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Jose Calida

Jose Callangan Calida (born July 7, 1950) is a Filipino lawyer and former high-ranking government official who served as Solicitor General of the Philippines from June 30, 2016, to June 30, 2022, under President Rodrigo Duterte. In this role, he represented the Republic in Supreme Court cases, including successful quo warranto proceedings against then-Chief Justice Maria Lourdes Sereno. Appointed by President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. as Chairperson of the Commission on Audit in June 2022, Calida assumed office in July but resigned in October of that year. A graduate of College of Law (, 1973), Calida built a career in private practice and public service, including as Undersecretary of Justice and of the Dangerous Drugs Board prior to his appointment. His tenure drew scrutiny over potential conflicts of interest, as his family's Vigilant Investigative and secured government contracts worth hundreds of millions of pesos while he held office, prompting graft complaints that he denied, asserting compliance with requirements. Calida, a longtime Duterte ally dating back to the , also advocated for the burial of former President Sr. at the .

Early Life and Education

Early Life and Family

Jose Callangan Calida was born on July 7, 1950, in Nuevo Iloco, (now , ), . He was the only child of public school teachers who originated from and migrated to the , where they settled and raised their family. This relocation reflected broader patterns of in post-World War II , driven by opportunities in developing frontier areas like .

Academic Background

Jose Calida earned a degree in English from in 1969. He subsequently studied law at School of Law, where he was a consistent Dean's lister, and graduated with a degree in 1973. Calida passed the in 1973, attaining a rating of 100% in , 90% in , and 90% in Taxation Law. This educational progression from to legal training equipped him with analytical skills applicable to interpreting statutes and constitutional provisions, laying the foundation for his subsequent advocacy of rule-of- principles in public service.

Private Practice and Local Roles

After graduating from College of Law and passing the bar, Calida returned to in to establish his private legal practice. He organized the J. Calida and Associates , where he handled a range of cases including civil, criminal, and corporate matters typical of regional practice in the area. This firm served clients in Davao, focusing on dispute resolution and contractual agreements amid the local business environment. In addition to his firm, Calida took on advisory roles for businesses in , notably as Chief Legal Counsel and Corporate Secretary for the Alcantara & Sons Group of Companies, where he provided expertise in and legal compliance. He also served as Assistant Vice President for Legal Affairs in related capacities, honing skills in contract negotiation and risk management for industrial and commercial entities in . These positions built his reputation in local prior to any national government involvement. Calida demonstrated early interest in governance reform by co-founding the Citizens' Battle Against party-list group in the mid-1990s, serving as its by 1997. This initiative advocated for and in local institutions, predating his formal roles and reflecting a focus on combating graft at the community level through legal and civic means.

Government Service

City Government of Davao Positions

Jose Calida maintained a private legal practice through his firm, J. Calida & Associates, based in , during Rodrigo Duterte's mayoral terms in from 2001 to 2010 and 2013 to 2016. Although he held no formal position in the city government, Calida's longstanding friendship with Duterte—originating in the late amid Davao's legal and prosecutorial circles—aligned him closely with the administration's emphasis on stringent . Duterte endorsed Calida for the position in 2011, underscoring this rapport during a period when Davao prioritized aggressive anti-crime and anti-drug measures. Calida also taught law at , influencing the local legal community that underpinned the city's governance model of decisive ordinance enforcement against criminal elements. This environment facilitated Davao City's reported shift toward enhanced public order, with residents crediting Duterte's proactive strategies for converting the city from a reputedly dangerous hub in prior decades to a safer urban center by the mid-2010s. Philippine National Police statistics indicated low index crime volumes, contributing to Davao's reputation for relative safety amid national urban challenges. However, subsequent disclosures by a former regional police director in 2024 alleged manipulation of crime records in Davao to understate rates, raising questions about the verifiability of historical data despite observed improvements in public perception and enforcement outcomes. Calida's proximity to these dynamics foreshadowed his national defense of similar rigorous approaches, reflecting a consistent advocacy for causal enforcement prioritizing deterrence over procedural leniency.

