical rules rather than uniform transformations. These developments marked a transition from structuralist morpheme-centric models to generative phrase-structure rules, enabling nominalizations to be analyzed as embedded within broader syntactic hierarchies and paving the way for unified theories of phrase formation across categories.

Argument Structure Approaches

In the framework developed by Jane Grimshaw, nominalizations are analyzed through the lens of argument structure, which bridges and by positing that deverbal nouns inherit a theta-grid from their base verbs, specifying thematic roles such as , , and . Event nominals, in particular, are required to realize this full theta-grid, subcategorizing for all obligatory arguments much like their verbal counterparts, thereby preserving the eventive nature of the verb. This approach treats complex event nominals (CENs) as projections that encode a structured event, including both internal arguments (e.g., themes realized as of-phrases) and external arguments (e.g., s realized as by-phrases or possessives). For instance, in "John's destruction of the city," John serves as the external argument () via the possessive, while the city is the internal argument () marked by of. Grimshaw distinguishes between simple event nominals (SENs) and complex event nominals (CENs), alongside result nominals (RNs), based on their argument-taking properties and event complexity. SENs denote events but lack a full theta-grid, allowing optional arguments without strict subcategorization, as in "the walk in the park" where in the park is an adjunct rather than a required theme. In contrast, CENs mandate the complete argument structure, as seen in "the enemy's destruction of the city," which requires both external and internal arguments to denote a bounded, complex event. Result nominals, like "the destruction" referring to ruins, carry no event structure or theta-grid, permitting no arguments at all. Diagnostics for this distinction include the ability of CENs to license aspectual modifiers such as slow or frequent, which are incompatible with RNs or SENs, highlighting the eventive and telic properties inherited from the verb. Under this theory, nominalization involves the projection of verbal argument structure into the nominal domain, where the noun head inherits the verb's semantic skeleton but realizes arguments via nominal means like possessives or prepositions, thus maintaining syntactic-semantic . Aspectual implications arise from the event type: telic verbs yield CENs with bounded interpretations, while atelic ones produce iterative or durative readings, influencing argument realization. Post-1990 refinements have extended this framework by incorporating more nuanced aspectual distinctions in result nouns, emphasizing how and boundedness interact with argument suppression in non-eventive nominals. For example, subsequent work has clarified that result nouns can encode aspectual endpoints without full event structure, refining the diagnostics for distinguishing them from simple events.

Structural and Event-Based Models

In generative linguistics, Artemis Alexiadou's 2001 framework analyzes deverbal nominals through a structural decomposition involving functional heads, distinguishing between process and result interpretations based on the presence of verbal layers. Deverbal nominals are formed via a nominalizing head , which categorizes the structure, combined with a RootP that anchors the event root, allowing for the encoding of verbal properties within a nominal shell. This approach addresses limitations in earlier theories by positing that nominalizations inherit argument structure from underlying verbal projections, rather than relying solely on lexical specifications. The model decomposes nominal structures into hierarchical layers, including the absence of a finiteness phrase (FP), which marks the non-finite nature of nominals, and a VoiceP layer that introduces agentivity and external arguments. A determinative phrase (DP) shell then imparts nominal properties such as and possessives. Process nouns, such as "the examination of the patient by the doctor," preserve the full event structure, including thematic roles and aspectual information from the verbal base, enabling argument realization similar to clauses. In contrast, result nouns, like "the examination" referring to a product or outcome, lack these verbal layers, resulting in reduced or no structure. This distinction explains why process readings permit complex syntax, while result readings behave more like simple nouns. Cross-linguistically, the framework highlights contrasts between languages like and English: Greek nominalizations often realize more functional projections, allowing overt agentive phrases in eventive contexts (e.g., "i katastrofi tis polis apo ton echthro" – "the destruction of the city by the enemy"), whereas English may suppress them due to morphological constraints. Alexiadou extends this analysis to underived nominals, arguing that they too can project eventive structure via roots that select for verbalizing heads, unifying derived and underived categories under the same syntactic architecture. This builds briefly on Grimshaw's event-based distinction by providing a phrase-structural account of how arguments are licensed. Post-2001 developments integrate this model with Distributed Morphology (), treating nominalizing affixes as vocabulary items inserted post-syntactically to realize abstract functional heads. In the , refinements incorporated aspectual heads (AspP) to account for and number effects in nominalizations; for instance, plural marking on event nominals correlates with bounded , as seen in and English data where plural process nouns (e.g., "destructions") imply iterative events. These extensions resolve ambiguities in realization, enhancing the model's explanatory power for cross-linguistic variation in nominal argumenthood.

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