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Dmitry Muratov


Dmitry Andreyevich Muratov (born 29 October 1961) is a Russian journalist who co-founded the independent newspaper Novaya Gazeta following the Soviet Union's dissolution and served as its editor-in-chief for most years since 1995. Under his leadership, the publication pursued investigative reporting that criticized Russian authorities on issues including human rights violations and corruption, resulting in the deaths of six journalists during his tenure. Muratov was awarded the 2021 Nobel Peace Prize, jointly with Maria Ressa, for his efforts to safeguard freedom of expression, which the Norwegian Nobel Committee described as a precondition for democracy and lasting peace amid authoritarian restrictions. Muratov's career began as a for Soviet newspapers, and after , he helped establish Novaya Gazeta as a platform for uncensored in post-Soviet . The newspaper's work, often at personal risk, included exposés on the Chechen wars and , earning Muratov international recognition for upholding press freedom despite threats, including a 2018 incident where a severed goat's head was sent to the office as intimidation. In response to Russia's 2022 invasion of , Novaya Gazeta suspended operations in , and Muratov auctioned his Nobel medal for $103.5 million to support Ukrainian children affected by the conflict. He has continued advocating for independent media, challenging designations like "" imposed by Russian authorities on critical outlets.

Biography

Early life and education

Dmitry Andreyevich Muratov was born on 29 October 1961 in Kuibyshev, Russian SFSR, (now , ). His mother, Lyudmila Vasilyevna, taught and at a local , while details about his remain limited in . He spent his childhood and in Kuibyshev, a restricted due to its military-industrial significance during the Soviet period. Muratov completed secondary education in Kuibyshev before enrolling in the philological faculty of Kuibyshev State University (now State University), where he studied for five years and graduated in 1983 with a specialization in . Upon graduation, he fulfilled mandatory in the from 1983 to 1985, working as a and specialist in securing communication equipment.

Personal life and family

Muratov is married, though details about his remain private; she expressed surprise at his receipt of the . Early in his career, following his marriage—which was not to a high-school acquaintance—he resided with his and grandmother in . He has at least one , Finley Muratova, a who has publicly discussed her father's work and the significance of his Nobel recognition amid Russia's suppression of . As the only son in his family, Muratov has prioritized caregiving responsibilities, including attending to his mother's health needs during her 2023 operation, which prevented his travel abroad for related events.

Journalistic Career

Early career in media

Muratov commenced his journalism career in the mid-1980s as a reporter for Volzhsky Komsomolets, a local newspaper affiliated with the Komsomol youth organization in the city of Volzhsky, Russia. This position followed his completion of compulsory military service, marking his entry into media under the constraints of late Soviet-era press controls. In 1987, he relocated to Moscow and joined Komsomolskaya Pravda, the flagship national newspaper of the Communist Youth League, starting in its youth department before advancing to editor of news articles. By this period, Komsomolskaya Pravda had begun incorporating more critical reporting amid Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika reforms, which loosened censorship and encouraged scrutiny of official narratives, though still within ideological boundaries. Muratov's tenure at , spanning approximately five to six years, involved routine news editing and correspondence amid the Soviet Union's dissolution in , fostering his experience in navigating transitioning media landscapes from state-directed to emergent independent outlets. This phase laid groundwork for his later advocacy for uncensored , as the paper's evolving stance highlighted tensions between residual communist oversight and demands for .