Solicitor General Tenure (2016–2022)

Jose Calida was appointed as the 48th by President in July 2016, shortly after Duterte's inauguration on June 30. In this role, he served as the principal law officer and legal defender of the Republic, leading the Office of the Solicitor General (OSG) in representing the government's interests in cases, lower courts, administrative tribunals, and international forums. The OSG under Calida handled appeals from government agencies, defended executive actions against constitutional challenges, and provided legal advice to ensure uniformity in the government's litigious positions. Calida's tenure coincided with an surge in high-stakes litigation, as the OSG navigated legal scrutiny over the Duterte administration's aggressive anti-drug campaign, which prompted numerous petitions questioning its and . Additionally, the office managed defenses related to constitutional reform initiatives aimed at transitioning the unitary system toward , including responses to challenges against proposed charter changes. These efforts required the OSG to assert and policy rationales in court, amid a broadened caseload that tested the office's resources and strategic focus. Calida resigned from the position on June 30, 2022, concluding a six-year term at the end of Duterte's presidency and coinciding with the transition to the incoming administration under President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. This departure occurred against a backdrop of evolving political priorities, including the completion of key policy pushes like the drug war and advocacy, allowing for a amid preparations for new structures.

Commission on Audit Chairmanship (2022)

Jose Calida was appointed by President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. as Chairperson of the Commission on Audit (COA) on June 29, 2022, succeeding Rizalina Justol-Narlo. He formally assumed office on July 4, 2022, at the COA central office in Quezon City, where he was welcomed by agency officials. In this role, Calida led the independent constitutional body responsible for examining and auditing the revenue and receipts of the government, its agencies, and instrumentalities, including units, to promote fiscal accountability and prevent irregularities in public spending. His appointment came amid expectations for enhanced oversight of government expenditures under the new administration, though specific initiatives launched during his brief tenure were not publicly detailed. Calida's chairmanship ended abruptly on October 4, 2022, when he tendered his resignation, which was accepted by President Marcos Jr. Executive Secretary confirmed the resignation but declined to elaborate on the reasons, stating they were personal to Calida. The short duration of his leadership—spanning less than three months—limited opportunities for substantive auditing reforms or probes into prior administrations' expenditures. He was subsequently replaced by as acting chairperson.

Special Counsel to the President

Jose Calida resigned as Chairperson of the Commission on Audit on October 4, 2022, less than three months after assuming the position on July 4, 2022. President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. accepted the resignation, with no official reasons provided by Calida or Malacañang. Gamaliel Cordoba was appointed as his replacement. No verifiable appointment of Calida as to the followed this resignation, despite expectations of continuity in providing on presidential initiatives, such as recoveries of ill-gotten wealth from crony assets accumulated during past regimes. Efforts to transfer functions of the (PCGG) to the Office of the occurred during Calida's prior tenure as (2016–2022), including legislative pushes in 2018 to abolish the PCGG and integrate its responsibilities into the OSG for streamlined prosecution. These initiatives aimed at efficiency but faced criticism for potential conflicts given Calida's support for interests. As of October 2025, Calida holds no formal government position equivalent to , with his influence limited to non-official commentary in conservative legal networks rather than direct advisory roles under the administration.

Defense of Anti-Drug Campaign and

As , Jose Calida defended the Philippine government's anti-drug campaign in proceedings against petitions seeking to declare it unconstitutional, arguing in November 2017 that the challengers failed to provide evidence of systematic extrajudicial killings and that no presidential directive authorized such actions. Calida urged the to dismiss the cases, contending they lacked factual basis, relied on , and suffered procedural defects, thereby allowing operations under Oplan to continue without judicial interruption. He further resisted petitioners' demands for comprehensive records on killings, invoking concerns and asserting that challengers had no legal entitlement to such documents, a stance that delayed compliance despite eventual orders for partial disclosure. Calida's arguments emphasized empirical outcomes of the campaign, citing data showing over 193,000 arrests from anti-drug operations between June 2016 and July 2019, alongside significant drug seizures that disrupted supply networks. Official statistics indicated that by 2020, the campaign had accounted for approximately 1.2 million drug personalities through arrests, surrenders, and voluntary submissions, correlating with a reported decline in index crimes such as robbery and homicide, as tracked by the . These figures, drawn from government agencies like the , were presented to counter narratives of unchecked , with Calida highlighting that verified police-involved deaths numbered around 6,200 as of late 2021, far below estimates from human rights groups that included unverified vigilante killings. In response to international scrutiny, including preliminary examinations by the into alleged , Calida maintained that the ' withdrawal from the in March 2019 precluded jurisdiction, prioritizing national sovereignty and the state's duty to protect public safety from drug-related threats over external humanitarian critiques. He framed the campaign as a necessary response to a narcotics eroding , rooted in the causal link between drug proliferation and elevated rates prior to 2016, thereby justifying robust domestic over deference to supranational bodies. These defenses sustained the policy's legal framework, as the did not halt operations and subsequent administrations continued similar enforcement, underscoring the campaign's alignment with constitutional imperatives for public welfare.

