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Manipur Legislative Assembly

The Manipur Legislative Assembly is the unicameral legislature of Manipur, a state in northeastern India, consisting of 60 members directly elected from single-member constituencies for five-year terms. Established through elections held in July 1948 under adult franchise—the first such body in what would become independent India—the assembly initially comprised 53 seats before dissolution following Manipur's merger with the Dominion of India in 1949. Manipur achieved full statehood in 1972, at which point the assembly was reconstituted with its current 60 seats, including 19 reserved for Scheduled Tribes and one for Scheduled Castes, reflecting the state's demographic divisions between the valley-dwelling majority and hill tribes. The 12th Assembly, elected in 2022, saw the Bharatiya Janata Party secure 32 seats to form a majority government under Chief Minister N. Biren Singh, but political instability culminated in his resignation and the imposition of President's rule in February 2025, with extensions approved through at least August 2025 amid ongoing ethnic tensions. The assembly's proceedings, presided over by Speaker Thokchom Satyabrata Singh since 2022, have historically navigated challenges from the state's ethnic fault lines, which pit valley-based communities against hill tribes over land rights, reservations, and resource allocation.

History

Origins and Early Formation

The origins of legislative representation in predate its into , rooted in the princely state's transition to a following . On May 8, 1947, the Manipur State Constitution Drafting Committee presented its recommendations, leading to the adoption of the Manipur State Constitution Act on July 26, 1947, which established a parliamentary with an elected unicameral of 53 members—46 from districts and 7 from areas. Elections for this first assembly occurred between June 11-18, 1948, in the valley and July 26-27, 1948, in the hills, marking Manipur as one of the earliest Asian entities to implement universal adult franchise for a partially elected body. The assembly's inaugural session convened on October 18, 1948, under the presidency of T. M. V. Narayan Pillai, functioning as the in a framework that included an advisory State Council, though the latter was not fully operationalized. This early assembly operated briefly amid mounting pressures for merger with India. On September 21, 1949, Maharaja Bodh Chandra Singh signed the Manipur Merger Agreement with India's Governor-General C. Rajagopalachari, ceding sovereignty in exchange for privy purse and retention of certain properties; the agreement took effect on October 15, 1949. The assembly was dissolved without consulting or obtaining ratification from its elected members, transitioning Manipur into a Part C state under central administration by a Chief Commissioner, devoid of elected legislative institutions. Critics, including assembly members at the time, contended the merger was executed under duress, with the Maharaja reportedly under house arrest in Shillong, bypassing democratic processes established by the 1947 constitution. Post-merger, lacked an elected legislature until administrative reforms in the union territory phase. Initially governed via the Government of Part C States Act, 1951, which allowed for advisory councils but no full , legislative functions were limited to executive ordinances. In 1963, under the Government of Union Territories Act, a 30-member Territorial was constituted, elected on February 16, 1963, serving as an interim body with powers to legislate on specified matters until full statehood. This marked the re-emergence of representative institutions, evolving from the pre-merger prototype into the framework of the modern upon statehood in 1972.

Integration into Indian Union and Statehood

Following the merger agreement signed on 21 September 1949 by Bodh Chandra Singh with the , was integrated into the Indian Union as a Part C state, effective 15 October 1949, ceding full executive authority to the while the received a privy purse. Prior to this, had established a democratic legislative framework under the Manipur State Constitution Act of 1947, which provided for an elected assembly; elections were held in June 1948, resulting in the first sitting of the Manipur Legislative Assembly on 18 October 1948, comprising 53 members elected via adult franchise in a population of approximately 500,000. This pre-merger assembly, however, was dissolved following integration, with governance shifting to a chief commissioner appointed by the , reflecting the limited autonomy of Part C states under Article 239 of the Indian Constitution, which lacked elected legislatures. Under the States Reorganisation Act of 1956, effective 1 November 1956, transitioned from Part C status to a , initially administered by a chief commissioner with advisory input from an elected Territorial Council of 24 members, but without full legislative powers. This council handled local matters but was subordinate to the central administration, marking a transitional phase toward greater representation amid demands for in the Northeast. In 1963, the Government of Union Territories Act dissolved the Territorial Council and established the Legislative Assembly as the territory's unicameral legislature, comprising 30 elected members and 3 nominated members, with elections held for the first time that year; this body could legislate on specified subjects like land, agriculture, and local governance, subject to central override. Full statehood was granted on 21 January 1972 through the North-Eastern Areas (Reorganisation) Act of 1971, which elevated alongside and from to state status, expanding the assembly's jurisdiction to concurrent and state list subjects under the Indian Constitution while retaining the 30-seat structure initially, later increased to 60 by the 1972 Delimitation Act. The transition included the appointment of a and accountable to the assembly, ending direct central rule and aligning Manipur's legislative framework with other Indian states, though central influence persisted via Article 371C, which mandates a Hill Areas Committee for tribal representation. This elevation addressed longstanding regional aspirations but occurred amid ethnic tensions, with the assembly's formation reflecting a balance between integration and limited federalism in India's Northeast policy.

