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Intention

Intention is a mental state in which a person commits themselves to carrying out a future course of action or identifies the purpose animating a present action, serving as a key element in explaining human behavior across disciplines.^[1] The term derives from the Latin intentio, meaning "a stretching out" or "application of the mind," entering English in the late 14th century via Old French entencion to denote purpose, will, or desire.^[2] In philosophy, intention unifies prospective plans (e.g., intending to travel tomorrow), the aim with which one acts (e.g., lifting a cup to drink), and intentional actions themselves, often analyzed through theories emphasizing commitment, belief, and practical reasoning.^[1] Michael Bratman's planning theory, for instance, portrays intentions as stable elements of partial plans that coordinate future conduct, ensuring consistency with other intentions and means-end coherence, while resisting casual revision.^[3] Elizabeth Anscombe's influential work further highlights intention as embedded in ongoing action, using the progressive tense to link mental states with embodied activity, rather than treating it solely as a discrete belief or desire.^[1] In psychology, intention functions as the immediate antecedent to behavior, capturing motivational commitment and the effort one is prepared to invest in goal pursuit, as formalized in Icek Ajzen's Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB).^[4] Under TPB, intentions are shaped by attitudes toward the behavior, subjective norms from social influences, and perceived behavioral control over obstacles, predicting actions like health choices or habit formation with moderate success.^[4] Peter Gollwitzer's concept of implementation intentions extends this by specifying "if-then" plans (e.g., "if it's 7 a.m., then I'll exercise"), which automate responses to cues, bridging the intention-behavior gap more effectively than goal intentions alone by delegating control to environmental triggers.^[5] Psychologically, intentions differ from desires by their conduct-controlling stability and conscious accessibility, dividing into prospective (long-term, abstract plans) and immediate (context-specific, motor-oriented) forms that facilitate mental simulation of actions.^[6] In criminal law, intention forms a core component of mens rea (Latin for "guilty mind"), the culpable mental state required alongside a prohibited act (actus reus) to establish liability, embodying the principle that "an act does not make one guilty unless the mind is also guilty."^[7] Specific intent crimes, such as murder or theft, demand purposeful aim at a precise result (e.g., intending death), while general intent suffices for knowing or reckless conduct in offenses like battery; this distinction traces to 13th-century canon law influences, evolving to balance moral culpability with social protection.^[7] Modern doctrines, including transferred intent, extend liability when unintended victims suffer the aimed harm, underscoring intention's role in grading severity and enabling defenses like mistake of fact for reasonable errors.^[8]

Definition and Core Concepts

Basic Definition

Intention is a mental state in which an individual commits to carrying out a future action, serving as a plan-like structure that organizes behavior and resolves ongoing deliberation about what to do. Philosopher Michael Bratman characterizes intention as a form of practical commitment embedded in partial plans, which not only aim at future conduct but also constrain subsequent decision-making by providing stability and coordination over time.^[3] This view emphasizes intention's role in enabling agents to pursue complex, extended goals without constant reevaluation, distinguishing it from mere desires or beliefs that lack such binding force. A key distinction exists between intending to perform an action, which is inherently future-directed and prospective, and the attribution of intentionality to a completed action in the past. For instance, a person might intend to attend a scheduled meeting tomorrow, thereby committing resources and adjusting their plans accordingly, whereas spilling coffee accidentally does not qualify as an intentional act because it lacks prior commitment or deliberative guidance.^[9] This differentiation highlights intention's forward-looking nature, focused on anticipated conduct rather than retrospective judgment of past events. The concept of intention has deep historical roots in medieval philosophy, particularly in the work of Thomas Aquinas, who defined it as an act of the will directed toward an end or goal, integral to rational action within a teleological framework.^[10] Building on this tradition, G.E.M. Anscombe's seminal 1957 book Intention positioned the concept as the central object of practical reason, arguing that understanding intentions reveals the structure of purposeful human activity and challenges simplistic causal accounts of action.^[9] Anscombe's analysis underscores intention's foundational status in philosophy of action, influencing subsequent theories by treating it as a primitive rather than a derivative mental state.

