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Government of Virginia

The government of Virginia comprises the executive, legislative, and judicial branches that administer the Commonwealth of Virginia, one of the original thirteen states of the United States, with powers derived from the state constitution and statutes.^[1] The executive branch is led by the governor, who holds the chief executive authority, including enforcement of laws, command of the militia, veto power over legislation (including line-item vetoes on appropriations), and appointment of executive officers subject to General Assembly confirmation.^[2] The legislative branch, the Virginia General Assembly, is bicameral with a 100-member House of Delegates elected every two years and a 40-member Senate elected every four years, responsible for passing laws, originating revenue bills in the House, and convening annually in Richmond.^[3] The judicial branch, independent of the other branches, is headed by the Supreme Court of Virginia, which has final appellate jurisdiction over state legal matters and ensures constitutional compliance.^[4] Distinctive features include the constitutional bar on consecutive gubernatorial terms, intended to prevent entrenchment of power, and the General Assembly's dominant role in policy-making, often described as among the strongest state legislatures due to limited executive influence over budgets and appointments.^[5] Virginia's structure reflects a balance favoring legislative supremacy, rooted in the state's revolutionary-era traditions, while adapting to modern demands like economic development in technology corridors and fiscal management of a budget exceeding $80 billion annually.^[1]

Constitutional and Legal Framework

Constitution of Virginia

The Constitution of Virginia serves as the foundational legal framework governing the Commonwealth's operations, establishing principles of limited government, individual rights, and fiscal restraint. Adopted on June 29, 1776, by the Virginia Convention, it was among the first state constitutions and influenced subsequent documents, including the U.S. Constitution's structure and Bill of Rights.^[6] ^[7] The current iteration resulted from a 1969 constitutional convention and was ratified by voters on December 16, 1970, effective July 1, 1971, incorporating revisions to modernize governance while retaining core 18th-century elements.^[8] Since 1971, it has undergone over 140 amendments via proposals from the General Assembly in two successive sessions followed by voter ratification, with updates reflected as of January 1, 2025.^[8] Article I enumerates the Bill of Rights, declaring that all power derives from the people and affirming inherent rights to life, liberty, property, due process, and free exercise of religion, free from government infringement except by law of the land.^[9] These provisions emphasize natural rights over positive entitlements, predating and shaping federal protections. Article III mandates strict separation of powers, vesting legislative authority in the General Assembly, executive in the Governor, and judicial in independent courts, prohibiting any branch from exercising powers properly belonging to another.^[10] This division enforces checks and balances, limiting arbitrary rule. Fiscal conservatism is codified in Article X, which requires uniform taxation, prohibits special privileges via tax exemptions without general application, and restricts state debt. Section 9 bars the issuance of general obligation bonds pledging the full faith and credit of the Commonwealth except for suppressing insurrection, repelling invasion, or meeting emergencies declared by the Governor with legislative concurrence; other long-term debt must typically rely on revenue pledges rather than voter-approved general taxation.^[11] Unlike some states, the document contains no affirmative constitutional right to abortion, permitting legislative regulation based on viability limits and parental consent statutes, with 2025 proposals like House Joint Resolution 1 seeking to add such a provision but failing to advance to ratification.^[12] ^[13] It also imposes no mandates for expansive welfare systems, confining government to protecting rights rather than guaranteeing socioeconomic outcomes, consistent with its originalist emphasis on restrained authority.^[9] Amendments since 1971 have addressed targeted issues, such as reapportionment, education funding, and term limits for legislators, but preserve foundational limits on expansion. In the 2025 General Assembly session, efforts focused on statutory regulatory reductions rather than constitutional changes for housing or deregulation, with Governor Youngkin signing bills streamlining permitting but leaving broader fiscal and power constraints intact.^[14] This structure underscores Virginia's commitment to enumerated powers and voter oversight, resisting encroachments seen in other jurisdictions.^[10]

Dillon's Rule and Separation of Powers

Virginia's government operates under Dillon's Rule, a legal doctrine originating from the 1868 Iowa Supreme Court decision in City of Clinton v. Cedar Rapids, which holds that local governments possess only those powers expressly delegated by the state legislature or necessarily implied from such grants, with no presumption of inherent authority.^[15] In Virginia, this principle has been rigorously applied since the late 19th century, as affirmed by the Virginia Supreme Court in cases such as Timmons v. Commonwealth (1890), denying localities broad autonomy and requiring explicit statutory authorization for actions like taxation, zoning, or regulatory ordinances.^[16] This contrasts with "home rule" states, where localities enjoy broader residual powers, and enforces centralized state oversight to maintain uniformity across jurisdictions.^[17] The application of Dillon's Rule in Virginia restricts local experimentation and innovation, particularly in areas such as land-use regulation, revenue generation, and social policy, where cities and counties must seek legislative approval for novel initiatives, often leading to delays or prohibitions.^[18] Proponents argue it prevents disparate or potentially corrupt local laws, fostering fiscal predictability and statewide consistency, as evidenced by Virginia's avoidance of fragmented regulatory environments seen in home rule jurisdictions.^[19] Critics, including local government advocates, contend it stifles responsiveness to regional needs, such as affordable housing development or environmental protections, attributing higher administrative burdens and policy inertia to the rule's constraints.^[20] Empirical data from state audits show that this structure correlates with lower local debt levels compared to home rule states, though it has not eliminated instances of uneven service delivery across urban and rural areas.^[21] Complementing Dillon's Rule's centralization, Virginia's separation of powers is enshrined in Article I, Section 5 of the state constitution, mandating that "the legislative, executive, and judicial departments shall be separate and distinct, so that none of them may exercise the powers properly belonging to either of the others."^[22] This framework incorporates explicit checks, including the governor's veto power over legislation, which the General Assembly may override only by a two-thirds vote in each house, ensuring minority protection against hasty enactments.^[23] Judicial review by the Supreme Court of Virginia provides further balance, striking down executive or legislative actions exceeding constitutional bounds, as in Payne v. City of Charlottesville (2017), which upheld Dillon's Rule limits on local authority.^[24] The doctrine prohibits fusion of roles, barring officials from simultaneously holding positions across branches, which has maintained institutional independence without recorded major encroachments since the 1971 constitutional revision. Together, these principles promote centralized control under Dillon's Rule while the separation of powers curbs potential state-level overreach, contributing to outcomes like constitutional mandates for balanced budgets under Article X, Section 7, which prohibits appropriations exceeding anticipated revenues and has resulted in consistent fiscal surpluses, with state debt per capita at approximately $2,500 in 2023—below the national average.^[25] This combination has supported Virginia's AAA bond rating from major agencies since 2010, though detractors note it may hinder adaptive local governance in a diversifying economy.^[26]