Key Legislative Milestones

The Manipur Legislative Assembly convened its inaugural session on October 18, 1948, under the provisions of the Manipur State Constitution Act, 1947, initiating legislative proceedings with 53 elected members representing general, hill, and Muslim constituencies, thereby establishing the first democratic assembly in the region prior to India's independence framework. Following Manipur's attainment of full statehood on January 21, 1972, the assembly passed the Bill on April 8, 1980, creating as the state's premier institution for and research, later designated a central university by the national government. In 1991, the assembly enacted the Manipur Liquor Prohibition Bill on March 15, reinforcing a longstanding against to mitigate social and health concerns prevalent in the state. On July 13, 2012, during the tenth assembly's session, legislators unanimously adopted a resolution petitioning the central government to extend the regime to , aiming to control demographic shifts from external migration; this demand, rooted in protecting , culminated in national implementation via the Adaptation of Laws (Amendment) Order, 2019. The assembly's passage of three bills on August 31, 2015—the Protection of People Bill, Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Amendment) Bill, and Manipur Shops and Establishments (Second Amendment) Bill—sought to define "natives" for residency protections and regulate land use, but elicited intense opposition from hill tribes, resulting in protests, a shutdown, and at least nine deaths, highlighting ethnic fault lines in legislative priorities. On August 6, 2022, the assembly resolved to implement the using 1951 or 1961 as the cutoff year, alongside establishing a , to verify residency and curb , a measure reaffirmed in subsequent sessions amid ongoing border security debates.

Composition and Organization

Seat Allocation and Constituencies

The Manipur Legislative Assembly consists of 60 single-member constituencies, each electing one (MLA) via in direct elections held every five years. These constituencies cover the state's districts, spanning the and surrounding hill regions, with boundaries last delimited under the Delimitation Act of 2002 based on the 2001 census. Seat reservation follows Article 332 of the Indian Constitution, allocating seats proportionally to and populations: 19 constituencies reserved for ST candidates, 1 for SC (Sekmai in West district), and 40 unreserved (general). The ST-reserved seats are concentrated in the hill districts—such as , Chandel, Tengnoupal, Kangpokpi, , Tamenglong, Noney, and —reflecting the predominantly tribal demographics there, while general and the SC seat align with valley areas dominated by Meitei communities. A fresh delimitation exercise, postponed since 2008 for northeastern states including , remains pending as of 2025 despite a directive in March 2025 to expedite it using updated data; this could adjust constituency boundaries and potentially seat numbers to account for demographic shifts, but the current 60- structure persists. No seats are nominated or allocated by other means; all are filled through universal adult suffrage among eligible voters.

Leadership Structure

The Manipur Legislative Assembly's leadership is primarily structured around the , who is elected by a vote of the members at the Assembly's first sitting following general elections, as per the rules governing state legislatures under the Indian Constitution. The presides over proceedings, maintains order, interprets rules of procedure, and decides on matters such as the admissibility of questions, motions, and bills; they also represent the in external affairs and oversee its administrative functions through the . The Deputy Speaker is similarly elected by members to assist the and assumes duties during their absence or vacancy; however, the position has remained vacant since the constitution of the current (12th) Assembly in 2022. The Leader of the House, conventionally the heading the majority party or coalition, coordinates the executive's legislative business, including introducing government bills and responding to debates. Since the imposition of on February 13, 2025—following the resignation of N. amid ethnic violence and governance challenges—the state has been administered directly by the Governor under central authority, suspending routine executive leadership in the Assembly. The Leader of the Opposition, recognized for the largest opposition party or group holding at least one-tenth of the total seats (six in a 60-member house), provides official opposition scrutiny; this position has been vacant since March 30, 2022, as no opposition party met the threshold after the 2022 elections, where the secured only five seats. As of October 2025, Thokchom Satyabrata Singh () continues as , a role he has held since March 24, 2022, enabling limited Assembly functions like summoning sessions under the Governor's directive during , though substantive legislative activity remains constrained without a formed government.