Intention versus Intentionality

Franz Brentano introduced the modern philosophical concept of intentionality in his 1874 work Psychology from an Empirical Standpoint, defining it as the fundamental characteristic of mental phenomena, whereby every mental act is directed toward an object, which he termed the "intentional inexistence" of that object within the mind.^[11] For Brentano, intentionality distinguishes psychological from physical phenomena, as all conscious experiences—such as perceiving, judging, or desiring—involve this directedness or "reference to a content," even if the object does not exist in reality.^[12] This view positions intentionality as the "mark of the mental," encompassing a broad range of mental states beyond mere sensations.^[13] Edmund Husserl, building on Brentano's foundation, expanded intentionality into a central structure of phenomenology in his Logical Investigations (1900–1901), portraying it not just as a property of mental acts but as the essential way consciousness constitutes meaning and objects within experience.^[14] Husserl emphasized that intentionality involves an ideal meaning—the sense of the directed act—separate from the act itself, allowing for the phenomenological reduction that brackets empirical reality to analyze pure consciousness.^[15] This development shifted intentionality from Brentano's psychological emphasis to a transcendental framework, where it becomes the horizon through which phenomena appear to consciousness.^[14] The core distinction between intention and intentionality lies in their scope and function: intentionality refers to the general "aboutness" or directedness of mental states toward objects, applicable to beliefs, desires, or perceptions (e.g., a belief is intentional because it is about certain facts), whereas intention denotes a specific commitment or resolve to act in a particular way (e.g., "I intend to visit the museum tomorrow" implies a practical stance with motivational force).^[11] This difference highlights intentionality as a pervasive feature of mentality, while intention functions as a subtype involving future-oriented action plans.^[12] In modern analytic philosophy, John Searle bridges these concepts through his theory of speech acts in Speech Acts (1969) and Intentionality (1983), arguing that intentions in linguistic and non-linguistic actions are particular instances of intentionality, where the mind's directedness manifests in conditions of satisfaction for the intended outcome.^[16] Searle maintains that while all intentions exhibit intentionality (being about something), not all intentional states are intentions; the latter require a network of related mental states, such as beliefs and desires, to commit the agent to performance.^[17] This integration treats intention as a derived form of intentionality, embedded within broader causal structures of the mind.^[18]

Types of Intentions

Temporal and Prospective Types

Intentions can be categorized temporally based on their relation to the time of action, distinguishing between immediate intentions, which guide actions occurring in the present moment, and prospective intentions, which pertain to future actions.^[19] Immediate intentions, also known as intentions-in-action, directly control ongoing bodily movements without requiring prior planning, such as the intention to lift one's arm right now.^[19] In contrast, prospective intentions, or prior intentions, involve commitments to perform actions at a later time, like planning to attend a meeting tomorrow, and serve to coordinate future conduct.^[19] A further distinction within temporal types arises between proximal and distal intentions, reflecting the immediacy of execution. Proximal intentions focus on near-term steps that are about to be enacted, such as deciding to grasp a cup in the next few seconds, emphasizing execution-oriented control.^[20] Distal intentions, however, target remote goals that demand hierarchical sub-plans and long-term coordination, exemplified by a career objective like becoming a physician, which requires sequencing multiple intermediate actions over years.^[20] This proximal-distal framework highlights how intentions operate at varying levels of abstraction in action hierarchies, with distal ones providing overarching direction while proximal ones handle specific implementations. Michael Bratman's planning theory further elaborates on these temporal aspects through a hierarchical model, portraying intentions as stable commitments that structure practical reasoning over extended periods. In this view, intentions must satisfy norms of consistency, ensuring they do not conflict with one another or with the agent's beliefs, and agglomeration, whereby multiple compatible intentions can be jointly adopted without contradiction.^[21] For instance, forming a prospective intention to exercise tomorrow involves committing to a plan that remains stable against minor temptations, while integrating it consistently with other intentions like work schedules, thereby enabling effective long-term agency. This model underscores rationality in temporal planning by treating intentions as conductive to coordinated action sequences.

Functional and Motivational Types

Intentions can be categorized functionally based on their role in motivating and guiding action toward goals. Motivational intentions directly propel an agent to act by committing them to pursue a specific end, often integrating desires and beliefs into a practical commitment that overrides competing impulses. For instance, a person intending to eat in response to hunger is motivated by that intention to seek out and consume food, with the intention serving as the primary driver of the ensuing behavior. This functional type emphasizes intentions as active forces in goal-directed activity, distinct from mere desires that may fluctuate without leading to action. A key subclassification within functional types distinguishes primary intentions, which target the main ends of an action, from oblique intentions, which pertain to foreseen side effects accepted as inevitable consequences without full commitment to them as goals. Primary intentions focus on the core objective, such as intending to drive to a destination for a specific purpose, where the driving itself is the committed aim. In contrast, oblique intentions arise when an agent foresees and accepts ancillary outcomes, like the environmental pollution from vehicle emissions, as unavoidable byproducts of the primary action, but without intending the pollution as an end in itself. This distinction, rooted in analyses of action explanation, underscores that oblique intentions involve foresight of consequences without the motivational commitment characteristic of primary ones.^[22]^[23] Philosophers like Donald Davidson have elaborated this by viewing primary intentions as the ends that rationalize and commit to action, while oblique intentions treat foreseen consequences as non-committal elements in the agent's practical reasoning, allowing the action to proceed despite them. Such oblique elements do not motivate in the same direct manner as primary intentions, as the agent is not resolved to bring about the side effect independently.^[22] Functionally, intentions operate as "conduct controllers," a role emphasized by Richard Holton, whereby they stabilize an agent's behavior over time, resisting transient desires or distractions to ensure alignment with the intended course. This controlling function enables motivational intentions to maintain focus on goals, such as persisting in a diet despite temptations, by embedding a normative commitment that guides ongoing decisions and actions. Holton's analysis highlights how this stability differentiates intentions from weaker motivational states, fostering reliability in goal pursuit.