Executive Branch

Governor and Powers

The Governor of Virginia serves as the chief executive of the Commonwealth, elected by popular vote to a four-year term.^[23] The state constitution bars any person from being elected to more than one term within any eight-year period, preventing consecutive reelection but allowing return after an intervening term. Glenn Youngkin, a Republican, holds the office following his 2021 election victory, with his term concluding on January 17, 2026.^[27] As head of the executive branch, the governor wields significant authority, including line-item veto power over items in appropriation bills while preserving the remainder of the legislation.^[2] The governor nominates agency heads and judges, subject to confirmation by the Senate, and acts as commander-in-chief of the state military forces, with the ability to deploy them to enforce laws or address emergencies.^[28] These powers facilitate direct policy implementation outside legislative sessions, though they are balanced by General Assembly oversight, particularly during its annual meetings—extended to 60 days in even-numbered years for budget deliberations and limited to 30-45 days in odd-numbered years.^[29] In practice, gubernatorial influence extends to regulatory and administrative reforms. In July 2025, Governor Youngkin issued Executive Order 51, deploying agentic artificial intelligence for statewide regulatory review, building on prior directives from 2022 that surpassed a 25% reduction target, yielding over 26% cuts in requirements and an estimated $1.2 billion in annual savings.^[30]^[31] These measures reversed expansions under previous Democratic administrations, prioritizing economic efficiency amid legislative checks that constrain broader agendas in shorter odd-year sessions.^[32]

Lieutenant Governor and Attorney General

The Lieutenant Governor of Virginia serves as President of the Senate, presiding over its sessions and casting tie-breaking votes when necessary, a role that positions the office at the intersection of executive and legislative functions.^[33] Elected independently from the Governor for a four-year term via statewide popular vote, the position ensures potential partisan divergence, as candidates appear on separate lines in primaries and the general election, allowing for checks on gubernatorial power without direct linkage. In the line of succession, the Lieutenant Governor assumes the governorship upon vacancy, having done so historically in cases like the 1970s when multiple acting governors were required due to successive incapacitations. Winsome Earle-Sears, a Republican, has held the office since January 15, 2022, marking her as the first woman and first Black individual elected to the role.^[34] A Jamaican immigrant and U.S. Marine Corps veteran, Earle-Sears was elected in 2021 amid a Republican sweep, defeating Democrat Hala Ayala by approximately 50,000 votes in a contest that highlighted voter priorities on education and public safety following Democratic legislative majorities.^[34] During her tenure, she has exercised the tie-breaking vote over 40 times in the evenly divided Senate (21-21 as of 2024), primarily advancing Republican-backed measures on tax relief and election integrity, underscoring the office's influence in divided government.^[35] The Attorney General, also elected statewide for a four-year term independently of the Governor, acts as the Commonwealth's chief legal officer, providing advice to state agencies, defending state laws in court, and initiating litigation to enforce statutes, with a focus on consumer protection, antitrust, and public safety.^[36] This independence fosters accountability, as the office can pursue actions counter to gubernatorial preferences, such as challenging executive orders or federal mandates perceived as infringing state authority.^[37] Jason Miyares, a Republican and the first Hispanic American in the role, has served since January 15, 2022, after defeating incumbent Democrat Mark Herring by 5.8 percentage points in the 2021 election.^[36] Miyares' administration has emphasized rigorous prosecution of violent crime, reversing prior policies by revoking deferred agreements for over 100 individuals charged with serious offenses and prioritizing fentanyl trafficking cases, resulting in multistate operations that dismantled networks responsible for thousands of doses seized in 2023-2024. In 2025, his office filed federal lawsuits against the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs to protect GI Bill benefits from administrative cuts affecting 1,200 Virginia veterans and led a 20-state coalition defending religious exemptions in adoption policies against federal reinterpretations.^[38] ^[39] These efforts reflect a commitment to state sovereignty and empirical enforcement over ideologically driven leniency, contrasting with critiques of previous administrations' selective prosecutions that data showed correlated with rising urban crime rates post-2020.^[37] Separate elections for both offices enable institutional checks, though practical coordination occurs within party lines; Republican control since 2022 has aligned them toward crime reduction and federal resistance, evidenced by joint amicus briefs in over 15 cases upholding Second Amendment rights against ATF rules.^[37] This structure promotes causal accountability in law application, prioritizing verifiable outcomes like conviction rates over prosecutorial discretion influenced by non-empirical social theories.^[37]

Cabinet and Executive Agencies

The Governor of Virginia appoints Cabinet Secretaries, who are confirmed by the General Assembly and head 14 secretariats responsible for coordinating policy across broad sectors such as administration, agriculture, commerce and trade, education, finance, health and human resources, natural resources, public safety, and transportation.^[40] These secretariats provide oversight and direction to over 100 state agencies, boards, and commissions that implement executive policies and deliver public services.^[41] Secretaries serve at the pleasure of the Governor, enabling alignment with the administration's priorities, though agency heads often require legislative confirmation for continuity in operations.^[42] Key agencies under the cabinet include the Department of Planning and Budget (DPB), which operates within the Secretariat of Finance to develop integrated policy analysis, planning, and budgeting processes; advise the Governor on resource allocation; and review sub-state planning efforts.^[43] The DPB's fiscal oversight has contributed to biennial budget preparations that, for fiscal year 2025, exceeded revenue projections by $2.7 billion, facilitating $1 billion in additional tax relief measures.^[44] Another prominent agency is the Virginia Economic Development Partnership (VEDP), under the Secretariat of Commerce and Trade, which promotes business attraction and expansion; it has driven the growth of Virginia's data center industry, hosting 35% of global hyperscale facilities and supporting 78,140 jobs with $31.4 billion in economic output as of 2023, including 92% of VEDP-announced investments from data center projects.^[45]^[46] Since 2022, cabinet-led initiatives have focused on regulatory streamlining, achieving a 26.8% reduction in regulatory requirements across agencies and yielding annual savings of over $1.2 billion for businesses and citizens through data-driven reviews rather than blanket repeals.^[47] These reforms, implemented via executive orders and agency cooperation, have correlated with Virginia's business climate ranking fourth in CNBC's 2025 America's Top States for Business assessment, reflecting strengths in workforce and infrastructure despite competitive pressures.^[48] Persistent budget surpluses, totaling approximately $10 billion over four years under the current administration, have enabled direct taxpayer rebates—$200 for individuals and $400 for joint filers in 2025—demonstrating efficient policy delivery amid prior expansions that had raised concerns over administrative bloat, now addressed through targeted efficiencies.^[49]^[50]