Founding and editorship of Novaya Gazeta

Dmitry Muratov co-founded the independent Russian newspaper on January 1, 1993, alongside a group of journalists who had departed from the state-affiliated following the Soviet Union's , seeking to establish a platform for uncensored reporting free from official propaganda. The venture received initial financial backing from , who allocated approximately 200,000 Deutsche Marks from his 1990 winnings to support the paper's launch as a twice-monthly publication focused on democratic values and . Muratov served as Novaya Gazeta's editor-in-chief starting in 1995, guiding its transformation into a weekly outlet with a circulation that peaked at around 250,000 copies by the early , emphasizing fact-based scrutiny of power structures despite economic challenges and reliance on reader subscriptions over advertising from state-linked entities. He stepped down temporarily in amid internal debates over direction but returned to the role in , upholding a commitment to by publicly disclosing sources and decisions to counter accusations of opacity common in Russia's landscape. During his tenure, the newspaper maintained operational autonomy by structuring itself as a owned by its staff, which insulated it from oligarchic takeovers prevalent in post-1990s consolidations.

Key investigations and editorial stance

Under Muratov's leadership, Novaya Gazeta pursued rigorous investigations into state-linked abuses, particularly in conflict zones and security apparatus. During the Second Chechen War (1999–2005), staff reporter exposed systematic atrocities, including , forced disappearances, and civilian targeting by Russian forces and Chechen militias; she was kidnapped by soldiers in 2004 while mediating a hostage crisis and assassinated on October 7, 2006, in an apparent tied to her work. Later Chechnya-focused probes included a 2017–2019 series on Ramzan Kadyrov's regime's purge of suspected gay men, documenting over 100 detentions, sessions, and at least three extrajudicial killings, which prompted but no domestic accountability. In 2021, reports detailed summary executions during Chechen "counter-terror" raids, revealing fabricated combat reports to justify bounties and cover-ups. The outlet also scrutinized domestic repression and foreign operations. A 2018 investigation linked financier to contract killings targeting opposition figures, prompting death threats—including a severed sent to lead reporter Korotkov. That year, leaked footage of systematic torture in prisons, including beatings and sexual assaults on inmates, spurred a federal probe and inspections across 700 facilities, resulting in charges against over 20 guards. In 2019, analysis tied Russian mercenaries to a of a Syrian detainee from 2017, offering evidence to prosecutors who dismissed it amid denials. Coverage extended to the August 2020 poisoning of with , where Novaya Gazeta corroborated independent lab findings and FSB tracking data, framing it as part of a pattern targeting critics despite official rebuttals. Novaya Gazeta's editorial stance under Muratov prioritized empirical exposure of power abuses over alignment with state ideology, founding principles established in 1993 as an "honest, independent" voice against corruption and . This adversarial approach—eschewing for verifiable data—positioned it as Russia's premier critical outlet, publishing critiques of elite graft, police brutality, and war crimes even as six staff journalists were murdered since 2000. Muratov articulated this as defending expression to prevent "lies that kill," dedicating his Nobel to slain colleagues while rejecting amid threats. Though labeled oppositional by authorities, the paper's method relied on primary evidence and cross-verification, distinguishing it from partisan advocacy.

Suspension of Novaya Gazeta and transition to exile operations

In March 2022, following Russia's invasion of , received multiple warnings from , Russia's media regulator, for publishing content deemed to violate laws prohibiting the "discrediting" of the . The first warning came after an article on civilian casualties in , and a second followed shortly thereafter, prompting Dmitry Muratov to announce on March 28, , that the newspaper would suspend its print, website, and operations "until the end of the special military operation," referring to the official Russian term for the conflict. This self-imposed halt aimed to preserve the outlet's publishing license amid penalties that could include up to 15 years in prison for violations. Subsequent legal actions escalated the suppression: in July 2022, a court ordered the revocation of Novaya Gazeta's media license as a measure to avert full shutdown under wartime laws. By September 5, 2022, the Basmannyy District Court formally suspended the print license, citing the outlet's failure to submit a required copy of an issue published under a temporary as Novaya Rasskaz-Gazeta, a move intended to test compliance with restrictions. On September 15, 2022, Russia's extended the ban to the website, effectively blocking domestic access. Muratov described these measures as retaliation for the paper's investigative reporting on military actions, though Russian authorities framed them as enforcement of laws. In response, a group of Novaya Gazeta journalists in exile launched in April 2022, operating from , to continue independent reporting blocked in . This Latvia-registered entity, which expanded with a office in 2024, focused on investigations into governance, war crimes, and domestic repression, reaching 3-4 million monthly readers via VPNs despite blocks. authorities designated an "undesirable organization" on June 28, 2023, criminalizing any interaction with it inside . , remaining in , distanced himself from direct operational control to avoid further legal risks to the original entity but endorsed the exile continuation as a means to sustain the paper's mission amid state pressure. In September 2023, he was personally labeled a "foreign agent" by the Justice Ministry for allegedly using foreign platforms to influence public opinion against policy.