Demographic Representation

The Manipur Legislative Assembly comprises 60 members, with representation structured to reflect the state's ethnic diversity through geographic and mechanisms. Forty constituencies are located in the valley regions, which are predominantly inhabited by the Meitei community and yield mostly Meitei members of the (MLAs). The remaining 20 constituencies in the hill districts primarily elect representatives from tribal groups, including Nagas and Kuki-Zo communities. Nineteen of the assembly's seats are reserved for Scheduled Tribes (ST), ensuring dedicated representation for the tribal population, which accounts for about 40.88% of Manipur's residents. This reservation system addresses the demographic realities of the hills, where and Kuki-Zo tribes predominate, though competition within reserved seats often aligns along sub-ethnic lines. The one Scheduled Caste (SC) reserved seat further accommodates minority caste groups, primarily in areas. In the 12th Assembly, elected in March 2022, five women serve as MLAs, marking the highest number in the state's electoral history and comprising 8.3% of the house. Three of these women belong to the (BJP), reflecting limited but increasing gender diversity amid broader underrepresentation. Ethnic tensions, such as those between Meiteis and Kuki-Zo groups, have influenced dynamics, with tribal MLAs from hill constituencies advocating for community-specific issues like land rights and . As of 2025, the 's composition continues to mirror these divides, with valley dominance by Meitei MLAs and seats securing tribal voices, though ongoing conflicts have led some Kuki-Zo legislators to disengage from proceedings.

Functions and Powers

Legislative Processes

The legislative processes of the Manipur Legislative Assembly are regulated by the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business, adopted by the assembly on April 11, 1975, which outline the conduct of sessions, introduction and passage of bills, and procedural norms such as requirements and voting mechanisms. These rules align with Articles 168 to 212 of the , mandating that the unicameral assembly, comprising 60 elected members, convene in sessions summoned, prorogued, or dissolved by the under Article 174. Typically, three sessions occur annually—Budget, Monsoon, and Winter—with the assembly required to meet at least twice a year, separated by no more than six months, to deliberate on legislative business, including motions, resolutions, and questions to the . is maintained at one-tenth of the total membership, or 10 members, ensuring minimal functionality during proceedings. (Note: While Mizoram's rules are cited for procedural analogy due to shared northeastern state frameworks, Manipur's 1975 rules follow identical constitutional baselines.) Bills, classified as ordinary, money, or financial under Article 199, follow a multi-stage process beginning with introduction after 30 days' notice for private members' bills or immediate tabling by ministers. The first reading involves formal presentation and circulation for public scrutiny; the second reading encompasses general , clause-by-clause examination, and potential referral to subject committees or the for amendments; and the third reading culminates in voting by voice or division, requiring a for passage. Passed bills receive Governor's assent under Article 200, with reservation possible for presidential consideration, particularly for matters impinging on central interests or hill-valley dynamics. bills, originating exclusively in the assembly and certified as such by the , bypass certain analogies and receive priority, as seen in appropriation bills like the Manipur Appropriation (No. 8) Bill, 2009, introduced and passed within days. Private members' business is scheduled on Fridays, limited to foster focused amid the assembly's history of disruptions from ethnic conflicts. A distinctive feature in Manipur's processes stems from Article 371C, which establishes a Hill Areas Committee () comprising 20 members from hill constituencies to review bills and measures affecting hill areas, unless resolves otherwise by majority vote. The must refer such to the for recommendations within specified timelines, with the committee empowered to summon experts and conduct inquiries, influencing outcomes on land, resources, and —evident in controversies over bills like the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2018, passed to safeguard indigenous interests but sparking valley-hill divides. This mechanism underscores causal tensions in , where procedural referrals mitigate but do not eliminate disputes, as non-implementation of HAC views has fueled protests, such as those following three bills passed in August 2015 on land protection, later reserved for presidential assent. Ordinances promulgated by the under Article 213 during recesses substitute for but lapse after six weeks of reassembly unless approved, providing executive leeway amid instability. Overall, these processes prioritize constitutional fidelity while navigating Manipur's bifurcated socio-territorial realities, with empirical data from records showing variable bill passage rates tied to political majorities and security contexts.