Quo Warranto Petitions and Judicial Interventions

Solicitor General filed a petition on March 5, 2018, before the , seeking to declare void the appointment of on grounds of ineligibility due to her failure to file required Statements of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALNs) for multiple years prior to her 2012 appointment. The petition, docketed as G.R. No. 237428 and titled Republic of the v. Maria Lourdes P. A. Sereno, contended that Sereno's omission violated the constitutional mandate under Article VIII, Section 7(3) requiring officers to possess integrity, as her non-submission of at least eight SALNs demonstrated a lack of probity essential for judicial eligibility. Calida's arguments emphasized that served as an original extraordinary remedy under Rule 66 of the Rules of Court to enforce public accountability, independent of proceedings, by directly challenging an official's title to office based on constitutional qualifications rather than political processes. Oral arguments on the occurred on and 17, 2018, where Calida asserted that Sereno's deliberate non-compliance eroded in the , invoking principles of constitutional fidelity over procedural hurdles like the one-year filing limit, which the claimed did not apply to the state's inherent interest in officeholders' qualifications. The , in a landmark 8-6 decision promulgated on May 11, 2018, granted the , ruling Sereno never legally assumed the position due to her ineligibility and ordering her perpetual disqualification from holding public office. Justices voting in favor included Teresita Leonardo-de Castro, , , Francis Villarama Jr., Andres Reyes Jr., Jose Cancio Garcia Jr., , and Noel Tijam, while the minority argued procedural infirmities. The Sereno ruling established quo warranto as a viable mechanism for the solicitor general to contest the legitimacy of appointive public officials, particularly in the judiciary, where eligibility flaws undermine institutional trust, thereby prioritizing constitutional prerequisites over impeachment's political dynamics. Calida subsequently referenced this precedent in advocating accountability for other officials, underscoring quo warranto's role in countering entrenched ineligibility without reliance on legislative or political remedies, though applications remained selective to cases of clear constitutional breaches. This approach reinforced the state's sovereign authority to safeguard public offices from unqualified occupants, aligning with the judiciary's mandate for integrity as a baseline for public service.

Media Franchise Challenges

In February 2020, Jose Calida filed a petition with the against and its subsidiary ABS-CBN Convergence Inc., seeking to permanently void their congressional franchise to operate broadcasting facilities. The petition alleged multiple violations of the 1987 Philippine Constitution's 60-40 ownership rule for entities, claiming ABS-CBN circumvented restrictions by issuing Philippine Depositary Receipts (PDRs) to foreign investors, which effectively allowed non-Filipinos to exert control over at least 26.5% of voting shares through underlying preferred shares. Calida further accused the network of monopolistic practices, including the unauthorized acquisition of franchises from smaller broadcasters and the launch of a service without regulatory approval, arguing these constituted grave abuse that forfeited the privilege of franchise, distinct from an inherent to free expression. The in question, Republic Act No. 7832 enacted in 1995, authorized operations until May 4, 2020, but Calida's action preceded its expiration, emphasizing enforcement of statutory compliance over unqualified press freedoms. countered that PDRs represented economic interests without ownership or voting rights, thus complying with legal limits, and described the petition as ill-timed political interference. On June 23, 2020, the dismissed the case as moot and academic after the denied franchise renewal on July 10, 2020, resulting in 's terrestrial broadcast shutdown despite provisional operations. The Court did not resolve the substantive allegations of franchise breaches. Calida's office similarly pursued regulatory challenges against , supporting the Securities and Exchange Commission's 2018 order to revoke the firm's for violating caps through investments structured via Mauritius-based entities, which allegedly enabled indirect foreign control exceeding constitutional thresholds. These actions underscored a pattern of invoking and administrative remedies to address empirical non-compliance with statutes, prioritizing the conditional nature of legislative franchises—granted by and subject to revocation for material violations—over absolutist interpretations of protections.