Controversies and Criticisms

Government suppression and personal attacks

In March 2022, following Russia's invasion of Ukraine, received two official warnings from , Russia's media regulator, for allegedly failing to label content involving "foreign agents" and for publishing material that violated new wartime laws prohibiting descriptions of the conflict as "." These warnings prompted the , under Muratov's long-term editorial influence, to suspend its print and online operations within until the end of the "special military operation," effectively halting domestic publication to avoid criminal prosecution under laws carrying up to 15-year prison sentences for such violations. Subsequent legal actions intensified the suppression: in July 2022, a court ordered the invalidation of 's registration after claimed it had not published issues or updated documents properly, a move the outlet contested as pretextual amid the broader crackdown on . By September 5, 2022, a court fully shut down the newspaper's Russian entity, citing repeated failures to comply with re-registration requirements following its suspension, leaving it unable to operate legally inside the country. This closure formed part of a pattern where at least 30 regional Novaya Gazeta affiliates were blocked or fined, and the outlet shifted to exile-based digital formats like Novaya Gazeta Europe. On a personal level, Muratov faced direct , including an April 7, 2022, on a Moscow-bound where an assailant doused him with paint mixed with acetone, causing severe eye irritation and temporary vision impairment; U.S. intelligence assessed this as orchestrated by security services to intimidate him amid his criticism of the war. Further, on September 1, 2023, authorities designated Muratov a "," subjecting him to mandatory labeling of his statements, financial disclosures, and activity restrictions, a status applied to over 200 media figures as a tool to discredit and marginalize dissenters. Muratov's tenure at had already seen six staff journalists killed since 1993 due to their reporting on and conflicts, underscoring persistent threats tied to government-aligned actors.

Accusations of political bias and foreign influence

Russian authorities have accused Dmitry Muratov of advancing politically biased narratives that undermine state interests, often framing his work as aligned with foreign agendas rather than domestic realities. The Russian Justice Ministry designated Muratov a "" on September 1, 2023, citing his role in "creating and disseminating materials produced by foreign agents" and employing such content, along with foreign platforms, to "spread opinions aimed at forming a negative attitude towards ". This label, under 's 2012 foreign agents law expanded in subsequent years, targets entities or individuals perceived to act under foreign influence or funding, requiring detailed financial disclosures and mandatory labeling of outputs—measures state officials apply to critics to imply disloyalty and external control. Pro-government voices and have long criticized Muratov's editorship of for alleged systemic bias, pointing to the outlet's investigative focus on scandals, violations in , and opposition to policies like the 2014 annexation of as evidence of ideological opposition to the Russian leadership. These accusations portray the newspaper's editorial line as disproportionately negative toward official actions, prioritizing Western-aligned frameworks over rationales, with six journalists killed amid such reporting often invoked by detractors to question the outlet's neutrality rather than its risks. Prior to the 2023 designation, Muratov and faced fines in November 2021—approximately 270,000 rubles ($3,700) combined—for omitting "" labels when citing restricted sources in articles, a violation underscoring claims of indirect foreign sway through networked content. Muratov contested the foreign agent status in Moscow's courts, arguing arbitrary application of the law contributed to the suppression of independent voices, but a ruling on , 2024, upheld the decision, reinforcing official narratives of his susceptibility to external pressures amid Russia's tightened media controls post-2022. While no public evidence of direct foreign funding to Muratov has been disclosed by authorities, the designation aligns with broader efforts to equate critical journalism with treasonous foreign meddling, as seen in the revocation of Novaya Gazeta's licenses in 2022 for similar compliance issues.