Executive Oversight

The Manipur Legislative Assembly exercises oversight over the state executive, headed by the and , primarily through mechanisms ensuring accountability under Article 164 of the Indian Constitution, which mandates to the Assembly. This includes the power to initiate a no-confidence motion against the , potentially leading to the government's resignation if passed by a ; for instance, in February 2025, the party announced plans to move such a motion against the N. Biren Singh administration amid ethnic tensions, highlighting its role in testing executive legitimacy. Daily scrutiny occurs via , where Members of the (MLAs) pose starred and unstarred questions to ministers on administrative matters, implementation, and public grievances, compelling the to provide detailed responses and fostering transparency in governance. Adjournment motions and calling attention notices further enable urgent debates on lapses, while debates on the Governor's and resolutions allow MLAs to critique government priorities. These procedures, outlined in the Assembly's Rules of Procedure, align with standard legislative practices but have been hampered in by disruptions, such as abbreviated sessions in 2023 where was curtailed amid violence-related protests. Specialized oversight is provided through standing committees, including financial ones like the (PAC), which examines audit reports by the Comptroller and Auditor General to verify executive compliance with budgetary allocations and detect irregularities. The reviews the efficiency of public spending, and the assesses state-owned enterprises; these were reconstituted in February with up to nine members each, elected from the Assembly to enhance fiscal accountability. Additionally, under Article 371C, the Hill Areas Committee—comprising Assembly members from hill constituencies—reviews annual reports on hill area administration submitted by the to the , enabling targeted oversight of executive actions in Manipur's ethnically sensitive hill regions. Financial oversight culminates in the Assembly's approval of the annual budget and demands for grants, where MLAs debate and vote on appropriations, rejecting or reducing executive proposals to enforce discipline; failure to pass the budget can paralyze government operations. This process, conducted during budget sessions, integrates with committee recommendations, such as PAC findings on past expenditures, ensuring the executive adheres to legislative intent rather than unchecked discretion.

Relations with Central Government

The relations between the Manipur Legislative Assembly and the of are governed by the constitutional framework of Indian federalism, particularly Articles 200 and 201, which empower the —a central appointee—to reserve state bills for the President's consideration if they implicate central interests, such as those affecting or inter-state relations. This mechanism has periodically strained interactions, as seen in 2015 when the reserved three bills passed by the assembly—the Protection of Manipur People Bill, Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (7th Amendment) Bill, and Manipur Shops and Establishments (2nd Amendment) Bill—for presidential assent due to concerns over their potential to alter land rights and inner-line permit systems, sparking widespread protests. Such reservations underscore the central government's oversight role, often justified by the need to balance state autonomy with national unity amid 's ethnic diversity and border sensitivities. Historically, these relations have been marked by recurrent impositions of under Article 356, reflecting breakdowns in state governance that necessitate central intervention; has experienced this 11 times since its full statehood in 1972, more frequently than any other state, with the first instance in 1967 lasting 66 days amid political instability. These episodes, totaling over six years cumulatively by 2025, typically arise from coalition fractures, insurgency pressures, or failure to maintain order, during which the assembly's functions are suspended, and executive powers devolve to the acting on the President's behalf. Prior to such impositions, cooperation has often prevailed under aligned party rule, as with the (BJP) governments at both levels since 2017, facilitating central aid for infrastructure and counter-insurgency via the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. In recent years, escalating between Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities, erupting on May 3, 2023, following protests over Scheduled Tribe status demands, exposed fissures despite initial alignment; the central government deployed additional forces and mediated, but persistent instability—displacing over 60,000 and killing hundreds—culminated in N. Biren Singh's resignation on February 10, 2025, prompting on February 13. Under this regime, the assembly entered , with its tenure extending to 2027, while the center assumed direct control to enforce and restore order, extending the rule for six months in August 2025 amid ongoing uncertainty. BJP legislators have since engaged central leaders in , claiming support from 44 members to form a new government, emphasizing restoration of elected rule for development while critiquing prolonged central oversight. This dynamic highlights causal tensions from unresolved ethnic grievances and security lapses, where central intervention prioritizes stability over state legislative primacy, though opposition narratives attribute the crisis to governance failures in the "double-engine" BJP setup.

Elections and Political Process

Electoral Framework

The Manipur Legislative Assembly comprises 60 members directly elected by adult suffrage from single-member territorial constituencies using the . Elections occur every five years unless dissolved earlier, with the process overseen by the (ECI) through its state unit, the Chief Electoral Officer of Manipur. Voting is facilitated via electronic voting machines (EVMs) with voter-verifiable paper audit trails (VVPATs), enabling voters to select one candidate by pressing a button on the ballot unit. Of the 60 seats, 19 are reserved for , 1 for , and 40 are unreserved (general). Reservations reflect demographic proportions, with ST seats primarily in hill districts to ensure representation of tribal communities. Voter eligibility requires Indian citizenship, age of 18 years or above, residency in the constituency, and enrollment on the , excluding those disqualified under such as unsound mind, criminal conviction, or corrupt practices. Candidates must be Indian citizens aged 25 or older, registered voters in the state, and not hold offices of profit or face other constitutional disqualifications. Constituency boundaries follow the Delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly Constituencies Order, last adjusted under the 2002 Delimitation Act but frozen for northeastern states including pending special conditions under Section 8A of the Representation of the People Act, 1950. In March 2025, the directed the ECI to expedite delimitation in , , and to align with population changes from the 2001 Census (or later if applicable), amid concerns over outdated boundaries exacerbating ethnic imbalances. This process involves redrawing boundaries for equitable population distribution while preserving reservations, though it has sparked debates on incorporating data to address illegal migration claims. Electoral rolls are revised annually and specially before polls, with over 2.3 million electors in the 2022 assembly elections.