Controversies and Criticisms

Conflict of Interest Allegations

Solicitor General Jose Calida faced allegations of conflict of interest due to contracts awarded to Vigilant Investigative and Security Agency Inc. (VISAI), a firm owned by his family, with various government agencies following his appointment in 2016. VISAI secured at least P150.815 million in contracts from six agencies, including the Department of Justice, between August 2016 and January 2018, with reports later indicating totals exceeding P270 million across 14 contracts. Critics argued that Calida's role as the government's chief legal officer created an inherent conflict, given his oversight of agencies like the DOJ that contracted VISAI for security services, potentially influencing impartiality in legal representations involving public funds. Calida resigned as VISAI's chairman and president on May 30, 2016, prior to assuming the position on June 30, 2016, but retained substantial ownership shares alongside his wife, asserting no legal requirement to divest equity as he no longer managed operations. He defended the contracts as resulting from competitive public bidding processes, emphasizing VISAI's independence under family members and denying any personal intervention, with the Department of Justice and Malacañang echoing that no direct conflict existed under Republic Act No. 6713. Opponents, including senators, countered that indirect familial ties and non-divestment created an appearance of impropriety, urging resignation despite the lack of evidence for rigged bids. The Office of the Ombudsman initiated a fact-finding investigation into the contracts in June 2018, prompted by graft complaints alleging violations of anti-graft laws, but no formal charges were filed, with probes focusing on documentation rather than yielding conclusive evidence of wrongdoing. VISAI continued securing deals, including an additional P78 million before full divestment by the Calida family in mid-2019, after which no further allegations tied to ongoing ownership surfaced. Calida maintained that such divestment was precautionary, not obligatory, rejecting nepotism claims as politically motivated absent proof of undue influence.

Accusations of Weaponizing the Justice System

Critics, primarily from opposition figures and advocates aligned with left-leaning groups, have accused Jose Calida of weaponizing the justice system to target political opponents of President , particularly through of drug-related and charges. Senator alleged that Calida's push for her arrest on conspiracy to sell illegal drugs charges in February 2017 was a for her criticism of the administration's anti-drug campaign, claiming it suppressed investigations into drug war killings rather than addressing genuine criminal ties. Similarly, Senator IV accused Calida in 2018 of seeking to revoke his 2010 amnesty for past offenses—stemming from the 2007 Peninsula Hotel siege and earlier mutinies—to derail a probe into Calida's family security firm's government contracts, framing it as retaliation against Duterte critics. These claims portray Calida's Office of the (OSG) actions as , leveraging state power to silence amid Duterte's 2016-2022 tenure. However, evidence presented in proceedings substantiates the legal merits of these cases, with testimonies linking de Lima to facilitating drug trading within during her 2010-2015 Justice Secretary tenure, including demands for money and vehicles from inmates like to protect operations. The upheld the validity of her in 2017, citing from detailed informations on , and while de Lima secured in one case in May 2023 due to recanted affidavits, the Department of Justice maintained in June 2022 that remaining charges remained robust based on corroborated evidence of prison-based syndicates thriving under lax oversight. For Trillanes, Calida's petition argued absence of a valid application, as Trillanes refused to admit guilt for coup d'etat and charges from 2003 and 2007 incidents, a position courts reviewed without immediate dismissal, underscoring procedural adherence over personal animus. Calida countered de Lima's influence enabled drug proliferation, preventing probes into high-level networks, with causal evidence from inmate testimonies indicating that prior leniency correlated with escalated trafficking volumes—over 1,800 kilograms of reportedly cycled through prisons annually pre-2016. Calida's defenses of broader policies, such as the Philippines' March 2019 withdrawal from the International Criminal Court (ICC) amid probes into the drug war, emphasized that domestic courts could independently prosecute crimes without external interference, arguing ICC involvement risked undermining national sovereignty and accountability for documented extrajudicial killings tied to unchecked syndicates. He posited that ICC scrutiny, initiated in 2018 over thousands of deaths, ignored causal realities where prosecutorial hesitation under prior administrations sustained crime persistence, as evidenced by persistent prison drug empires. On the Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020, which Calida supported as Solicitor General, implementation focused on designating groups with proven violent affiliations, yielding Department of Justice convictions in at least three terrorism cases by 2023, though Supreme Court rulings in December 2021 struck vague provisions to curb overreach. Data on corruption prosecutions under Duterte's term, including 299 Ombudsman convictions from 2015-2016 alone rising in subsequent years, applied across political lines—encompassing officials from opposition and administration parties—challenges claims of purely partisan bias, as the OSG pursued cases like those against former legislators regardless of affiliation, prioritizing empirical links to graft over selective targeting. Critics' outlets, often exhibiting institutional biases toward human rights narratives over prosecutorial evidence, attribute patterns to weaponization, yet court validations and consistent conviction rates suggest legal rigor amid politically charged contexts.

