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Hasan Mahsum

Hasan Mahsum (c. 1964 – October 2, 2003), also known as Hasan Makhdum, Abu Muhammad al-Turkistani, or Ashan Sumut, was a Uyghur militant from Xinjiang, China, who founded and led the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), an Islamist separatist organization dedicated to overthrowing Chinese rule in the region through armed jihad and establishing an independent Islamic state called East Turkestan.^[1]^[2] Mahsum established ETIM around 1997–1998 after relocating to Pakistan and Afghanistan, where the group built training camps and forged operational ties with al-Qaeda and the Taliban regime, including receiving military instruction and participating in combat alongside global jihadist networks against U.S.-led forces post-2001.^[1]^[3] ETIM under his leadership claimed responsibility for several bombings and attacks targeting Chinese infrastructure and personnel, such as the 1997 Urumqi bus bombings and assaults on border posts, framing these as steps toward regional liberation via sharia governance.^[4] The group's activities drew international scrutiny, leading to ETIM's designation as a terrorist entity by the United Nations in 2002 under al-Qaeda sanctions and by the United States shortly thereafter, based on evidence of plots to conduct attacks beyond Xinjiang, including potential disruptions to the 2008 Beijing Olympics.^[1]^[5] Mahsum himself evaded capture until Pakistani forces, in coordination with U.S. intelligence during an operation against al-Qaeda hideouts in South Waziristan, killed him in a firefight; Chinese authorities confirmed his identity and hailed the strike as eliminating a key threat responsible for orchestrating cross-border incursions.^[6]^[7] His death fragmented ETIM leadership, though successors continued low-level operations in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and later Syria, perpetuating the group's transnational jihadist orientation.^[1]

Early Life

Birth and Upbringing

Hasan Mahsum was born in 1964 in Shule County, Kashgar Prefecture, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, China, into a peasant family of Uyghur Muslims.^[8] The region, predominantly inhabited by Uyghurs in its southern areas like Kashgar, featured rural communities centered on agriculture, traditional Islamic practices, and extended family structures, though these were disrupted by broader state policies.^[8] During Mahsum's formative years in the 1960s and 1970s, Xinjiang underwent the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), which suppressed Uyghur religious and cultural expressions, including reductions in mosques from approximately 29,545 in 1949 to 14,119 and attacks on imams and religious sites.^[8] Rural Uyghur life in Kashgar persisted amid agrarian routines but was marked by Han Chinese migration—intensifying from the 1950s onward—and integration efforts that heightened ethnic tensions, as Han settlers comprised a growing minority in traditionally Uyghur-dominated southern prefectures.^[8]^[9] These dynamics, including famine and unrest linked to the Great Leap Forward and Sino-Soviet border issues in the early 1960s, contributed to a sense of marginalization among Uyghur peasants, though post-1976 reforms briefly allowed religious revival with mosque numbers rebounding to around 20,000 by the late 1980s.^[8]

Education and Early Influences

Hasan Mahsum was born in 1964 in a rural area near Kashgar, a historic center of Uyghur Muslim culture in Xinjiang.^[10] Growing up during the post-Cultural Revolution era, he encountered an environment where traditional Uyghur Islamic practices persisted despite decades of state-enforced secularization under Chinese Communist rule.^[11] In the 1980s, a notable revival of Islam among Uyghurs facilitated informal religious education through Koranic schools and private madrasas often attached to mosques, emphasizing Quranic memorization and basic Islamic jurisprudence tailored to local Turkic traditions.^[11] These settings provided young Uyghurs, including those in Kashgar, with exposure to religious scholarship that reinforced ethnic and cultural identity amid ongoing Chinese restrictions on unapproved clerical training and foreign religious influences.^[11] Mahsum's formative years coincided with Beijing's assimilation policies, which included mandating bilingual education favoring Mandarin over Uyghur, limiting religious instruction to state-vetted imams, and promoting Han migration to dilute minority demographics—measures perceived by many Uyghurs as eroding their autonomous cultural and religious heritage.^[11] Such policies, implemented since the 1950s but intensifying in practice during the reform period, fostered early awareness among Uyghur youth of tensions between Islamic observance and state ideology.^[12]