Major Elections and Outcomes

The (BJP) secured an absolute majority in the , held in two phases on February 27 and March 3, with results declared on March 10. The party won 32 of the 60 seats, up from 21 in 2017, enabling to form a single-party government without reliance on allies. Voter turnout reached 86.6%, with the BJP capturing 37.9% of the valid votes polled amid a total electorate of approximately 2.1 million. In contrast, the 2017 election, conducted on March 4 and 11 with results on March 15, saw the (INC) as the largest party with 28 seats, followed by the BJP with 21. The BJP, however, formed a with support from the National People's Party (4 seats), (4 seats), and independents, totaling 32 seats to oust the INC after 15 years in power under . Turnout was 86.2% among 1.9 million electors, reflecting high participation despite ethnic tensions. The 2012 election reinforced INC dominance, with the party winning 42 seats outright for a clear majority and continued governance. This outcome followed a pattern of control since statehood in 1972, when the secured 52 of 60 seats in the inaugural assembly poll.
YearBJP SeatsINC SeatsKey Allies/NotesGovernment
2022325JD(U): 6; NPP: 7 (opposition)BJP majority
20172128NPP: 4; NPF: 4BJP-led coalition
2012042- majority
These results highlight a shift from long-term INC hegemony to BJP consolidation, driven by valley Meitei support and strategic hill alliances, though ethnic divisions have influenced outcomes across elections.

Party System and Alliances

The in the Manipur Legislative Assembly features a combination of national parties and ethnic-regional outfits, with politics heavily influenced by divisions between the Meitei-dominated valley districts and the hill areas inhabited by and Kuki-Zo tribes. The (BJP) has dominated since 2017, securing 32 of 60 seats in the 2022 elections, enabling it to form a reliant on alliances rather than an outright majority. Other significant parties include the (INC) with 5 seats, Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)] with 6 seats, the National People's Party (NPP) with 7 seats, the (NPF) with 4 seats, the (KPA) with 7 seats, and independents holding 3 seats, as per official results. Regional parties like NPP and NPF primarily draw support from communities, while KPA represents Kuki interests, reflecting how ethnic identities shape voter bases and party affiliations more than ideological divides. Post-election alliances initially centered on the BJP-led (), which garnered support from NPP, NPF, and JD(U) to pass confidence motions and legislate, as these partners provided the necessary numbers for stability in the 12th . The KPA also extended external support early on, aligning with the framework despite its tribal focus. However, the outbreak of in May 2023 between Meiteis and Kukis eroded these coalitions, prompting the KPA to withdraw backing in August 2023 amid accusations of state favoritism toward Meitei groups. Further strain emerged with the NPP's formal break from the BJP in November 2024, citing inadequate handling of the conflict, which deepened communal rifts and rendered the government increasingly untenable. By early 2025, prolonged instability led to the imposition of on February 13, suspending the Assembly and dissolving the BJP-led coalition under N. Biren Singh, who resigned amid the crisis. As of October 2025, 25 BJP MLAs and remnants of allies continue advocating for a new "popular" government, signaling persistent efforts to revive ethnic-straddling alliances, though Kuki representatives remain opposed and Naga parties like NPF face internal mergers affecting regional dynamics. The INC-led opposition, including loose groupings like the , has capitalized on anti-BJP sentiment but lacks the seats for an alternative majority, underscoring the fragility of cross-ethnic pacts in a system prone to disruption by tribal fault lines.