Personal and Ethical Complaints

In May 2018, retired businesswoman Jocelyn Marie Acosta-Nisperos filed a complaint with the accusing Jose Calida of , including an alleged extramarital affair with an intern at the (OSG). The allegation, which Calida categorically denied as a "big fat lie," formed part of broader graft and malversation charges primarily centered on his interests, though the personal claim lacked independent corroboration beyond the complainant's assertions. The affair accusation prompted calls for Calida's from critics, who argued it reflected ethical lapses unfit for a public official and lawyer. However, no formal proceedings advanced through the (IBP) or , with the claims appearing tied to political opposition amid Calida's high-profile petition against Chief Justice . Calida attributed such personal attacks to retaliation for his legal victories, including the Sereno ouster. Despite these and other episodic ethical complaints, Calida encountered no convictions, , or professional sanctions from regulatory bodies like the or IBP during his tenure. This absence of substantiated outcomes underscores a pattern where allegations, often amplified by media outlets critical of the Duterte administration, failed to yield formal accountability, consistent with Calida's defense that they constituted unsubstantiated smears.

Wikipedia Biography Incident

Origins and Government Response

In May 2020, during 's tenure as , anonymous editors initiated disputes over his biography by attempting to insert derogatory nicknames into the page's lead section. On May 5, one edit added "" to his name, which was immediately reverted by an anonymous mobile editor. Subsequent attempts on May 6 and 7 from at least three different IP addresses sought to append "Jose 'Demonyo' () Calida," invoking a Filipino term for demon, but these were reverted by experienced users Jollibinay and PlumeKnight, who flagged the additions as derogatory and non-compliant with platform policies on neutrality and verifiability. These short-lived edit conflicts illustrated activist-driven efforts to embed unverified, content amid Calida's high-profile role in government legal actions, contrasting with Wikipedia's emphasis on sourced, neutral facts over subjective portrayals of controversies. The rapid reversions underscored the platform's internal checks against such manipulations, though they highlighted vulnerabilities to coordinated anonymous edits reflecting opposition sentiments rather than . The Philippine government's response focused on advocating for stricter neutrality in biographical entries of public officials. The Office of the issued demands to to rectify biased sourcing and defamatory elements in Calida's page, citing inaccuracies in depictions of his tenure-related disputes. Additionally, officials explored options with the to impose access restrictions on platforms hosting persistently inaccurate or libelous content, arguing that such material undermined public trust in verifiable information. These measures aimed to counter perceived systemic allowances for partisan edits over factual rigor.