Rationality and Consciousness Types

Intentions can be classified based on their rational coherence, distinguishing between those that align with an agent's beliefs, values, and overall practical reasoning from those that do not. Rational intentions are those that cohere with the agent's existing commitments, ensuring consistency across plans and actions; for instance, an agent should not intend both to attend a meeting and to miss it unless the intentions are compatible under their beliefs about the circumstances. This coherence is a core norm of practical rationality, as articulated in Michael Bratman's framework of intentions as elements of partial plans that must mesh without conflict to support long-term agency. Rational intentions also align with the agent's values by integrating means-end connections, where intending an end rationally implies intending the necessary means if believed to be required.^[24] In contrast, irrational intentions arise from akrasia, or weakness of the will, where an agent intentionally acts or forms intentions contrary to their own better judgment, often due to conflicting motivations overriding rational assessment. Donald Davidson explains this possibility through a primary reason structure, where the weak-willed action is explained by a reason that the agent acknowledges as inferior to an alternative but still acts upon it intentionally.^[25] A classic example is an individual who intends to quit smoking, fully aware of its health harms based on their beliefs, yet persists in the habit due to immediate desires, illustrating how irrational intentions disrupt coherence without eliminating intentionality.^[26] Intentions further vary by levels of consciousness, with conscious intentions being explicitly formed through deliberate reflection and readily accessible to introspection, such as choosing to exercise after weighing pros and cons. Unconscious intentions, however, operate implicitly below awareness, influencing behavior without the agent's explicit endorsement and often revealed through slips or automatic responses; for example, Freudian slips—unintended verbal errors like calling a spouse by an ex-partner's name—betray suppressed intentions rooted in unconscious conflicts. More reliably, unconscious intentions manifest in habitual behaviors cued by context, comprising up to 43% of daily actions and persisting even when conscious goals change, as shown in studies by Wendy Wood.^[27] Psychological evidence supports this distinction: Research by John Bargh suggested that unconscious intentions, such as primed goals for cooperation, can activate automatically and guide behavior without conscious awareness, as seen in experiments where subliminal cues led to prosocial actions (though these findings have faced replication challenges).^[28] Similarly, in habit formation, unconscious intentions cued by context underscore their implicit nature. From a rationality perspective, conscious intentions often align with Bayesian decision theory principles, where rational agents update intentions to maximize expected utility based on probabilistic beliefs about outcomes, ensuring coherence by treating intentions as commitments that filter future options. Unconscious intentions may deviate from this ideal, as they bypass explicit probabilistic reasoning, yet they can still contribute to effective agency when aligned with learned values, as in habitual routines that efficiently pursue long-term goals without constant deliberation.^[29]

Formation and Maintenance of Intentions

Processes of Intention Formation

The formation of intentions typically involves a deliberative process in which individuals weigh available options, evaluate their consequences based on relevant beliefs and desires, and ultimately settle on a plan of action that commits them to future conduct. This process, as articulated by philosopher Michael Bratman, serves to terminate practical deliberation once an intention is adopted, thereby providing stability and coordination to ongoing agency without requiring exhaustive reasoning at every step. Bratman's planning theory emphasizes that intentions function as partial plans, guiding behavior over time by filtering subsequent decisions and ensuring consistency across actions. Intentions are often triggered by a combination of internal states, such as desires and beliefs, and external cues that prompt reflection on potential actions. Desires represent motivational pulls toward certain outcomes, while beliefs supply information about how those outcomes might be achieved; together, they initiate the deliberative sequence leading to intentional commitment. Volition plays a crucial role in this commitment, marking the agent's endorsement of the plan as binding, which distinguishes mere desires from actionable intentions and fosters self-governance. External cues, like environmental prompts or social influences, can accelerate this process by highlighting opportunities or constraints, thereby integrating situational context into the formation dynamic.^[30] One influential model of intention formation is the hierarchical approach, where distal intentions—abstract, long-term commitments—generate more specific proximal intentions that guide immediate actions. This structure allows for flexible planning, as higher-level intentions constrain and inform lower-level ones without dictating every detail. Empirically, neuroscientific studies reveal correlates in brain activity during these decision points, including activation in the prefrontal cortex associated with evaluating options and forming commitments. For instance, frontal-polar negativity has been observed during the encoding of delayed intentions, reflecting the cognitive effort in settling on a plan.^[31] Classic experiments, such as those by Benjamin Libet, further highlight volitional aspects by showing that a readiness potential in motor areas precedes conscious intention reports, suggesting unconscious preparatory processes contribute to the onset of deliberate commitment, though conscious deliberation refines the final adoption.