Role in Governance and Policy

Key Legislation Enacted

The Manipur Legislative Assembly passed three landmark bills on August 31, 2015, aimed at safeguarding indigenous interests amid demands for implementation: the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015; the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015; and the Lokayukta and Other Tribunals Bill, 2015. The Protection of Manipur People Bill defined "Manipur people" as individuals or descendants listed in the prior to , with provisions to maintain socio-economic and cultural balance, prevent demographic changes, and regulate outsider settlement; it was unanimously approved but reserved by the for presidential assent, where it remains pending. The Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill restricted land transfers to non- persons in specified areas, primarily districts, to curb alienation of indigenous-held land; this amendment built on the existing framework but applied selectively, excluding hill areas under autonomous councils, which fueled tribal opposition over perceived valley-centric protections. The and Other Tribunals Bill established an anti-corruption and tribunals to investigate public servant misconduct, aligning with national directives, though it complemented the earlier Act of 2014 (Act No. 11), which created the institution effective from April 1, 2016, with powers to probe allegations against ministers, legislators, and officials. Earlier enactments include the Manipur Municipalities Act, 1994, which organized urban local bodies excluding hill areas, defining councils' powers for taxation, planning, and services in valley municipalities like . The Manipur Compulsory Registration of Act, 2008, mandated registration of marriages to facilitate legal recognition and inheritance rights, addressing customary practices prevalent among Meitei and tribal communities. The Manipur Medical Council Act, 2009, regulated medical education and practice by establishing a council for licensing and standards, responding to healthcare gaps in the state. These laws reflect the Assembly's focus on local governance and protections, often navigating ethnic divides, with the 2015 bills exemplifying tensions between valley-majority interests and hill tribal concerns over equitable application.

Budgetary and Administrative Functions

The Manipur Legislative Assembly exercises control over state finances primarily through the scrutiny and approval of the annual , presented by the Finance Minister after the Governor's address at the start of the session. Members the budget estimates department-wise, voting on demands for to authorize expenditures, which culminates in the passage of the enabling withdrawals from the of the state. This process ensures legislative oversight of , with the assembly able to reduce or reject specific , though it cannot increase them or impose taxes directly. To enforce accountability, the assembly constitutes the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) at the start of each session, comprising members from both treasury and opposition benches, which examines the state's appropriation accounts, audit reports from the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG), and reports on public expenditures for irregularities or inefficiencies. The PAC's recommendations, such as regularizing excess expenditures—e.g., Rs. 467.20 crore in 2022 as noted in its Fifty-Third Report—bind the executive to explain deviations and implement corrective measures. An Estimates Committee, following standard practices in Indian state assemblies, further scrutinizes budgetary estimates for economy and efficiency, though specific Manipur reports highlight ongoing reviews of projects like Manipur Bhavans. Administratively, the assembly oversees executive actions through procedural tools like starred questions, adjournment motions, and calling attention notices directed at ministers, compelling responses on lapses. The Hill Areas Committee (HAC), established under Article 371C of the Constitution and the Manipur Legislative Assembly (Hill Areas Committee) Order, 1972, plays a specialized role in hill district administration, comprising all MLAs elected from hill constituencies; it discusses budget provisions affecting hill areas, recommends developmental schemes, and requires prior consultation for bills impacting hill welfare, with reports submitted to the for executive consideration. The HAC aims to accelerate hill development and safeguard tribal interests, including veto-like input on land and resource policies, though its efficacy has been critiqued amid ethnic disparities in allocations. Since the imposition of on February 13, 2025, following the assembly's suspension amid , these budgetary and administrative functions have been in , with the state budget—totaling approximately Rs. 30,969 for 2025-26—approved directly by via appropriation bills, bypassing assembly deliberation and highlighting disruptions to fiscal oversight.

Handling of Insurgency and Security

The Manipur Legislative Assembly exercises oversight over state security matters through the Home Department, including budgetary allocations for police modernization and counter-insurgency operations, amid persistent ethnic insurgencies involving groups such as the (PLA) and United Kuki National Army (UKNA). In October 2025, coordinated security operations resulted in the arrest of 15 PLA cadres and 6 UKNA members, reflecting ongoing efforts against militancy that the assembly supports via resolutions endorsing intensified crackdowns. The assembly's role is constrained by the central government's dominance under the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), invoked since 1958 and periodically extended across most of Manipur except select valley police stations, with the latest extension in September 2025 covering the entire state barring 13 jurisdictions. In addressing the 2023–2025 ethnic violence between Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities, which has claimed over 260 lives and displaced thousands, the assembly passed a resolution on January 23, , urging complete disarmament of illegal arms and an immediate halt to attacks by militants. On November 19, , MLAs adopted further resolutions demanding a of AFSPA's and a "mass operation" within seven days against Kuki militants linked to civilian killings in Jiribam, including declaring responsible groups as unlawful organizations. Kuki MLAs, numbering 10, separately advocated extending AFSPA to the remaining 13 police stations to recover over 3,000 looted weapons amid the conflict. The assembly has also linked security to demographic controls, reaffirming on March 1, 2024, a 2022 resolution emphasizing the (NRC) implementation to curb fueling insurgent networks and ethnic tensions. In March 2023, the state government, aligned with assembly sentiments, withdrew from the Suspension of Operations agreement with certain Kuki militant groups, signaling a harder stance against perceived violations amid rising violence. These measures underscore the assembly's advocacy for centralized intervention, though effectiveness remains limited by ethnic divisions within the house and central oversight under Article 355, imposed on May 4, 2023, transferring primary security control to Union forces.