Legislative Branch

General Assembly Composition

The Virginia General Assembly is a bicameral legislature comprising the Senate, with 40 members elected to four-year staggered terms, and the House of Delegates, with 100 members elected to two-year terms.^[51] Elections for half of the Senate seats occur every two years alongside House elections, ensuring continuity while allowing periodic turnover.^[51] Representation is apportioned according to population decennially, with district boundaries redrawn by a commission established under the state constitution following the U.S. Census. Virginia imposes no term limits on General Assembly members, permitting indefinite reelection that fosters policy expertise and institutional knowledge but raises concerns over potential incumbency advantages and reduced responsiveness to voter shifts.^[52] As of October 2025, Democrats maintain narrow majorities of 21–19 in the Senate and 51–49 in the House, reflecting closely divided partisan control amid population-driven redistricting that has amplified suburban influences, particularly in Northern Virginia where growth has yielded competitive races and Republican successes in statewide contests since 2021.^[51] ^[53] The Assembly convenes annually on the second Wednesday in January, with session lengths capped at 60 days in even-numbered years—focused on enacting the biennial budget—and 45 days in odd-numbered years for other legislative business, a structure that constrains deliberation time and enhances gubernatorial leverage through veto authority over limited outputs.^[29] ^[52] This biennial budgeting cycle, aligned with the state's July 1 to June 30 fiscal year, requires comprehensive appropriations every two years, often leading to extensions or special sessions if consensus eludes lawmakers.^[54]

Legislative Powers and Processes

The legislative power of the Commonwealth of Virginia is vested exclusively in the General Assembly, a bicameral body consisting of the Senate and the House of Delegates, which holds authority over taxation, appropriation of funds, and the enactment of laws.^[55] The General Assembly possesses the sole power to levy taxes, as outlined in Article X of the Virginia Constitution, which structures the framework for state finance and prohibits appropriations without legislative approval.^[11] Appropriations follow a biennial budget cycle, with comprehensive budgets enacted in even-numbered years covering two fiscal years and amendments adopted in odd-numbered years to address revenue fluctuations or policy adjustments.^[56] The General Assembly also plays a central role in constitutional amendments, proposing changes by majority vote in each chamber during two successive legislative sessions, followed by ratification by a majority of voters in a statewide referendum.^[57] Under Dillon's Rule, codified in Virginia's legal tradition, local governments derive their authority solely from powers expressly granted by the General Assembly, limiting municipal autonomy to statutory delegations rather than inherent or implied rights.^[16] This principle ensures centralized control over local governance, requiring legislative approval for initiatives beyond enumerated grants.^[58] Legislative processes emphasize bicameral checks, where bills must pass both houses by simple majority before presentation to the governor, who may sign them into law, veto them (subject to override by two-thirds vote in each chamber), or propose amendments.^[2] ^[59] Veto overrides demand at least two-thirds of members present, including a majority of elected members per house, providing a safeguard against executive overreach while enabling legislative persistence.^[2] In the 2025 session, priorities included housing policy reforms to accelerate development and high-risk AI regulation, with bills establishing requirements for AI system deployment and transparency passing both chambers.^[14] ^[60] Historically, the General Assembly has faced bipartisan logjams, particularly in divided government periods, leading to extended veto sessions and stalled appropriations, as seen in the return to divided control in 2024.^[61] Recent Republican-led initiatives under Governor Youngkin have focused on regulatory reforms, including pilot programs to prune occupational licensing rules, which proponents link to reduced red tape and subsequent economic gains.^[62] These efforts correlate with fiscal year 2025 general fund revenues exceeding projections by nearly $2.7 billion, attributed by state officials to pro-growth policies amid 6% year-over-year revenue growth.^[63] ^[64] Such outcomes suggest that deregulation may enhance fiscal resilience, though causal links require ongoing empirical scrutiny beyond official attributions.^[65]

Judicial Branch

State Court System

Virginia's state court system operates as a unified judicial branch under Article VI of the state constitution, structured in a four-tier hierarchy: the Supreme Court of Virginia, the Court of Appeals of Virginia, the Circuit Courts, and the courts of limited jurisdiction consisting of General District Courts and Juvenile and Domestic Relations District Courts. The Supreme Court serves as the highest appellate authority, primarily reviewing decisions from lower tribunals while holding original jurisdiction over writs of mandamus, prohibition, habeas corpus, and certain administrative matters. ^[66] ^[67] The Court of Appeals of Virginia, established on January 1, 1985, functions as an intermediate appellate body to handle the bulk of appeals from trial courts, thereby reducing the Supreme Court's caseload backlog that previously reached years-long delays without such a layer. ^[68] ^[69] Circuit Courts, organized into 31 judicial circuits across the state's cities and counties, exercise general jurisdiction over felony trials, significant civil disputes exceeding $4,500, and appeals from lower district courts. ^[70] ^[71] General District Courts manage misdemeanors, preliminary felony hearings, and civil claims up to $25,000, while Juvenile and Domestic Relations District Courts specialize in family law, child welfare, and juvenile offenses. ^[72] Caseload data reveal strains particularly in urban jurisdictions; for instance, a 2024 judicial workload assessment identified elevated needs for full-time equivalent judges in densely populated areas like Fairfax County, where circuit courts handled disproportionate volumes of criminal and civil filings amid population growth. ^[73] In 2022, the Court of Appeals processed 1,971 new filings, issuing 1,328 dispositions, with criminal matters comprising a significant portion. ^[74] Efforts to bolster prosecution efficiency, including Attorney General Jason Miyares' 2022 push for concurrent state jurisdiction in select cases, have sought to address perceived delays and inconsistencies in high-volume urban prosecutions by enabling state-level intervention alongside local commonwealth's attorneys. ^[75] The system's design incorporates elements of judicial independence, with constitutional tenure protections for judges counterbalanced by legislative authority over court funding, staffing, and jurisdictional boundaries, fostering accountability while mitigating executive or local influences on case outcomes. ^[70]