Divergent views on Russian foreign policy events

Muratov has consistently criticized Russia's 2014 of , with under his editorship publishing reports highlighting abuses and the illegitimacy of the held under . He has argued that international recognition of the annexation would "open ," potentially legitimizing further territorial claims and undermining global norms against forcible border changes. In response to the 2022 full-scale invasion of , Muratov rejected the Kremlin's framing of the conflict as a "special military operation," insisting on the term "" to describe the aggression and its atrocities, such as the destruction in . He attributed the 's origins to state that dehumanized Ukrainians and portrayed expansion as an existential threat, while emphasizing that modern technology amplified awareness of civilian suffering among Russians. Muratov maintains that a significant portion of the public—up to 80%—opposes the war but faces severe repression, including digital surveillance and legal penalties for dissent, preventing organized resistance. This assessment diverges from claims of broad domestic support and from some analyses that attribute sustained backing for Putin primarily to genuine nationalist fervor rather than coerced silence or manipulated information environments. His stance has drawn official rebuke, with Russia's Justice Ministry designating him a "" in September 2023 for using international platforms to "disseminate opinions aimed at forming a negative attitude towards Russia's ," including critiques of the Ukraine campaign. Muratov countered that such labels reflect the regime's intolerance for independent scrutiny, not foreign funding, and continued advocating for prisoner exchanges between Russia and as a humanitarian measure amid stalled .

Awards and Recognition

Major honors and Nobel Peace Prize

Dmitry Muratov received the ' International Press Freedom Award in 2007 for his editorship of , which has pursued independent investigations into corruption and abuses under conditions of governmental intimidation. In 2010, he accepted the for Freedom of Speech and Expression on behalf of from the , recognizing the outlet's commitment to press freedom. In 2016, the World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA) bestowed upon him the Golden Pen of Freedom, honoring his defense of journalistic integrity amid Russia's deteriorating media environment. Muratov's most prominent accolade came in 2021 with the , shared with , awarded on October 8 for "their efforts to safeguard freedom of expression, which is a precondition for to prevail and is under increasingly serious threat in numerous countries." The specifically praised Muratov's decades-long advocacy for free speech in , where he co-founded in 1993 and maintained its role in publishing critical reports on violations and state corruption, despite the murders of six of its journalists. On December 10, 2021, Muratov delivered his Nobel lecture titled "Antidote against tyranny" at , emphasizing journalism's role in countering .

Auction of Nobel medal and related philanthropy

In June 2022, Dmitry Muratov announced his intention to auction his medal to fund for Ukrainian child refugees displaced by Russia's of , framing the sale as a amid the conflict. The auction, conducted by in on June 20, 2022—coinciding with —resulted in the medal selling for $103.5 million to an anonymous buyer, establishing a for the most expensive Nobel medal sold at auction. The medal, composed of 175 grams of 23-karat gold valued at approximately $10,000 if melted down, far exceeded its intrinsic worth due to its symbolic significance and the charitable purpose. All proceeds from the sale were directed to UNICEF's humanitarian response efforts, specifically supporting education, psychological care, and basic needs for over 4 million Ukrainian child refugees at the time. Muratov, who received the alongside for defending freedom of expression, emphasized that the auction was not for personal gain but to assist those affected by the , contrasting with his criticism of policies. Complementing this, Muratov donated the Nobel's accompanying of approximately $500,000 to charities aiding political prisoners and their families, dedicating the award to six journalists killed in the . This philanthropic act underscored Muratov's commitment to independent journalism's role in crisis response, though it drew mixed reactions in , where some viewed it as aligning with Western narratives on the Ukraine conflict. No further auctions or major related initiatives have been reported as of 2025.