Ethnic Conflicts and Disruptions

Background of Ethnic Tensions

Manipur's ethnic landscape features the Meitei community, comprising roughly 53 percent of the population and concentrated in the (encompassing 10 percent of the state's land), alongside and Kuki-Zo tribal groups in the hills (collectively about 40 percent of the population occupying 90 percent of the land). The Meiteis, predominantly Hindu and Tibeto-Burman in origin, converted to in the , while the largely Christian and Kuki-Zo tribes maintain distinct cultural and linguistic identities tied to hill terrains protected by customary laws. These divisions, rooted in geographic segregation, have historically driven competition over land, resources, and political authority, with valley-hill disparities amplifying grievances. The tensions originated in Manipur's pre-colonial era as a Meitei-led kingdom, disrupted by annexation in the and full integration into via the 1949 merger agreement, which initially covered only the valley while hill areas faced resistance from independence declarations in 1947. Colonial-era Kuki migrations into -inhabited hills around 1845 sowed early seeds of rivalry, compounded by the Kuki Rebellion of 1917-1919 against rule. Post-independence, insurgencies, led by groups like the NSCN, extended into Manipur, asserting claims over hill territories and clashing with state efforts to preserve territorial unity. Inter-tribal violence peaked in the with the Kuki-Naga conflict from 1992 to 1997, which killed over 2,000 people and displaced approximately 100,000, primarily due to NSCN-IM demands for Kukis to vacate "Naga ancestral lands" in districts like Chandel and Tamenglong amid struggles for hill dominance. Meitei-tribal frictions emerged concurrently, fueled by insurgencies from Meitei outfits like the UNLF and (formed in the ) seeking socialist , alongside tribal pushes for , such as integration into a greater or Kuki demands for separate hill districts. A flashpoint occurred in June 2001 when protests against extending the ceasefire to Manipur hills resulted in 13 deaths in a single day of clashes. Central to these disputes are land tenure disparities under the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act of 1960, which restricts non-tribals like Meiteis from freely acquiring hill land, prompting Meitei organizations such as the Scheduled Tribe Demand Committee (STDCM) to agitate for Scheduled Tribe status since 2012 to secure similar protections amid valley overcrowding and resource strains. Tribes counter that such status would enable Meitei expansion into hills, threatening their customary rights and indigeneity claims. Insurgent economies, including poppy cultivation in Kuki-dominated southern hills linked to cross-border narcotics, have further entrenched armed ethnic militias, perpetuating low-level violence and undermining state authority. These historical fault lines directly influence the Manipur Legislative Assembly, where 40 of 60 seats represent (predominantly Meitei) and 20 the hills (reserved for Scheduled Tribes), creating perceptions of imbalance: Meiteis argue hills wield disproportionate land control relative to , while tribes decry valley dominance in policymaking despite comprising 40 percent of residents. Tribal legislators have repeatedly demanded autonomous hill councils or , leading to legislative deadlocks and boycotts that hinder unified governance on shared issues like and .

Impact of 2023-2025 Violence

The that erupted on , 2023, between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities severely disrupted the operations of the Manipur Legislative Assembly, leading to boycotts, abbreviated sessions, and eventual suspension of legislative functions. Ten Kuki-Zo MLAs, including seven from the ruling (BJP), boycotted an August 2023 assembly session, citing as unsafe for their community amid widespread destruction and displacement. This boycott persisted, with the MLAs abstaining from proceedings in July 2024 despite government assurances of security, rendering debates on violence-related issues ineffective due to the absence of hill constituency representation. Assembly sessions became infrequent and curtailed post-violence onset, exacerbating governance vacuums. A February 2024 session convened under heavy security but followed a prior one that lasted only 11 minutes without addressing the ongoing clashes, highlighting procedural paralysis amid ethnic divisions. The house passed a in late February 2024 urging the to terminate Suspension of Operations agreements with Kuki-Zo insurgent groups, but such actions underscored the assembly's limited capacity to resolve underlying tensions, as Meitei-majority proceedings alienated tribal legislators. The protracted conflict eroded political stability, culminating in Chief Minister N. Biren Singh's resignation on February 9, 2025, ahead of a potential no-confidence motion, after nearly two years of intermittent violence that claimed over 250 lives and displaced more than 60,000 people. President's Rule was imposed on February 13, 2025, placing the assembly under suspended animation rather than dissolution, thereby halting legislative activities and transferring executive authority to the Governor acting on central directives. This intervention, extended through mid-2025, prevented new government formation and deepened the assembly's dysfunction, as Kuki-Zo MLAs vowed to abstain from any post-rule administration, prioritizing demands for separate administration over participation. The violence's toll on assembly efficacy manifested in stalled budgetary processes and policy inaction on security and rehabilitation, with central oversight substituting for state-level deliberation amid reports of declining but persistent clashes into late 2025. This shift highlighted the legislature's vulnerability to ethnic , where community boycotts and security constraints undermined quorum-dependent functions, fostering reliance on gubernatorial ordinances over elected consensus.