Judicial Selection and Independence

In Virginia, state judges, including those on the Supreme Court, Court of Appeals, circuit courts, and district courts, are selected through legislative elections by the General Assembly rather than gubernatorial appointment or public election.^[76] The process typically begins with vacancies announced by the Supreme Court or legislative creation of new positions, followed by screening of candidates by joint legislative committees and evaluations from the Virginia State Bar, after which the General Assembly elects judges by majority vote in each house during its session.^[77] Supreme Court justices serve 12-year terms, while Court of Appeals and circuit court judges serve 8-year terms, and general district court judges serve 6-year terms; reappointment at term's end follows the same electoral process, promoting continuity but tying selections to the partisan composition of the legislature.^[78] This system embeds partisan elements, as the party controlling the General Assembly—Democrats from 2020 to 2023—influences selections, with historical patterns showing preferences for candidates aligned with prevailing legislative ideologies, such as leniency in criminal sentencing during periods of progressive dominance.^[76] Safeguards include mandatory screening by the Judicial Council of Virginia, a bipartisan body that recommends qualified candidates based on professional merit, and public hearings that allow scrutiny of nominees' records, reducing overt cronyism though not eliminating ideological capture.^[77] Recent Republican-led pushes, including Senate Joint Resolution 259 in February 2025, have scrutinized the process for greater merit-based reforms to prioritize empirical judicial performance over partisan loyalty, aiming to address outcomes like elevated recidivism rates linked to lenient rulings in urban circuits under prior Democratic majorities.^[79] Controversies underscore tensions between independence and accountability, as seen in 2025 Attorney General debates where Republican incumbent Jason Miyares criticized systemic leniency in civil rights and criminal cases, citing prosecutorial failures like those in Fairfax County—where withheld exculpatory evidence contributed to wrongful convictions—and advocating data-driven metrics such as recidivism reductions over narrative-driven equity approaches.^[80] ^[81] The Judicial Inquiry and Review Commission (JIRC), tasked with investigating judicial misconduct, receives hundreds of complaints annually—564 in fiscal year 2024—but dismisses over 90% without formal action, fostering stability through low removal rates (fewer than 1% result in censure or removal) yet inviting critiques of unaccountability, as judges face limited direct public or electoral recourse beyond legislative re-election.^[82] This structure insulates the judiciary from short-term political pressures but risks entrenching biases when legislative majorities favor interpretive leniency over strict enforcement of statutes, as evidenced by persistent disparities in sentencing outcomes across ideologically divided circuits.^[83]

Local Government

Structure of Counties, Cities, and Towns

Virginia's local government is structured around 95 counties, 38 independent cities, and 191 incorporated towns, forming the primary units responsible for administering services in unincorporated and incorporated areas.^[84] ^[85] Counties serve as the foundational geographic and administrative divisions, encompassing unincorporated territories and any towns not detached as independent entities; they are governed by an elected board of supervisors, typically comprising 3 to 11 members depending on population and charter provisions, which sets policy and oversees operations.^[86] ^[87] Independent cities function as coequal equivalents to counties, detached from any county jurisdiction and exercising full municipal authority over their boundaries without overlap; these cities maintain separate incorporation, often with denser populations and urban characteristics, and are led by an elected city council that appoints a city manager in most cases.^[88] ^[89] Towns, numbering 191, are smaller incorporated municipalities situated entirely within county boundaries, possessing limited self-governance subordinate to the encompassing county; they operate via an elected town council and mayor, focusing on local ordinances while relying on counties for broader services like sheriff policing unless otherwise specified.^[84] ^[90] All these entities adhere to Dillon's Rule, a legal doctrine originating from an 1868 Iowa Supreme Court case that limits local authority to powers expressly granted by the state constitution, statutes, or those necessarily implied therefrom, ensuring centralized state oversight in structural design and operations.^[91] ^[18] Constitutional officers, elected separately for fixed terms in both counties and independent cities, include the treasurer (managing finances), sheriff (law enforcement and court services), commonwealth's attorney (prosecution), clerk of the circuit court (judicial records), and commissioner of revenue (tax assessment); these roles, mandated by Article VII, Section 4 of the Virginia Constitution, promote accountability through direct voter election every four years, except the clerk's eight-year term.^[92] Towns generally share county constitutional officers but elect their own council members and mayor for municipal administration.^[90] This framework results in approximately 511 total local government units when including ancillary entities like school divisions, reflecting a relatively consolidated model compared to states with greater home rule provisions.^[93]

Local Powers and State Oversight

Local governments in Virginia operate under the Dillon Rule, which holds that municipalities and counties possess only those powers expressly delegated by the General Assembly or necessarily implied from such grants, with any doubt resolved against local authority.^[91] ^[20] This framework delegates specific functions including zoning and land-use regulation, local law enforcement operations, and administration of public schools, the latter reliant on state appropriations comprising over 40% of local education budgets in fiscal year 2023.^[94] ^[95] Localities lack inherent authority for broader initiatives, such as novel taxation or regulatory schemes, requiring explicit statutory approval to avoid judicial invalidation.^[16] State oversight manifests through mechanisms like mandatory financial audits by the Auditor of Public Accounts, which scrutinize locality handling of state funds, internal controls, and fiscal health, uncovering irregularities such as fraud in multiple jurisdictions as of 2025.^[96] ^[97] The General Assembly employs preemption to supersede local ordinances, exemplified by 2025 legislation signed by Governor Glenn Youngkin that mandates streamlined permitting timelines and reduces zoning barriers to expedite housing development, overriding prior local delays averaging 18-24 months.^[14] This approach also addresses deviations like limited cooperation with federal immigration detainers in certain jails, where Youngkin's December 2024 budget proposal conditions state aid on full compliance, reinforcing Dillon Rule constraints that preclude formal sanctuary designations.^[98] ^[99] Proponents of Dillon's Rule contend it curbs fiscal profligacy by necessitating state vetting for debt issuance or revenue expansions, contrasting with home rule states where local autonomy correlates with higher per capita indebtedness in aggregate analyses.^[15] ^[100] Detractors highlight delays in addressing parochial needs, yet empirical patterns suggest structured oversight correlates with sustained local solvency, as Virginia localities maintained debt-to-revenue ratios below national medians through 2024.^[101] Youngkin-era initiatives, including a 26.8% regulatory reduction approved in July 2025, exemplify balanced intervention by easing targeted local impediments while preserving accountability.^[47]