Involvement in Uyghur Separatism

Initial Activism in China

Hasan Mahsum engaged in underground Islamic education in Kargharlak county, Xinjiang, from 1984 to 1989, studying under the cleric Abdul Hakeem amid a broader revival of Uyghur ethnic and religious identity following the Cultural Revolution.^[4] These clandestine schools emphasized religious instruction outside state-controlled mosques, reflecting low-level dissent against restrictions on Uyghur cultural and Islamic practices.^[4] In December 1985, Mahsum participated in student demonstrations at Xinjiang University in Ürümqi, where Uyghur protesters demanded greater rights, cultural preservation, and an end to Chinese nuclear testing in Lop Nur, marking one of the era's notable non-violent expressions of ethnic grievances.^[4] ^[11] Such protests, organized through informal student associations like the Tengritagh group, highlighted aspirations for autonomy and religious freedoms rather than overt separatism at the time.^[11] Chinese authorities responded with increased surveillance and repression, including the April 1990 Baren Township clash, where around 200 Uyghur demonstrators advocating for Islamic governance clashed with security forces, resulting in dozens of deaths.^[4] ^[11] Mahsum was detained and imprisoned from May 1990 to November 1991 in connection with this event, though his direct role appears limited to association with nascent separatist sentiments in southern Xinjiang.^[4] He faced further imprisonment from July 1993 to February 1995, followed by assignment to a labor camp until April 1996, periods during which state "strike hard" campaigns targeted perceived Uyghur dissidents.^[4] A brief detention in August 1996 amid intensified crackdowns prompted Mahsum's flight from China, as authorities linked him to early underground networks distinct from later formalized militant structures.^[4] These experiences of arrest and ideological exposure in Xinjiang's repressive environment underscored the transition from cultural-religious advocacy to heightened resistance, though pre-exile activities remained primarily at the level of protests and informal religious organization.^[4]

Exile and Radicalization

Following alleged involvement in the Baren Township uprising of April 1990, a violent clash between Uyghur protesters and Chinese security forces that resulted in dozens of deaths and triggered intensified crackdowns on separatist activities in Xinjiang, Mahsum faced imprisonment on multiple occasions before fleeing China in the 1990s to evade further persecution.^[13] He sought refuge in Afghanistan and Pakistan, regions hosting militant networks amid the Taliban's control of Afghanistan from 1996 onward.^[14]^[15] In Afghanistan, Mahsum integrated into environments dominated by the Taliban regime and associated jihadist factions, including training facilities where Uyghur militants received instruction alongside al-Qaeda affiliates, fostering an environment conducive to ideological hardening.^[16] This exposure marked a pivot from localized Uyghur nationalism toward a broader Islamist militancy, evidenced by his adoption of the alias Abu Muhammad al-Turkistani, which evoked transnational jihadist nomenclature linking East Turkestan struggles to global ummah-based resistance.^[14] Despite Chinese government assertions of direct al-Qaeda ties, Mahsum publicly denied organizational connections to the Taliban or al-Qaeda in a 2002 interview, claiming self-sufficiency in operations while acknowledging the challenges of isolation.^[17] Nonetheless, his rhetoric during this period increasingly emphasized jihad as a religious duty against perceived oppression, reflecting a personal radicalization aligned with Salafi-jihadist framings prevalent in Afghan camps, though formal alliances remained contested.^[14]^[16]

Founding of ETIM

Establishment and Structure

The East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) was established in 1997 by Hasan Mahsum along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, where he and a small group of associates organized to pursue Uyghur separatism in Xinjiang through militant jihad.^[18] Mahsum, drawing from prior Uyghur militant networks, positioned the group as a distinct entity focused on armed struggle against Chinese rule, initially operating from remote training areas in Taliban-controlled Afghanistan.^[14] Under Mahsum's leadership, ETIM adopted a hierarchical structure with him serving as emir, directing a core cadre of approximately 50 to 100 Uyghur fighters trained in explosives and small arms at camps near the border.^[1] The organization relied heavily on alliances with foreign mujahideen, including logistical aid from the Taliban and Al-Qaeda affiliates, to compensate for its limited indigenous resources and personnel.^[14]^[1] Prior to 2001, ETIM's recruitment targeted Uyghur exiles in Central Asia and the diaspora, while safe havens in Afghanistan enabled basic operations sustained by remittances from overseas Uyghur communities and donations from sympathetic jihadist networks.^[14] This framework emphasized centralized command under Mahsum, with subordinate cells handling training and procurement, though the group's small scale constrained independent capabilities.^[4]