Psychological Roles and Functions

Intentions serve several key psychological functions in guiding cognition and behavior. One primary role is directing attention toward goal-relevant stimuli while filtering out distractions, as intentions activate neural processes that prioritize information aligned with planned actions.^[32] For instance, forming an intention to perform a specific task enhances selective attention to cues associated with that task, facilitating efficient processing in complex environments.^[33] Intentions also function to inhibit consideration of alternative actions, thereby shielding ongoing goal pursuit from competing impulses. Research demonstrates that adopting a focal intention suppresses the activation of unrelated goals, reducing cognitive interference and promoting persistence toward the intended outcome.^[34] This inhibitory mechanism helps maintain focus amid environmental temptations or internal conflicts. In social contexts, intentions enable coordination among individuals during joint actions, where shared intentions align plans and behaviors for collective goals. According to Bratman's framework, shared intentions involve mutual responsiveness to each other's commitments, supporting interdependent activities like collaborative problem-solving without requiring a collective mind.^[35] This coordination fosters efficient teamwork by meshing individual intentions into a coherent joint plan.^[36] Intentions play a crucial role in self-regulation by acting as binding commitments that automate behavior and reduce cognitive load. Gollwitzer's concept of implementation intentions—specific "if-then" plans linking situational cues to responses—strengthens goal attainment by delegating control from effortful deliberation to automatic processes, such as immediate action upon cue detection.^[37] These plans enhance self-regulation by shielding priorities from distractions and ensuring timely initiation of actions, particularly under stress or uncertainty.^[38] Empirical evidence underscores intentions' superior predictive power for behavior compared to mere desires. A meta-analysis of prior studies found that intentions account for approximately 27% of variance in behavioral outcomes, outperforming desire-based predictions by bridging motivational intent with actual performance through commitment and planning.^[39] This relation holds across diverse domains, including health behaviors and academic pursuits, where stable intentions reliably translate into action. Pathological disruptions highlight intentions' psychological significance. In schizophrenia, deficits in activating and retrieving intentions impair prospective memory and goal-directed planning, leading to disorganized behavior and reduced functional independence.^[40] Patients exhibit specific failures in cue-based intention retrieval, exacerbating everyday challenges like medication adherence.^[41] Similarly, in obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), impairments in goal-directed control undermine intention formation and maintenance, resulting in habitual overreliance on compulsive routines rather than flexible, intentional actions.^[42] These deficits contribute to persistent avoidance of uncertainty and inflated responsibility perceptions, core features of the disorder.^[43]

Philosophical Theories of Intention

Belief-Desire Theory

The belief-desire theory posits that an intention to perform an action A arises from a combination of a desire for some outcome and a belief that A will achieve or contribute to that outcome. This view, originally articulated by Donald Davidson, treats the "primary reason" for intentional action as a pair consisting of a pro-attitude (such as a desire) toward an outcome and a belief connecting the action to that outcome.^[44] In this framework, desires supply the motivational force directing the agent toward the desired state, while beliefs provide the cognitive map linking specific actions to the realization of those desires, resulting in intention as their conjunctive product.^[45] Davidson later refined the theory to emphasize that intentions involve an "all-out" judgment of desirability, where the agent unconditionally believes the action to be possible and preferable, distinguishing intention from mere prima facie evaluations. This accounts for intention as a committed state that guides action, unifying explanations of both present intentional conduct and future-directed plans. A variant within the theory addresses conditional intentions, where the agent's commitment to A depends on updated beliefs about achievability; Davidson distinguished these from unconditional intentions to handle cases of uncertainty or revised information, such as intending to attend an event only if weather permits. Critics argue that the theory fails to capture intentions not grounded in personal desires, such as those arising from promises or obligations, where an agent may intend an action despite lacking a corresponding desire for its outcome.^[46] Additionally, it overemphasizes causal relations between beliefs and desires, neglecting the distinctive stability and planning role of intentions, as Bratman contends, since equivalent options may rationally coexist without yielding intention.^[47] These shortcomings highlight limitations in reducing intention solely to motivational and epistemic components.