Later Activities and Impact

Advocacy for political prisoners and press freedom

Dmitry Muratov has consistently advocated for the release and humane treatment of political prisoners in , highlighting the perilous conditions in detention facilities. In June 2023, he publicly demanded the liberation of prominent detainees including opposition leader and U.S. journalist , noting that repression had ensnared approximately 600 political prisoners alongside 20,000 cases against peace advocates. Following Navalny's death in an Arctic prison on February 16, 2024, Muratov described the event as "terrible," reinforcing calls for accountability and prisoner safeguards. In 2024, Muratov intensified efforts for prisoner exchanges amid the , proposing swaps of political prisoners for individuals held in on collaboration charges. On , he urged foreign leaders to act urgently, warning that many civilians imprisoned on politically motivated grounds faced imminent death. Similarly, in August, he appealed to the International Red Cross to intervene for Aleksei Gorinov, a municipal serving a seven-year sentence for denouncing the . By September 30, he pressed for deals enabling to release dissidents in return for nationals detained by . Into 2025, Muratov continued pushing for large-scale releases tied to peace negotiations. In May, he called on and to conduct a swap via video address. June saw him directly addressing the and presidents for an unprecedented exchange of non-combatants. In July, he endorsed jailed dissidents' appeals for mass amnesties as part of broader cease-fire terms, involving , , the , and U.S. leaders. A 2024 opinion piece further emphasized releasing prisoners to affirm the intrinsic value of human life globally. Parallel to prisoner advocacy, Muratov has championed press freedom through his editorship of , an outlet known for investigative reporting on state abuses despite repeated suspensions and threats. His work earned the for decades-long defense of expression rights under intensifying authoritarian constraints. In September 2023, Russian authorities labeled him a "," a designation applied to 235 journalists and media entities by that date, underscoring systemic efforts to stifle independent coverage. Muratov has asserted that post-2022 invasion, Russia's independent journalism era concluded, with no remaining press or speech freedoms.

Recent public statements and events (2021–2025)

In December 2021, shortly after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize, Muratov delivered remarks at the U.S.-hosted Summit for Democracy, highlighting the role of independent journalism in defending freedom of speech amid authoritarian pressures. Following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, Muratov condemned the war and suspended Novaya Gazeta's domestic operations to protect staff, while continuing international editions from exile. In a September 2022 Reuters interview, he asserted that "Ukraine will never forgive Russia," attributing the conflict's brutality to Kremlin policies and predicting long-term resentment. In October 2022, speaking at Miami University, he linked free speech suppression directly to enabling the invasion, urging global support for independent media. In August 2023, during a interview conducted from , Muratov reaffirmed his commitment to despite threats, stating he would not be silenced and emphasizing the newspaper's history of exposing and abuses. That September, Russian authorities designated him a "foreign agent," a label he viewed as an attempt to discredit his work, yet he continued public advocacy. On August 26, 2024, Muratov delivered a keynote speech at Journalists for ' Night For Rights gala in , focusing on press freedom's erosion under authoritarian regimes. In December 2024, he contributed to a Times series, calling for international remembrance of Russian political prisoners and highlighting their plight as evidence of regime insecurity. In 2025, Muratov participated in multiple international forums. On June 24, he discussed reintegrating human elements into politics in a Swissinfo.ch interview, referencing Mikhail Gorbachev's legacy. On August 14, in another Swissinfo.ch discussion, he expressed resilience against despair—"I'm not afraid to live without hope"—while critiquing the collapse of fact-checking in war propaganda, valuing on-the-ground reporting, estimating over 20,000 Russian political prisoners, assessing potential U.S. policy shifts under Donald Trump, and doubting near-term peace negotiations without prisoner releases. Later that August, he joined a Censorship Week panel in Europe, and in September, he addressed censorship at a Kirkenes event near the Norwegian-Russian border.

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