Ideology and Objectives

Hasan Mahsum articulated the East Turkestan Islamic Movement's (ETIM) ideology as rooted in Islamist separatism, seeking to establish an independent state in Xinjiang—referred to as East Turkestan—governed by Islamic sharia law.^[14] This vision framed Chinese secular authority as incompatible with Muslim governance, portraying it as a form of oppression against Uyghur religious and cultural practices under communist rule.^[14] ETIM's objectives centered on liberating the region through the creation of a caliphate-like Islamic polity, distinct from broader pan-Turkic ambitions by prioritizing religious law over ethnic nationalism alone.^[14] Influences from global jihadist networks shaped ETIM's doctrinal framework, with the group maintaining operational ties to the Taliban and al-Qaeda for training and ideological reinforcement, despite Mahsum's public denials of formal organizational allegiance.^[1] These connections, evidenced by ETIM members' participation in al-Qaeda and Taliban camps, aligned the movement with transnational calls for jihad against perceived infidel regimes, adapting Salafi-jihadist tactics to the Uyghur context.^[1] Mahsum positioned ETIM's struggle as a religious duty, invoking Islamic imperatives for armed resistance to achieve sovereignty.^[14] ETIM differentiated itself from non-violent Uyghur nationalist groups by rejecting diplomatic or reformist approaches in favor of immediate militant jihad, viewing peaceful advocacy as insufficient against entrenched Chinese control.^[14] Under Mahsum's leadership, the group eschewed negotiations, insisting that only violent overthrow could enforce sharia and expel non-Muslim influence from the region.^[14] This prioritization of insurgency over coexistence underscored ETIM's commitment to an uncompromising Islamist objectives, unyielding to secular concessions.^[1]

Militant Activities

Training Camps and Alliances

In the late 1990s, under the protection of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, Hasan Mahsum established training facilities for East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) recruits, primarily Uyghurs from Xinjiang, focusing on small arms handling, explosives use, and guerrilla tactics essential for insurgency operations.^[14] These camps, located in remote areas such as Badakhshan province, also emphasized ideological indoctrination to foster commitment to jihad against Chinese rule, drawing on Salafi-jihadist doctrines to frame the conflict as a religious duty. Mahsum personally oversaw recruitment and logistics, transporting small groups of trainees across the Afghan-Pakistani border to evade detection.^[19] Mahsum cultivated close ties with al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, meeting him in Afghanistan in early 1999 to coordinate support, including financial aid estimated at hundreds of thousands of dollars and access to al-Qaeda's training infrastructure for ETIM fighters.^[20] This alliance provided ETIM with expertise in urban combat and bomb-making, while al-Qaeda viewed Uyghur militants as potential assets for broader anti-Western operations; joint efforts included anti-Chinese propaganda videos distributed via al-Qaeda networks.^[21] Following the September 11, 2001 attacks, bin Laden and Taliban leaders offered ETIM safe havens in Kandahar, enabling Mahsum to regroup and continue preparations amid U.S. invasion pressures.^[22] ETIM under Mahsum also forged operational links with Central Asian groups like the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) and Chechen militants training in the same Afghan facilities, exchanging knowledge on asymmetric warfare techniques such as ambushes and IED deployment to counter perceived infidel adversaries.^[23] These partnerships, facilitated through shared Taliban-hosted gatherings, emphasized mutual reinforcement in global jihadist logistics rather than formal mergers, allowing ETIM to bolster its limited manpower with tactical innovations from experienced fighters.^[24] Mahsum's strategy prioritized relational networks over independent capabilities, leveraging these alliances for sustained fighter preparation ahead of escalated activities.^[14]