Evaluation and Strongest-Desire Theories

Evaluation theories of intention posit that forming an intention arises from a deliberative process of weighing and ranking alternatives based on moral, prudential, or rational considerations, culminating in an unconditional judgment that a particular action is desirable all things considered. More analytically, Donald Davidson formalized this in his account of intention as an "all-out, unconditional judgment of desirability," where the agent evaluates options holistically and settles on one as optimal, integrating beliefs about means and ends.^[1] Strongest-desire theories, rooted in the Humean tradition, construe intention as the expression of the agent's most dominant desire, conditional on their beliefs about how to achieve it, such that one intends precisely what one most wants under the circumstances. David Hume's motivational psychology underpins this view, arguing that actions and intentions stem from passions (desires) rather than reason alone, with the strongest passion prevailing to direct conduct. Harry Frankfurt extended this through his hierarchical model of desires, distinguishing first-order desires (immediate wants) from second-order volitions (desires about which first-order desires to endorse), positing that genuine intentions align with those higher-order desires the agent identifies with as their will. In this framework, absent akrasia or weakness of will, intention defaults to the strongest relevant desire, as it motivates without internal conflict, enabling coherent planning.^[48] These theories share the idea that evaluation or desire strength involves ranking alternatives: in evaluation accounts, through explicit prudential or moral deliberation to identify the best option; in strongest-desire views, implicitly via motivational force, where desires are compared by their intensity or endorsement level. Without akrasia—acting against one's evaluated best or strongest desire—these processes yield stable intentions that guide action. For instance, one might intend to exercise by weighing long-term health benefits against immediate discomfort, or by endorsing a higher desire for self-improvement over fleeting pleasure.^[49]^[50] Critics argue that both theories fail to capture intention's distinctive commitment, which persists beyond fluctuating desires or evaluations. Michael Bratman contends that intentions impose conduct-controlling obligations not reducible to desire strength, as agents can intend actions despite weaker desires, such as fulfilling a duty when a stronger impulse urges otherwise, thereby enabling long-term planning without constant re-evaluation. This oversight is evident in cases of resolution or anti-akratic resolve, where intention binds the agent independently of momentary motivational pull. Davidson's evaluative judgment, meanwhile, struggles with decisions under parity of reasons, where no option clearly outweighs others, yet intentions form to resolve deliberation. Thus, these theories undervalue intention's self-referential stability.^[1]

Action-Oriented and Self-Referential Theories

Action-oriented theories of intention emphasize that intentions are not distinct mental states preceding or causing actions but are inherently embedded within the actions themselves. G.E.M. Anscombe, in her seminal work Intention, argues that intending to perform an action A is equivalent to performing A intentionally, rejecting the idea of intention as a separate psychological entity observable independently of the action.^[9] This view portrays intention as "doing" rather than merely planning or desiring, where the agent's practical knowledge of what they are doing unifies the action under its intentional description.^[9] For instance, an action like pumping water may be intentional under the description "pumping" but unintentional under "poisoning the water supply" if the agent lacks awareness of the latter effect, highlighting how intentionality depends on the descriptive context rather than an isolated mental attitude.^[51] Anscombe's approach resolves traditional puzzles in action theory by prioritizing the embedded nature of intention in ongoing activity, avoiding the need to posit intentions as causes that bridge mental states and bodily movements.^[9] This embedding ensures that intentions exhibit non-observational knowledge, where the agent grasps their action through its intentional form without external evidence.^[9] In contrast, self-referential theories, particularly Michael Bratman's planning theory, treat intentions as stable, self-reinforcing plans that refer to themselves to maintain coherence over time. Bratman posits that intentions function as conduct-controlling commitments within partial plans, enabling coordination of actions across temporal horizons and with others. Central to this is the self-referential structure: to intend an action A involves a commitment not only to A but also to intending A, creating a reflexive loop that resists arbitrary reconsideration and supports rational stability. This loop resolves practical reasoning by filtering options through plan-consistent means-end connections, preventing exhaustive re-evaluation at every step and allowing agents to conduct complex, long-term projects. Bratman's framework explains phenomena like regrets over non-executed intentions not as simple losses of desire but as failures in plan maintenance or coordination, where the self-referential commitment highlights disruptions in the agent's self-governance. For example, abandoning a prior intention due to new information may rationally occur, but persistent adherence to the self-referential plan underscores intention's role in preserving autonomy and avoiding decisional paralysis.