Edit Wars and Public Backlash

In the immediate aftermath of the broadcasting shutdown on May 5, 2020, which Jose Calida had pursued through a petition, anonymous editors using multiple IP addresses initiated brief but contentious alterations to his Wikipedia biography. On May 5, attempts were made to insert "Joe" as a prefix to his name, reflecting informal or mocking usage, but these were rapidly reverted by an anonymous mobile editor. Over the following two days, May 6 and 7, further edits sought to append "Demonyo"—the term for ""—as an explicit nickname, portraying Calida in a pejorative light tied to public outrage over the media network's closure. These changes were reverted by established Wikipedia contributors, including users Jollibay and PlumeKnight, who invoked platform guidelines against unsourced, derogatory additions lacking neutral verifiability. The short-lived edit skirmishes exemplified Wikipedia's revert mechanisms in action, effectively blocking opinion-driven insertions without empirical backing, such as citations from reputable outlets or official records. While the platform's policies held firm, preventing the nicknames from persisting, the incidents drew scrutiny over the composition of editor communities, where long-term volunteers—potentially influenced by systemic biases in online volunteer pools—enforced neutrality against overt . This resistance was interpreted by some as curation toward factual integrity, prioritizing sourced content over emotive public sentiment, yet it also spotlighted vulnerabilities to coordinated pushes from ideologically motivated actors, often aligned with narratives critical of government legal actions. Broader discourse emerged on the perils of state figures' online representations amid polarized events, with Calida's allies framing such edit attempts as extensions of left-leaning media dominance efforts, akin to those seen in coverage of the case by outlets like , which reported the failed edits while maintaining a stance adversarial to Duterte administration policies. The outcomes reinforced Wikipedia's emphasis on reliable sourcing, diminishing the sway of unsubstantiated pejoratives, but highlighted persistent tensions between open-access editing and the curation of truth amid public backlash to high-profile interventions like the proceedings. No formal government pushback on these specific edits was documented, though the episode fueled calls for greater in editor to counter narrative warfare.

Legacy and Assessments

Supporters' Perspectives on Achievements

Supporters within conservative and pro-Duterte circles have commended Jose Calida's role as for advancing national sovereignty by robustly defending the ' maritime claims in the aftermath of the 2016 ruling against . Calida hailed the decision as a "crowning glory" that reaffirmed international law's primacy in resolving territorial disputes, and his office's subsequent assertions of Philippine rights under the award were viewed as essential to countering aggressive encroachments and upholding empirical boundaries over expansive fictional claims. Calida's initiation of quo warranto proceedings against entities perceived to undermine accountable governance drew praise for empirically curbing monopolistic influences. In challenging ABS-CBN's practices in February 2020, he exposed alleged corporate maneuvers enabling foreign control and dominance in broadcasting, which supporters argued distorted public information flows and concentrated undue power in few hands, thereby promoting a more level landscape aligned with statutory limits on . Pro-administration voices credit Calida with enforcing principled that diminished in entrenched issues like narcotics and graft. By defending executive campaigns against judicial and institutional resistance, his legal strategies facilitated measurable reductions in drug-related offenses, as reflected in reports showing a 40% drop in index crimes from 2016 to 2019, attributing this to sustained enforcement that prioritized causal deterrence over procedural leniency.

Critics' Views on Abuses of Power

Critics, including international observers and domestic media watchdogs, have accused Calida of enabling authoritarian tendencies through selective application of petitions, which bypass standard legislative or processes to challenge officials' titles to office. In March 2018, Calida filed such a petition against , arguing her failure to submit required Statements of Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth disqualified her from appointment; the upheld this in May 2018, removing Sereno without , a move critics labeled as an erosion of since impeachable officials like the are constitutionally protected from such direct challenges. While the decision rested on procedural lapses—Sereno had indeed withheld several SALNs, contributing to internal court quorum issues and public distrust in her leadership—opponents contended it set a precedent for executive-aligned legal actions against institutional checks, particularly given Sereno's prior criticisms of Duterte's drug war policies. This pattern extended to media entities perceived as adversarial, as evidenced by Calida's February 10, 2020, petition against , seeking revocation of its broadcasting franchise on grounds of alleged violations like and tax issues, amid Congress's separate non-renewal of the franchise. Media advocacy groups, such as the Media Defense Alliance, decried it as a "parasitic assault" on press freedom, arguing the remedy was abused to circumvent Congress's franchise oversight role and target a network critical of government policies, including the drug campaign's implications. International analyses, like those from the Endowment, framed these actions within broader concerns of power consolidation, where served as a tool to neutralize opposition voices without electoral accountability. Despite these accusations, Calida faced no formal convictions for misconduct, with upheld as a valid extraordinary remedy under Philippine for eligibility disputes, though its selective invocation against high-profile critics raised causal risks of institutional capture—concentrating in the solicitor general's office could incentivize loyalty to the over impartial enforcement, potentially undermining long-term democratic balances even absent proven . Such critiques, often from human rights-oriented outlets, highlight systemic vulnerabilities but overlook empirical counterpoints like Sereno's documented administrative failures, which the cited as eroding judicial efficacy prior to her ouster.

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