Attributed Attacks and Operations

Chinese authorities attributed the February 25, 1997, bombings of three buses in Urumqi, Xinjiang, which killed 9 people including at least 3 children and injured over 60 others, to Uyghur separatist militants whose activities presaged the formation of ETIM under Hasan Mahsum's leadership. Similar investigations linked ETIM precursors to other civilian-targeted incidents in Xinjiang during the late 1990s, involving explosives and assassinations that resulted in dozens of deaths, though independent verification of direct ETIM involvement remains limited.^[16] From 1998 onward, under Mahsum's direction, ETIM was held responsible for specific operations in Xinjiang, as detailed in UN Security Council dossiers drawing on intelligence from China and allied states. These included the May 23, 1998, explosion at a warehouse in Urumqi railway station; the February 4, 1999, armed robbery of approximately 247,000 RMB in Urumqi; the March 25, 1999, bombing in Hetian (Hotan) city; and the June 18, 1999, violent confrontation during an arrest attempt in Xinhe County, Xinjiang.^[1] Collectively, such attributed actions under ETIM's early phase caused at least 140 deaths and 371 injuries, primarily through improvised explosive devices, armed assaults, and resistance to security forces.^[1] Post-2001, amid ETIM's alliances with al-Qaida and the Taliban, Mahsum's group dispatched trained operatives back to China for terrorist plots, including training over 20 members for car bombings targeting urban areas.^[1] Chinese reports, echoed in UN assessments, claimed ETIM planned attacks on U.S. and Western diplomatic facilities using hijacked aircraft, though these were foiled through international intelligence sharing; by September 2002, authorities had seized from ETIM networks 98 firearms, thousands of grenades, and explosive precursors intended for such operations.^[1]^[14]

International Status and Controversies

Terrorist Designations

The United Nations Security Council listed the Eastern Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM), under Hasan Mahsum's leadership, on October 2, 2002, as an entity associated with al-Qaeda pursuant to resolution 1267 sanctions regime, citing its maintenance of camps in Afghanistan under Taliban protection for training militants aimed at overthrowing the Chinese government in Xinjiang.^[1]^[25] This designation imposed asset freezes, travel bans, and arms embargoes on ETIM and its leaders, including Mahsum, based on intelligence regarding the group's operational ties to al-Qaeda and its dispatch of operatives for attacks in China.^[1] The United States designated ETIM as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) on August 26, 2002, under section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act, attributing to Mahsum responsibility for directing the group's violent separatist campaign, including plans for attacks against U.S. interests and alliances with al-Qaeda for training in Afghanistan and Pakistan.^[5] This status was revoked on November 5, 2020, following a review that found insufficient evidence of ETIM's ongoing organizational existence or activity, though sanctions persisted on its successor entity, the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP), for continued militant operations.^[26] The Chinese government formally designated ETIM as a terrorist organization in 2002, portraying Mahsum as its principal leader orchestrating cross-border incursions and bombings from bases in Afghanistan and Pakistan, with intelligence reports linking the group to over 200 deaths in attacks such as the 1997 Ürümqi bus bombings and 2000s border raids.^[14] China offered rewards for information leading to the capture of ETIM figures, including Mahsum, whom it identified as the top threat to national security due to his role in establishing training facilities abroad and smuggling weapons into Xinjiang.^[27] This classification aligned with domestic laws criminalizing separatist violence and facilitated international cooperation, corroborated by shared intelligence on ETIM's receipt of al-Qaeda funding exceeding $300,000 for operations.^[14]