Elections and Political Landscape

Electoral Mechanisms

Virginia's statewide elections employ a first-past-the-post (plurality) voting system for single-winner races, where the candidate receiving the most votes wins without requiring a majority, and no runoffs are conducted.^[102] This mechanism applies to offices such as governor, lieutenant governor, attorney general, and members of the General Assembly, allowing outcomes that may not reflect broad consensus but prioritize decisive results. Localities may experiment with alternatives like ranked-choice voting in limited council races, but it remains absent from state-level contests, preserving traditional plurality rules to avoid diluting voter intent through preference redistribution.^[103] Primaries for partisan offices are conducted separately by political parties, with voters selecting one party's primary to participate in on election day; Virginia does not require party registration, enabling crossover voting but channeling selections within partisan fields.^[104] These primaries occur in June of election years, narrowing fields before November generals, and facilitate distinct mandates for nominees aligned with party bases. Gubernatorial and other executive elections occur in off-years—such as November 4, 2025, for the next cycle—separating them from presidential contests to focus voter attention on state issues and reduce national partisan spillover.^[105]^[106] Felons convicted of qualifying offenses lose voting rights upon incarceration and remain disenfranchised during probation or parole, with restoration requiring a gubernatorial petition process that evaluates completion of sentences and rehabilitation.^[107] This framework, upheld despite challenges, ties enfranchisement to full accountability, differing from automatic restoration in some states. In-person voting mandates presentation of acceptable photo identification, such as a Virginia driver's license or free voter ID card, with non-compliant voters casting provisional ballots subject to verification; this requirement, effective since 2017 and reinforced post-2020, has been empirically linked to minimal disruption while enhancing integrity against impersonation risks.^[108]^[109] Post-2020 reforms emphasized verifiable processes, including bipartisan risk-limiting audits that confirmed 2020 results with over 99% accuracy and triple-checks of ballots before certification, bolstering public confidence without altering core mechanisms.^[110]^[111] Turnout in the 2021 gubernatorial race reached approximately 66% of registered voters—a 15-point rise from 2017—driven by suburban precinct shifts toward Republican Glenn Youngkin, who secured victory by focusing on parental rights and economic concerns, illustrating how plurality systems can amplify localized mandate changes.^[112]^[113]

Party Influence and Recent Shifts

Democrats maintained unified control of Virginia's state government, including the governorship and both legislative chambers, from January 2020 until the November 2021 elections, allowing passage of measures such as expanded voting access, marijuana legalization, and gun restrictions.^[114] This trifecta ended with Republican Glenn Youngkin's gubernatorial victory, shifting to divided government where Republicans hold the executive branch—including the offices of governor, lieutenant governor, and attorney general—while Democrats retain narrow majorities in the General Assembly.^[53] The divided structure has empowered Republican veto authority, with Youngkin vetoing 157 bills from the 2025 legislative session, including proposals on election reforms, cannabis expansion, and workplace regulations, often citing conflicts with federal law or market distortions.^[115] ^[116] The 2023 off-year elections preserved Democratic legislative control but with slim margins—51-49 in the House of Delegates and 21-19 in the Senate—reflecting voter preferences for moderation amid national polarization, as Democrats emphasized abortion rights protections post-Dobbs while Republicans highlighted economic concerns.^[117] These narrow divides have forced bipartisan compromises on budgets and infrastructure, contrasting with the pre-2021 era's more unilateral Democratic advances, and have constrained expansive progressive agendas through repeated veto overrides failures.^[118] Under divided government, Republican-led executive policies prioritizing deregulation and business incentives have correlated with fiscal gains, including a $2.7 billion general fund surplus at the close of fiscal year 2025—exceeding projections by $572 million—and cumulative surpluses totaling $10 billion over Youngkin's term, enabling tax rebates and education investments without broad tax hikes.^[63] ^[119] Critics from Democratic-aligned sources argue such approaches exacerbate inequities by insufficiently addressing poverty drivers like urban-rural divides, yet empirical revenue growth from sectors like technology—rather than redistributive measures—underpins the surpluses, with no corresponding uptick in state poverty rates under prior Democratic dominance.^[120] A key recent shift involves data center expansion, Virginia's largest private sector employer cluster, where 2025 legislative efforts sought statewide regulations to weigh economic contributions—generating billions in tax revenue and jobs—against environmental and energy demands, but stalled amid divided priorities, deferring to local zoning adaptations in counties like Loudoun.^[121] ^[122] This balance has sustained growth without blanket moratoriums, countering claims of unchecked "extremism" by demonstrating revenue-driven moderation, as localities like Loudoun adjusted ordinances in 2025 to permit development while imposing efficiency standards.^[123]

Historical Development

Colonial Origins to Antebellum Period

Virginia's governmental foundations were laid in the colonial era with the creation of the House of Burgesses on July 30, 1619, at Jamestown, establishing the first representative legislative assembly in the English North American colonies.^[124] This body convened 22 elected burgesses from 11 localities, meeting alongside the governor's advisory Council to form a proto-bicameral legislature under the Virginia Company's third charter, which empowered local lawmaking on matters like trade, defense, and moral regulations while subordinating executive authority.^[125] The assembly's sessions emphasized burgess initiative in taxation and policy, setting precedents for legislative control over colonial administration despite royal oversight after Virginia's transition to crown control in 1624.^[126] These structures influenced the post-independence framework outlined in Virginia's 1776 Constitution, adopted on June 29 by the Fifth Virginia Convention, which prioritized a sovereign General Assembly over a deliberately enfeebled executive to counter monarchical precedents.^[127] The bicameral legislature—House of Delegates elected by freeholders and a Senate selected by the House—held plenary powers, including annual election of the governor for a one-year term (limited to three in any six years), who possessed no veto, pardon authority only with council advice, and command of militia subject to legislative funding.^[128] This design reflected first-state framers' causal reasoning that diffused executive power prevented tyranny, embedding legislative primacy that constrained gubernatorial independence and favored assembly-driven governance.^[127] In the antebellum era, this legislative dominance endured amid economic reliance on tobacco and slavery, with the General Assembly—apportioned by county rather than population—amplifying influence of slaveholding Tidewater elites over western smallholders, as seen in resistance to reapportionment reforms until 1830.^[129] The body's pro-slavery policies, including reinforcement of slave codes post-1800 manumission restrictions and debates rejecting gradual emancipation in 1832 following Nat Turner's rebellion, prioritized property rights in human chattel, correlating with fiscal conservatism that limited state debt and internal improvements to avoid taxation burdens on agrarian interests.^[129] Such patterns causally entrenched decentralized, assembly-led decision-making, minimizing executive scope and establishing enduring norms of limited government intervention that persisted beyond the period.^[128]