Inferring Intentions in Others

Developmental Psychology of Intention Recognition

The developmental psychology of intention recognition examines how infants and young children progressively acquire the ability to infer others' goals and mental states from observed actions and cues. In infancy, this process begins with basic sensitivities to goal-directed behavior, evolving into more sophisticated understandings of intentional communication by toddlerhood. Research highlights key milestones tied to social-cognitive maturation, such as joint attention and theory of mind (ToM), which underpin the recognition of intentions as distinct from mere physical movements.^[52] During the first year of life, infants demonstrate early precursors to intention recognition through their perception of goal-directed actions. As young as 6 months, infants can interpret unfamiliar human actions as goal-directed, particularly when actions involve equifinal variations—multiple paths to the same outcome—indicating an understanding that actions are oriented toward specific ends rather than random motions.^[53] By 9 months, this ability strengthens, with infants selectively encoding the goal object in an actor's reach, such as prioritizing the target of a hand movement over the path taken, suggesting they represent actions as intentionally directed toward objects. Around 12 months, these sensitivities extend to precursors of false-belief understanding, where infants' attention to intentional actions—such as an agent pursuing a clear goal—predicts later ToM performance, linking early action perception to mental state attribution.^[54] Gestures and eye movements play crucial roles in this early development, facilitating the inference of communicative intentions between 9 and 12 months. Infants at this age begin producing and responding to deictic gestures, like pointing, which serve to direct attention and convey referential intent; for instance, 12-month-olds follow a caregiver's point to an object, interpreting it as an invitation to share focus on that referent, a foundational step in understanding others' goals.^[55] Similarly, gaze tracking emerges as a mechanism for ascribing intentions, with infants around 9 months shifting their attention in response to an adult's eye direction, using it to infer where the adult intends to direct focus or action.^[56] These skills reflect an emerging grasp of joint attention, where infants not only follow but also anticipate intentions based on subtle social cues.^[57] In early childhood, between 3 and 5 years, intention recognition matures into full ToM, enabling children to attribute false beliefs and complex intentions to others. A seminal demonstration is the Sally-Anne test, where typically developing 4- to 5-year-olds correctly predict that Sally will search for a marble in her original basket (based on her false belief) rather than its relocated spot, indicating they understand intentions shaped by mental states independent of reality.^[58] This milestone builds on infant foundations, as failures in earlier false-belief precursors correlate with delays in ToM emergence, underscoring a continuous developmental trajectory from goal perception to mentalistic inference.^[59]

Biological Motion and Simulation Approaches

One of the foundational demonstrations of perceiving intention from motion comes from Heider and Simmel's 1944 experiment, in which participants viewed a short animation of simple geometric shapes—a large triangle, a smaller triangle, and a circle—moving in coordinated patterns. Observers consistently interpreted these abstract movements as depicting social interactions, such as bullying, befriending, or rejection, attributing emotions and intentions like anger or surprise to the shapes despite their lack of facial or verbal cues.^[60] This tendency to anthropomorphize motion highlights an innate human capacity to infer agency and purpose from dynamic visual patterns alone. Building on this, research into biological motion has shown that even highly abstracted depictions, such as point-light displays, elicit perceptions of intentional action. In these stimuli, small lights are attached to major joints of a human body in motion, with the rest obscured; viewers rapidly identify actions like walking or dancing and infer underlying goals, such as approaching or avoiding.^[61] Gunnar Johansson's 1973 work established that such displays are sufficient for recognizing biological motion within 200-300 milliseconds, and subsequent studies confirm that kinematic cues, like acceleration toward a goal, enable accurate intention ascription across cultures.^[61] For instance, adults distinguish intentional from accidental reaches in point-light animations with 75% accuracy, relying on subtle trajectory deviations that signal purpose.^[62] Neuroimaging evidence implicates specific brain regions in this process of intention inference from movement. The superior temporal sulcus (STS) activates during the perception of biological motion, particularly when actions imply social goals, such as gaze shifts or gesturing toward objects, distinguishing intentional from non-intentional kinematics.^[63] Adjacent to this, the temporoparietal junction (TPJ), especially in the right hemisphere, engages for higher-level goal attribution, integrating motion cues with contextual predictions about others' aims; functional MRI (fMRI) studies show stronger TPJ responses to goal-directed biological motion compared to random or mechanical movements.^[64] These activations suggest a network specialized for decoding agency from sparse visual input, with the posterior STS processing low-level motion detection and the TPJ handling abstract intentionality. A prominent framework for explaining these mechanisms is simulation theory, which posits that intention understanding arises from covertly mirroring or "simulating" the mental states of others in one's own mind, rather than applying abstract theoretical rules as in theory-theory. Alvin Goldman's 2006 formulation argues that observers predict intentions by imagining themselves in the actor's situation, using personal cognitive machinery to replicate processes like desire formation or goal planning.^[65] Supporting evidence from fMRI includes activations in the mirror neuron system—encompassing premotor cortex and inferior parietal lobule—during tasks requiring empathy or intention prediction from observed actions, where simulated self-experience correlates with accurate other-understanding.^[66] For example, when viewing empathetic scenarios in biological motion, participants exhibit overlapping neural patterns in insula and anterior cingulate cortex, consistent with low-level motor and emotional simulation facilitating goal inference.^[67] Despite its empirical support, simulation theory faces critiques for overemphasizing self-projection, potentially leading to egocentric errors in mindreading. Studies indicate that reliance on personal mental states can bias intention ascription, such as over-attributing one's own preferences to others in ambiguous motion scenarios, undermining universality across diverse perspectives.^[68] This limitation suggests simulation may complement, rather than fully replace, rule-based inference in complex social contexts.