Debates Over Terrorism Label

Uyghur exiles and diaspora advocates have portrayed Hasan Mahsum as a nationalist leader resisting Han Chinese demographic dominance and cultural assimilation policies in Xinjiang, framing his militant activities as legitimate self-defense against colonization rather than terrorism. This view intensified following the U.S. State Department's revocation of the East Turkistan Islamic Movement's (ETIM) terrorist designation on November 5, 2020, with activists arguing that prior labels unjustly conflated political grievances with global jihadism and enabled Beijing's repression.^[5]^[26] Such defenses often emphasize Mahsum's early non-violent exile activism and attribute ETIM's evolution to desperation amid suppressed dissent, citing historical precedents of armed resistance in occupied territories.^[7] Security analysts and counterterrorism researchers counter that these characterizations minimize Mahsum's documented integration into al-Qaeda networks in Afghanistan during the late 1990s, where ETIM cadres received training and pledged ideological allegiance to transnational jihad, evidenced by detainee accounts from Guantanamo Bay and video propaganda endorsing holy war. Critics of the 2020 delisting, including those from think tanks focused on militant threats, argue it overlooks ETIM's pattern of operations prioritizing civilian casualties—such as bombings in Urumqi and Ürümqi markets—to instill fear, aligning more with jihadist tactics than conventional insurgency.^[28]^[14] They contend that diaspora narratives, while highlighting real ethnic tensions, selectively ignore causal links between Islamist radicalization and violence, as seen in Uighur fighters' documented roles in al-Qaeda-affiliated plots beyond Xinjiang.^[29] Chinese official narratives reject separatist heroism attributions to Mahsum as propaganda masking ETIM's core jihadist agenda of establishing a caliphate through indiscriminate attacks on state symbols and civilians, substantiated by seized training manuals, financial ledgers, and ideological texts from raided camps linking ETIM to global Salafist networks. Beijing asserts that such materials, obtained from operations in Xinjiang and border regions, reveal explicit calls for expansionary holy war rather than localized autonomy, with Western delistings viewed as concessions to political pressures that endanger regional stability.^[30]^[31] This perspective frames Mahsum's Afghan exile not as defensive radicalization but as opportunistic alignment with anti-Western extremists, prioritizing empirical captures over exile testimonies prone to self-justification.^[32]

Death and Immediate Aftermath

Circumstances of Killing

Hasan Mahsum was killed on October 2, 2003, during a raid by Pakistani Army forces on a militant hideout in South Waziristan, a restive tribal agency bordering Afghanistan.^[33] The operation targeted an al-Qaeda safe house harboring foreign militants, amid Pakistan's post-9/11 campaign against cross-border jihadist networks.^[33] ^[34] Mahsum died alongside eight other Islamic militants in the firefight that ensued when Pakistani troops assaulted the position.^[33] His location at the facility, used by al-Qaeda affiliates, reflected ETIM's operational ties to broader transnational groups operating in the Afghanistan-Pakistan frontier.^[33] Pakistani authorities later confirmed the deaths, with Chinese officials identifying Mahsum among the casualties based on recovered documents and physical evidence.^[7] ^[1]

Confirmation and Reactions

Pakistani military authorities announced on December 23, 2003, that Hasan Mahsum had been killed on October 2, 2003, during a raid on a suspected al-Qaida hideout in South Waziristan near the Afghan border at Angoor Adda. Major General Shaukat Sultan confirmed Mahsum was among eight militants slain in the firefight, which also resulted in two Pakistani soldiers killed, two wounded, and eighteen arrests; Pakistan explicitly denied U.S. involvement in the operation.^[7] China's Foreign Ministry verified the death two days later, on December 25, 2003, affirming Mahsum's identity as the ETIM leader and framing the outcome as a key success in international counterterrorism efforts.^[6] State media emphasized the raid's role in disrupting separatist networks, portraying it as validation of Beijing's claims regarding ETIM's transnational threats and bolstering diplomatic ties with Pakistan on security matters.^[34] The U.S. response remained low-key, reflecting its strategic partnership with Pakistan in the War on Terror, with no high-profile statements despite ETIM's prior designation as a terrorist entity by the State Department in 2002; this restraint underscored operational sensitivities along the Afghan-Pakistan border. ETIM elements, aligned with Taliban networks, showed no signs of operational collapse, indicating the killing failed to achieve decapitation and instead highlighted persistent militant continuity in the region.^[7]