Civil War, Reconstruction, and Jim Crow Era

Virginia seceded from the Union on April 17, 1861, following the Virginia Convention's adoption of an ordinance dissolving ties with the federal government, with ratification by voters on May 23, 1861.^[130]^[131] This action shifted the state's government toward Confederate alignment, relocating the capital to Richmond and integrating into the Confederate structure, which disrupted prior Union-loyal institutions and prompted the formation of a pro-Union Restored Government in Wheeling that admitted West Virginia to the Union in 1863. The Civil War's devastation, including battles like those at Manassas and the siege of Petersburg, strained state finances and governance, culminating in the Confederacy's collapse in April 1865 and the arrest of Confederate Governor William Smith. Under the Reconstruction Acts of 1867, Virginia fell under federal military oversight in the Fifth Military District, compelling a constitutional convention from December 3, 1867, to April 17, 1868, which drafted a new framework extending suffrage to black males and ratifying the Fourteenth Amendment as prerequisites for readmission.^[132]^[133] Voters approved this constitution on July 6, 1869, leading to congressional readmission on January 26, 1870, though it imposed universal manhood suffrage that empowered a brief period of biracial governance marked by fiscal reforms under Governor Henry Wells but also corruption allegations and white resistance.^[134] Conservative forces, opposing federal impositions as overreach that disregarded local social structures and economic dependencies on agriculture, regained legislative control by 1869 through elections, effectively ending Radical Reconstruction in Virginia earlier than in deeper Southern states and restoring white Democratic dominance by 1870.^[135] This rapid reversal highlighted the causal limits of top-down mandates, as enforced equality provoked backlash without addressing entrenched racial hierarchies, yielding short-lived political gains for freedmen amid violence and electoral intimidation. The ensuing Jim Crow era entrenched state-sanctioned segregation and disenfranchisement, formalized in the 1902 Constitution drafted by a convention led by Carter Glass, which imposed a $1.50 annual poll tax payable six months before elections, literacy tests with subjective "understanding" clauses, and property requirements selectively applied to suppress black voting while preserving white suffrage.^[136]^[137] These measures reduced black voter registration from over 120,000 in 1900 to under 10,000 by 1904, enabling Democratic one-party rule and laws mandating separate schools, public facilities, and transportation until federal interventions in the 1950s-1960s. Virginia's adherence to Dillon's Rule, which constricts local governments to expressly granted powers, facilitated state oversight of county-level enforcement, allowing tyrannical practices like unequal school funding and vigilante suppression under statutes that tolerated local abuses without granting municipalities autonomy to deviate.^[138] Empirical outcomes underscored failures of imposed uniformity, as poll taxes and segregation perpetuated inequality despite nominal legal equality post-Reconstruction, with organic local dynamics—rather than federal fiat—ultimately driving incremental reforms amid persistent state control.^[139]

20th Century Reforms and Expansion

In the early 20th century, Virginia pursued infrastructure reforms focused on road development to support agricultural and economic needs. A state highway commission was established in 1906 to coordinate efforts, followed by the first legislative appropriation for road construction in 1908 and expanded funding in 1909.^[140] By 1918, the General Assembly approved a state highway system encompassing 4,002 miles, marking a shift from localized maintenance to centralized planning.^[141] These initiatives, bolstered by matching funds to counties starting in 1908 and prison labor, laid the groundwork for improved connectivity, though progress was interrupted by World War I.^[142] The 1932 Byrd Road Act further unified the secondary road system, allowing counties to transfer maintenance responsibilities to the state, which facilitated broader access but centralized control under state oversight.^[143] This pay-as-you-go approach, emblematic of fiscal conservatism under figures like Harry F. Byrd Sr., prioritized debt-free expansion and correlated with steady infrastructure gains without immediate tax hikes.^[144] However, such policies limited rapid scaling in response to growing demands, reflecting a causal tension between austerity and modernization needs. Mid-century reforms included the state's "Massive Resistance" strategy in response to the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision mandating school desegregation. In 1956, the General Assembly enacted laws creating a Pupil Placement Board to assign students individually, withholding funds from desegregating schools, and authorizing closures, effectively stalling integration.^[145] Led by Senator Harry F. Byrd, this policy closed schools in affected districts, such as those in Prince Edward, Warren, and Norfolk counties from 1958 to 1959, disrupting education for thousands while preserving de facto segregation.^[146] Federal courts ultimately invalidated key provisions by 1959, compelling limited integration, but the episode highlighted state-level overrides of judicial mandates, prioritizing local control over federal uniformity at the cost of educational continuity.^[147] Post-World War II economic expansion accelerated urbanization and infrastructure demands, with Virginia's economy shifting toward industrial and suburban growth, including military-related developments and highway construction like Interstate 495 completed in 1964.^[148] This boom supported population increases and commerce but strained Dillon's Rule, Virginia's strict doctrine limiting local powers to explicit state grants, hindering flexible responses to rapid development in areas like Fairfax County, where courts blocked local moratoriums on utility hookups to curb sprawl.^[149] The 1971 Constitution represented a major streamlining effort, emerging from a 1969 commission to revise the outdated 1902 document, which had accumulated over 140 amendments.^[8] Ratified by voters, it mandated legislative redistricting for population equality, reorganized executive branches for efficiency, and eliminated archaic provisions, fostering a more adaptable framework amid urban pressures.^[150] Yet, retention of Dillon's Rule perpetuated state dominance, correlating with later fiscal debates as bond issuance in 1968 abandoned pure pay-as-you-go traditions, enabling targeted expansions but risking debt accumulation tied to welfare and service growth.^[144] These shifts balanced infrastructural progress with governance rigidities, underscoring causal links between centralized control and adaptive challenges in a modernizing commonwealth.

Post-2000 Modernizations and Reforms

In the early 2000s, Virginia faced persistent debates over transportation funding amid rapid population growth and infrastructure strain, leading to the formation of advocacy groups like Virginians for Better Transportation in 2005 to push for increased revenues through measures such as regional taxes and gas tax adjustments.^[151] These discussions culminated in bipartisan efforts to restructure funding, though significant overhauls, including revenue enhancements via sales tax allocations, were not enacted until later decades.^[152] Concurrently, the state's political landscape saw Republican dominance in the General Assembly wane gradually, with Democrats gaining seats in the 2009 elections, reflecting suburban shifts but not full control until 2019.^[153] The 2010s brought ethical reforms in response to high-profile scandals, notably former Governor Bob McDonnell's 2014 federal conviction for corruption involving undisclosed gifts, which exposed lax conflict-of-interest laws. The General Assembly responded with 2015 legislation strengthening gift bans, disclosure requirements, and oversight by the Virginia Conflict of Interest and Ethics Advisory Council, earning Virginia a middling ranking in national ethics evaluations despite persistent gaps in enforcement.^[154] Education debates intensified toward decade's end, particularly over curriculum content, setting the stage for post-2020 pushback against teachings perceived as promoting racial division, though formal restrictions emerged under subsequent leadership. Governor Glenn Youngkin's 2022 inauguration marked a pivot toward deregulation and accountability measures, including Executive Order One, which prohibited "inherently divisive concepts" in K-12 education, effectively curtailing critical race theory-influenced materials amid parental concerns amplified during the 2021 election.^[155] Regulatory reforms sliced over 25% of administrative requirements by mid-2025, six months ahead of targets, fostering business expansion evidenced by $125 billion in new investments and general fund revenues growing 5-7% annually.^[156]^[157] In higher education, board appointments reduced diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programming at institutions like the University of Virginia, prioritizing merit-based policies over ideological mandates.^[158] Further 2020s reforms addressed public safety and local policies, with Youngkin's administration limiting sanctuary practices through Executive Order 47 in 2025, mandating cooperation with federal immigration enforcement to curb releases of criminal non-citizens, amid data showing such policies correlated with elevated risks.^[159] Election integrity efforts included enhanced voter roll maintenance and ID requirements, though criticized by groups like the NAACP as overly restrictive.^[160] Housing legislation signed in March 2025 streamlined permitting and reduced regulatory delays, aiming to alleviate shortages without expansive subsidies.^[14] These conservative-leaning changes yielded empirical gains, including an 11% drop in violent crime and 30% reduction in murders by 2024 compared to prior peaks, alongside sustained revenue surpluses exceeding $10 billion since 2022, contrasting stagnation under preceding Democratic trifectas.^[161]^[162] Causal analysis attributes these outcomes to deregulation and enforcement priorities, as ideological expansions in prior eras correlated with fiscal pressures and social tensions documented in state crime reports.^[163]