Legal and Ethical Applications

Intention in Criminal Law

In criminal law, intention forms a cornerstone of mens rea, the mental element that establishes culpability for many offenses, requiring proof that the defendant acted with a purposeful state of mind toward the prohibited result or conduct. Direct intention, also known as specific or purposive intention, occurs when the defendant's conscious objective is to cause the particular harm or result, such as aiming to kill a victim in a murder charge.^[69] In contrast, oblique intention arises when the defendant does not specifically desire the outcome but foresees it as a virtual or practical certainty as a consequence of their actions, thereby imputing intent despite the absence of primary purpose.^[70] The Model Penal Code (MPC) § 2.02 formalizes this distinction in American jurisdictions, defining "purposely" as acting with the conscious object to cause a result, while "knowingly" encompasses awareness that one's conduct is practically certain to produce that result, treating the latter as a form of intentional culpability for result-oriented elements.^[71] Key doctrines illustrate how intention operates beyond the defendant's primary target. The transferred intent doctrine applies when a defendant intends to harm one person but causes the intended harm to another instead; for instance, if a perpetrator shoots at Victim A with murderous intent but strikes Victim B, the intent transfers, supporting liability for the same offense against the unintended victim.^[72] Recklessness serves as a lower mens rea threshold than intention, involving conscious disregard of a substantial and unjustifiable risk of harm, which suffices for lesser offenses like manslaughter but not for those requiring full intent, such as murder.^[73] This hierarchy ensures that intention denotes a higher degree of moral blameworthiness, reserving severe penalties for purposeful wrongdoing. English common law has evolved to refine oblique intention through landmark cases, shifting from vague foreseeability standards to more precise jury guidance. In R v Woollin 1 AC 82, the House of Lords endorsed a direction where juries may infer intention if they are sure that death or serious bodily harm was a virtual certainty from the defendant's actions and that the defendant appreciated this certainty, building on earlier precedents like R v Nedrick 1 WLR 1025 to clarify foresight as evidence of intent rather than a separate category.^[70] Historically, common law intention developed from medieval strict liability regimes, where fault was often presumed, toward 19th-century recognition of subjective mens rea, influenced by cases emphasizing willful conduct over mere accident, culminating in modern formulations that prioritize the defendant's foresight of consequences.^[74] A critical distinction in criminal law separates intention from motive, with the latter deemed irrelevant to establishing liability unless the offense definition explicitly incorporates it. Intention focuses on the defendant's aim regarding the act and its results, proving the required mental state for conviction, whereas motive—the underlying reason or emotional drive, such as revenge—may explain behavior but does not alter culpability; for example, a killing with noble motive still constitutes murder if intentional.^[75] This principle upholds objective assessment of guilt based on foreseeable outcomes rather than subjective justifications.

Intention and Moral Responsibility

In ethical theories emphasizing deontology, intention serves as a cornerstone for attributing moral responsibility, as actions derive their moral worth from the agent's underlying principles rather than their outcomes. Immanuel Kant, in his deontological framework, argues that moral responsibility requires acting from a good will, where the intention aligns with the categorical imperative, particularly the formula of humanity that mandates treating persons as ends in themselves rather than mere means.^[76] This view posits that only intentional actions guided by respect for rational autonomy can ground praise or blame, distinguishing morally responsible conduct from mere inclination-driven behavior.^[76] The doctrine of double effect further illustrates intention's pivotal role in moral evaluation by differentiating between intended harms and merely foreseen ones. Originating in Thomas Aquinas's natural law tradition and refined in modern ethics, the doctrine permits actions that produce both good and bad effects if the bad effect is not intended but only foreseen as a side effect, provided the good effect outweighs the harm and no better alternative exists.^[77] For instance, in a wartime scenario, bombing a military target to prevent greater casualties may be morally permissible if civilian deaths are foreseen but not intended, whereas deliberately targeting civilians would violate responsibility due to the malevolent intention.^[77] Debates over intention's centrality in moral responsibility often pit consequentialist theories against deontological ones. Consequentialism, such as utilitarianism, evaluates actions primarily by their outcomes, downplaying intention unless it predictably affects overall welfare, thus attributing responsibility based on results rather than motives.^[78] In contrast, deontology insists that intention is essential, as intending wrongdoing inherently undermines moral agency regardless of beneficial consequences.^[78] T.M. Scanlon's contractualist approach bridges these views by framing blame as a response to an agent's failure to show recognition respect in their intentions toward others, thereby tying responsibility to the relational impact of deliberate choices rather than isolated outcomes.^[79] Illustrative examples highlight these distinctions: in self-defense, intentionally harming an aggressor to protect one's life is often deemed morally responsible and justifiable, as the intention serves a defensible end without treating others as mere means.^[76] Conversely, accidental harm, such as unintentionally injuring a bystander during a lawful act, incurs lesser or no moral blame because the absence of intention precludes the willful disregard for others' dignity.^[77]