Legacy

Succession and ETIM Evolution

Following Hasan Mahsum's death in October 2003, Abdul Haq al-Turkistani assumed leadership of the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM), maintaining the group's commitment to jihadist insurgency against Chinese rule in Xinjiang.^[1] Under his command, ETIM evolved into the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP), a rebranding that preserved core objectives of establishing an independent Islamic emirate in "East Turkistan" while aligning more closely with transnational jihadist networks like al-Qaeda.^[35] Abdul Haq, designated a global terrorist by the UN, integrated TIP into al-Qaeda's structure, serving on its executive leadership council.^[36] Pakistani military operations against militant safe havens in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas prompted a strategic relocation, with TIP leadership and fighters shifting primary bases to Afghanistan under Taliban protection and expanding into Syria's civil war theater starting around 2012.^[37] In Syria, TIP recruited hundreds of Uyghur foreign fighters, establishing brigades that conducted combat operations alongside groups like Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, while producing propaganda to sustain ideological continuity and attract global recruits.^[38] From Afghanistan, Abdul Haq has directed these Syrian contingents, emphasizing persistent anti-China jihad despite geographic dispersal.^[36] This outward pivot correlated with an empirical reduction in ETIM/TIP-claimed operations inside Xinjiang after 2003, as Chinese counterterrorism measures— including intensified border controls and domestic surveillance—intersected with the group's enforced exile and resource diversion abroad.^[39] Counterterrorism tracking by entities like the UN and U.S. indicates no major ETIM-attributed incidents within China post-Mahsum, with TIP's militancy manifesting instead through external alliances and recruitment drives that preserved organizational resilience.^[1]

Assessments of Impact

Mahsum's efforts through ETIM significantly advanced the transnational dimension of Uyghur militancy by establishing operational ties with al-Qaeda in Afghanistan, enabling the recruitment and training of fighters that later manifested in the Turkistan Islamic Party's (TIP) deployments to Syria starting around 2012, where TIP units fought alongside groups like Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham and gained battlefield experience.^[40]^[38] This mobilization drew explicit praise from al-Qaeda figures, including Ayman al-Zawahiri in 2016, who highlighted Uyghur jihadists' role in broader Islamist struggles against perceived oppressors like China, thereby embedding ETIM's ideology within global jihadist networks and sustaining recruitment from Uyghur diaspora communities.^[41]^[42] Critics of Mahsum's strategy, including security analysts, contend it proved ultimately futile and self-defeating, as ETIM's external attacks and alliances furnished Beijing with empirical pretexts for escalating securitization in Xinjiang, including the 2017-2018 expansion of mass detention facilities holding over one million Uyghurs under the guise of deradicalization, which suppressed domestic insurgent capabilities without reciprocal concessions.^[43]^[44] This approach, by prioritizing spectacular transnational operations over localized grievances, arguably created a feedback loop where heightened Chinese repression radicalized a subset of Uyghurs abroad while alienating potential domestic sympathizers, yielding no verifiable territorial advances or political leverage in Xinjiang despite ETIM's founding in 1997.^[45]^[46] Empirical metrics underscore this imbalance: ETIM and its TIP successor achieved negligible control over Xinjiang territory, with operations confined largely to border incursions and foreign battlefields, while provoking UN and multilateral terrorist designations that enhanced international intelligence-sharing against the group, as seen in its 2002 listing by the UN Security Council and subsequent sanctions.^[1]^[14] In counterterrorism terms, Mahsum's legacy thus amplified short-term jihadist cohesion but facilitated long-term state dominance, with China's policies correlating to a reported decline in Xinjiang-based incidents post-2014, though TIP persists marginally in Syrian enclaves numbering fewer than 5,000 fighters by 2018 estimates.^[40]^[47]

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Sep 29, 2016 · The August 30 bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Bishkek came after al-Qaeda's leader praised Uyghur terrorists.
[43]
Counterterrorism and Preventive Repression: China's Changing ...
Jan 1, 2020 · In 2017–18, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) changed its domestic security strategy in Xinjiang, escalating the use of mass detention, ideological re- ...
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A “Post-Copenhagen” Analysis of China's Securitization of the Uyghur
Dec 20, 2021 · First, the article argues that the securitization of the Uyghur has proved counter-productive, potentially creating the very security threat ...
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The Narrative of Uyghur Terrorism and the Self-Fulfilling Prophecy of ...
By using the threat of ETIM and TIP to target all religiously inclined Uyghurs as potential terrorists, however, it has enabled a self-fulfilling prophecy of ...
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https://escholarship.org/content/qt37j635hs/qt37j635hs_noSplash_534f7a4ec28b4c608ad75d9434e1f682.pdf
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[PDF] China and the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM)
Mar 18, 2025 · goal was to establish an independent Islamic state in Xinjiang, leading to a series of violent confrontations with the Chinese government. Over ...