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An individual is eligible to apply to have his/her rights restored by the Governor if he/she has been convicted of a felony and is no longer incarcerated.
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Do I need an ID to vote? - Virginia Department of Elections
Virginia requires voters to provide an acceptable form of identification when voting in person or to sign a ID confirmation statement.
[109]
Voter ID in Virginia - Ballotpedia
Virginia requires voters to present non-photo identification (ID) while voting. Accepted forms of ID include Virginia driver's licenses, US passports, student ...Voter ID law · Forms of accepted ID · Provisional ballot rules
[110]
Election Security - Virginia Dept. of Elections
The Virginia Department of Elections has remained vigilant concerning the potential threats against our election infrastructure, and continues to work with ...Missing: measures | Show results with:measures
[111]
Audit overwhelmingly confirms Virginia's election results
Mar 31, 2021 · ... Va., November 3, 2020. (Parker Michels-Boyce / For the Virginia Mercury). A statewide audit of Virginia's 2020 election results verified ...Missing: post- | Show results with:post-
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2021 Election Turnout - VPAP
Nov 4, 2021 · Voter participation surged in this year's gubernatorial election, with a 15% increase over 2017 in the percentage of registered voters who cast ballots.
[113]
Suburban shifts hand GOP Virginia along with fresh messaging
Nov 2, 2021 · The most closely watched election since Trump left office came down to moms and dads in the suburbs.
[114]
Democrats have controlled Virginia government for two years ...
Mar 3, 2021 · This year's House of Delegates elections and race for governor will be a debate largely over whether Democrats delivered what most Virginia ...Missing: outcomes pre-
[115]
Governor Glenn Youngkin Completes Action on Legislation from the ...
Mar 24, 2025 · The Governor signed 599 bills, amended 159 bills, and vetoed 157 bills. The Governor returned the budget, HB 1600, with 205 amendments and eight ...
[116]
Virginia workplace violence policy bill vetoed by Governor Youngkin
Mar 24, 2025 · Governor Glenn Youngkin vetoes 11 bills including firearm and healthcare regulations, citing concerns over federal laws and market impact.
[117]
Virginia election results: Democrats sweep 2023 elections - AP News
Nov 7, 2023 · Virginia Democrats who campaigned on protecting abortion rights swept Tuesday's legislative elections, retaking full control of the General Assembly.
[118]
Governor unleashes veto storm to drown progressive legislation
Mar 25, 2025 · Gov. Glenn Youngkin carried out his duty to sign, veto and amend hundreds of bills handed to him by the Democratic-controlled legislature for the last time ...
[119]
Virginia closes budget year with a nearly $2.7B surplus | State
Aug 4, 2025 · Virginia ended the 2025 budget year with nearly $2.7 billion in general fund surplus, according to preliminary figures released by Gov.
[120]
Virginia's budget surplus grows as revenues beat expectations ...
nearly $1.5 billion — compared to the same 10-month period last fiscal ...
[121]
Data Centers in Virginia - JLARC
Overall, the data center industry is estimated to contribute 74,000 jobs, $5.5 billion in labor income, and $9.1 billion in GDP to Virginia's economy annually.
[122]
Va. could show how to manage data center growth. So far, it's a case ...
Oct 6, 2025 · The state with the most data centers is struggling to enact laws ... data center legislation at the start of the 2025 legislation session.
[123]
Loudoun County, Virginia, Eliminates By-Right Data Center ...
Apr 4, 2025 · The ZOAM includes a grandfathering provision for data center applications already under review as of Feb. 12, 2025. This provision applies ...
[124]
The First Legislative Assembly - Historic Jamestowne Part of ...
Aug 3, 2023 · The first charter of the Virginia Company, signed by King James I on April 10, 1606, planted the first seed for the future evolution of our constitutional ...
[125]
[PDF] In the Beginning there was Virginia
Jan 30, 2016 · Here in 1619, Virginia's House of Burgesses first met, setting in motion what has become the oldest continuous law making body in the New World ...Missing: date | Show results with:date
[126]
History and Facts on Virginia - Secretary of the Commonwealth
The Jamestown colonists also established the first representative legislature in America in 1619. Virginia became a colony in 1624 and entered the union on June ...
[127]
First Virginia Constitution, June 29, 1776 - Online Classroom
The office of governor, the executive branch, was an intentionally weak one. The General Assembly elected the governor for one-year terms (no more than three ...
[128]
Virginia Constitutions - Discover
The constitution left the executive a weak office, but it reduced the number of members of the Council of State from twelve to three and changed the governor's ...
[129]
The January 1832 Debate on Slavery in Virginia: Clashing Scenes ...
Virginia was a slave exporting state, and with a rapidly shrinking export market, Virginians realized that the black population would continue to grow faster ...<|separator|>
[130]
Virginia Ordinance of Secession (April 17, 1861)
The Virginia Ordinance of Secession, dated April 17, 1861, declared the bond with the U.S. dissolved, repealing the ratification of the U.S. Constitution.
[131]
Virginia in the American Civil War - Research Guides & Indexes at ...
Oct 1, 2025 · On May 23, 1861, voters ratified Virginia's secession from the United States. ... To research an individual's Civil War military service, see ...Missing: date | Show results with:date
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Constitutional Convention - Virginia Memory
The constitutional convention met in the chamber of the House of Delegates in the Capitol in Richmond from December 3, 1867, through April 17, 1868.
[133]
An Act to admit the State of Virginia to Representation in the ...
The act allowed Virginia's senators and representatives to take their seats, required specific oaths, and ended Congressional Reconstruction in Virginia.
[134]
Reconstruction - Virginia in the American Civil War
Oct 1, 2025 · A new constitution, which provided for universal manhood suffrage, finally went to voters on July 6, 1869, and was passed. A provision that ...
[135]
The Story of Virginia's Reconstruction
Virginia was readmitted to the Union with universal suffrage and universal amnesty. Moderate Republicans joined with moderate former Confederates to oppose ...