Relations to Cognitions and Actions

Links to Beliefs and Desires

In the philosophy of action, intentions are often understood within a tripartite model of the mind that distinguishes beliefs as representations of factual states of affairs, desires as motivational states directing attention toward preferred outcomes, and intentions as committed plans that integrate the two to guide future conduct. This framework, central to the belief-desire-intention (BDI) model, posits that intentions serve as a distinct category beyond mere desires, involving a conditional commitment to act under relevant beliefs about means and possibilities. Michael Bratman developed this model to explain how intentions enable long-term planning and coordination, differing from desires by imposing constraints on future deliberation. Intentions emerge from the interaction of beliefs and desires, where beliefs act as filters that assess the feasibility and instrumental value of desires, often blocking intention formation if an outcome is deemed impossible or inconsistent. For instance, a desire to achieve a goal may fail to yield an intention if beliefs indicate insurmountable obstacles, such as physical impossibility or conflicting commitments. This filtering process ensures rational coherence in practical reasoning. Donald Davidson emphasized the causal role of such interactions, arguing that intentional actions arise from a primary reason comprising a belief-desire pair, embedded in a holistic web of interconnected mental states where the content of any single belief or desire depends on its relations to the entire network. Psychological evidence supports these dynamics through dual-process theories, which describe intention formation as involving reflective System 2 processes that deliberate on beliefs and desires, contrasting with automatic System 1 impulses; for example, the Theory of Planned Behavior empirically demonstrates how behavioral beliefs shape attitudes (desire-like evaluations) and perceived control to predict intentions.90020-T) Imbalances between these elements highlight their distinct roles. Intention without desire can occur in duty-bound scenarios, such as acting out of moral obligation despite personal reluctance, where volition stems from normative beliefs rather than motivational pull. Conversely, desire without intention characterizes wishful thinking, where strong motivational states exist but lack the belief-supported commitment needed for planning, leading to inaction or akrasia (weakness of will). These cases underscore how intentions require both motivational and cognitive alignment for effective agency.

Intention in Relation to Action

In philosophy of action, intentions are often regarded as partial causes of deliberate actions, serving to rationalize and explain why an agent performs a particular deed. Donald Davidson, in his seminal work, posited that a primary reason for an action—comprising a belief and a pro-attitude such as a desire—functions as both the rationalization and the cause of that action, with the intention embodying this causal structure to bridge mental states and overt behavior.^[80] However, intentions are not sufficient conditions for action; they can be derailed by intervening factors, such as distractions, forgetfulness, or changes in circumstances, leading to what are termed "side-tracked intentions" where the agent fails to execute the planned course despite the initial commitment.^[1] A classic puzzle illustrating the complex relation between intention and action is Gregory Kavka's "toxin puzzle," which challenges the necessity of an ongoing desire for the intended act. In this thought experiment, an agent is offered a substantial reward—$10 million—if they form the intention to drink a toxin tomorrow at noon, with no requirement to actually drink it; a brain scan will verify the intention. Yet, upon successfully forming the intention, the rational agent's desire to drink the toxin evaporates, as the act would cause intense but non-lethal suffering, raising the question of whether genuine intention is possible without a corresponding desire to perform the action.^[81] This puzzle highlights a potential dissociation between intending an action and motivational states, suggesting that intentions may involve commitments that outlast transient desires. In social psychology, the theory of reasoned action provides an empirical framework for understanding how intentions influence behavior, positing that behavioral intentions are the immediate determinants of actions, shaped by an individual's attitude toward the behavior (evaluations of its outcomes) and subjective norms (perceived social pressures to perform or not perform it). Developed by Martin Fishbein and Icek Ajzen, this model emphasizes that intentions mediate the effects of attitudes and norms on actual conduct, offering predictive power in domains like health behaviors and consumer choices.^[82] Despite these links, significant gaps exist between intentions and actions, as evidenced by intention-behavior discrepancy studies. Meta-analyses reveal that intentions account for only about 27% to 39% of the variance in subsequent behavior, implying a failure rate where 20-30% or more of intended actions do not occur due to factors like lack of self-regulatory resources or environmental barriers.^[39]

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