[136]
Poll Tax - Encyclopedia Virginia
Article II of the Constitution of 1902 included, among other restrictive provisions, a requirement that any person who applied to register to vote in or after ...
[137]
Jim Crow to Civil Rights in Virginia
Virginia's Constitution of 1902 instituted poll taxes and literacy tests and mandated separate schools. Although Virginia public schools were racially ...
[138]
The Failure of Home Rule Reform in Virginia: Race, Localism, and...
Legislative supremacy was enforced by courts applying Dillon's Rule. Even as the state's demographics changed, the suspicion of local power remained, in part ...
[139]
Reconstruction | Virginia Museum of History & Culture
During the decade following the Civil War, former Confederate states were required to “reconstruct” their state governments before reentering the Union.
[140]
A history of roads in Virginia: First construction appropriation in 1909
Jul 27, 2019 · By 1908, the need for better roads had reached the point that the legislature made its first appropriation for construction purposes under ...
[141]
A history of roads in Virginia: State system approved; WWI interrupts ...
Aug 3, 2019 · During its 1918 session in Richmond, the General Assembly approved establishment of the first state highway system, a network of 4,002 miles ...
[142]
Progressive Movement - Encyclopedia Virginia
In 1908, the state began offering matching funds for road construction to every county in the state. Subsequent funding and prison labor measures over the ...Missing: 20th | Show results with:20th<|separator|>
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Virginia Department of Transportation (VDOT)
The 1932 Byrd Road Act established a unified State Secondary Road System. This permitted each county to give the responsibility for its secondary roads to the ...
[144]
VIRGINIA GIVES UP OLD FISCAL POLICY - The New York Times
Voters approve issuance of $81-million in gen obligation bonds, breaking longtime 'pay-as-you-go' state policy; spending plans noted.
[145]
Massive Resistance | Virginia Museum of History & Culture
Massive Resistance was a set of laws in 1956 to prevent school integration, including a Pupil Placement Board and cutting off funds to integrated schools.
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Locked Out: The Fall of Massive Resistance | PBS
Feb 23, 2023 · In 1958, the Commonwealth of Virginia refused the US Supreme Court's mandate to integrate its public schools in the aftermath of the Brown v. Board of ...<|separator|>
[147]
The State Responds: Massive Resistance - Library of Virginia
Massive Resistance was intended to slow to a crawl attempts to integrate Virginia's schools generally and to minimize the effects of integration where it did ...
[148]
Post WWII population growth - Prince William County Government
The first major highway to be constructed in northern Virginia was Interstate 495, the final section of which opened on April 2, 1964. The National Highway ( ...
[149]
Local Government Autonomy and the Dillon Rule in Virginia
The Dillon Rule give the state legislature the capacity to meddle in small-scale decisions made by local jurisdictions. Municipal (town, county and city) ...
[150]
The Virginia Constitution of 1971
Jun 29, 2023 · Among other changes, the Constitution of 1971 required approximate equality of population in all legislative and congressional districts; ...Missing: streamlining | Show results with:streamlining
[151]
History of VBT - Virginians for Better Transportation
Virginians for Better Transportation (VBT) was formed in 2005 to help bring awareness of transportation funding issues. Learn more.
[152]
[PDF] Keeping Virginia Mobile: Providing a Modern, Sustainable ...
45 In 2020, the Governor's Omnibus Bill (HB1414/SB890) made numerous changes to Virginia's transportation funding system to increase transportation revenue.
[153]
Democrats make significant gains in Virginia legislature; control of ...
Nov 8, 2017 · The Democratic wave in Virginia on Tuesday wiped out the Republican majority in the state House of Delegates, throwing control of the chamber in play for the ...
[154]
Virginia gets D grade in 2015 State Integrity Investigation
Nov 9, 2015 · These improvements to ethics laws and oversight played a part in Virginia earning a score of 66, ranking it 16th in the State Integrity ...
[155]
Governor Glenn Youngkin Statement on University of Virginia Board ...
Mar 7, 2025 · On January 15, 2022, Governor Youngkin issued Executive Order One (2022), eliminating DEI-driven education programs at the Virginia Department ...Missing: cuts | Show results with:cuts
[156]
The Virginia Model: How the Commonwealth Built a Best-In-Class ...
Jul 9, 2025 · A little over three years ago, Virginia Governor Glenn Youngkin announced an ambitious plan to modernize regulations to lay the groundwork for ...
[157]
Governor Glenn Youngkin Reports September General Fund ...
Oct 13, 2025 · RICHMOND, VA – Governor Glenn Youngkin today announced that general fund revenues increased 5.1 percent ($374.4 million) year-over-year ...
[158]
How Youngkin Reshaped Virginia's Universities - Inside Higher Ed
Jul 24, 2025 · When Youngkin took office, he quickly focused on education-related issues, banning so-called “divisive concepts” in K-12 classrooms and purging ...Missing: regulatory | Show results with:regulatory
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[PDF] EO-47-Keeping-Virginians-Safe-From-Dangerous-Criminal-Illegal ...
Feb 27, 2025 · Virginia is not a sanctuary state. A commitment to public safety demands that the. Commonwealth recognize that the nexus between illegal ...Missing: limits | Show results with:limits
[160]
Virginia NAACP Demands the Attorney General to Disband the ...
Sep 14, 2022 · The Virginia State Conference of the NAACP (Virginia NAACP) demands Attorney General Jason Miyares immediately disband the Election ...
[161]
Youngkin, Miyares tout drop in violent crime, success of Ceasefire ...
Oct 17, 2024 · State officials say there's been an 11% decline in overall violent crime and a 30% decline in murders so far this year.
[162]
Governor of Virginia - Facebook
Sep 25, 2025 · Since 2022, through roaring job growth and record private business investment, we have delivered four straight years of surpluses totaling $10 ...Missing: administration | Show results with:administration
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[PDF] CRIME IN VIRGINIA 2023
Aug 19, 2024 · Crime is of great concern to all citizens of Virginia. By use of crime statistics, criminal justice agencies can make an informed.