Assembly Dysfunction and Calls for Reform

The Manipur Legislative Assembly has experienced significant operational disruptions since the outbreak of on May 3, 2023, between the majority Meitei community in the and the Kuki-Zo hill tribes, rendering regular sessions untenable amid widespread insecurity and . The assembly failed to convene a scheduled session in August 2023 despite a cabinet decision to do so, drawing criticism from opposition leaders who described the inaction as unprecedented and a dereliction of constitutional duties during the escalating . This paralysis persisted, with the violence claiming over 250 lives and displacing tens of thousands, further eroding the assembly's capacity to legislate or oversee governance as ethnic divisions led to boycotts by Kuki legislators and security threats to proceedings. The crisis culminated in the resignation of on February 13, 2025, after 21 months of unrest, prompting the imposition of and placing the assembly under rather than dissolution. Under this arrangement, the assembly's term, originally set to expire in 2027, remains in limbo without active functioning, as direct central administration has taken over amid ongoing security challenges and a reported decline in violence levels. Critics, including state BJP leaders, have highlighted that preserves the possibility of revival but has prolonged political uncertainty, with no floor activities or debates occurring since early 2023 due to the entrenched ethnic schisms. In response to this dysfunction, various political actors have advocated for structural reforms, including the outright dissolution of the assembly to enable fresh elections and a return to representative governance. The Manipur Congress, led by Keisham Meghachandra, has repeatedly demanded dissolution, arguing it is essential for restoring peace through electoral renewal and criticizing the BJP-led prior administration's handling of the conflict as a root cause of institutional failure. Assembly Speaker Thokchom Satyabrata Singh echoed calls for administrative overhaul in June 2025, deeming a shift to a "popular government" inevitable to address the governance vacuum exacerbated by the violence. Meanwhile, BJP legislators have pushed to terminate President's Rule and reconvene the assembly, though opposition to premature dissolution persists over concerns about logistical feasibility in a divided state. These reform proposals underscore a consensus on the need for electoral intervention to break the cycle of suspension, though implementation remains stalled by security and consensus issues as of October 2025.

Criticisms and Controversies

Imbalances in Representation

The Manipur Legislative Assembly comprises 60 seats, of which 19 are reserved for Scheduled Tribes (ST), concentrated in the hill districts inhabited primarily by Naga and Kuki-Zo communities, and 1 for Scheduled Castes (SC), with the remaining 40 unreserved seats located predominantly in the valley districts dominated by the non-ST Meitei population. This configuration allocates approximately two-thirds of seats to valley constituencies despite the valley covering only about 10% of the state's land area but hosting a higher population density. Demographic data from sources estimating ethnic composition indicate that ST groups, including Nagas (around 24% of the ) and Kuki-Zo tribes (around 16%), together form roughly 40% of Manipur's total of 2.86 million as per the 2011 , yet they are allotted only 32% of assembly seats through ST reservations. Conversely, the Meitei , estimated at 53% of the without ST , secures effective control over the 40 unreserved seats, leading to claims of disproportionate influence in legislative decision-making. This seat distribution has fueled criticisms of structural bias favoring valley interests, with tribal representatives arguing it undermines equitable governance and exacerbates hill-valley divides. For instance, the majoritarian dynamics in the assembly are seen by some analysts as prioritizing valley-dominated policies on , resources, and , marginalizing ST communities' concerns over autonomy and development. Within ST reserved seats, smaller tribes often receive minimal dedicated representation, as larger and Kuki blocs dominate hill constituencies, further compounding intra-ethnic disparities. Proposals for reform, including demands for enhanced hill quotas or separate tribal administration, stem directly from these representational gaps, which tribal groups link to broader ethnic unrest. Delimitation processes, mandated by the in 2025 to redraw boundaries using 2001 data adjusted for current realities, are anticipated to reassess proportionality but risk intensifying debates over preserving ethnic safeguards versus population-based equity.

Political Defections and Instability

The Manipur Legislative Assembly has experienced recurrent political defections, often involving legislators switching from smaller parties or opposition groups to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has undermined coalition stability and triggered anti-defection proceedings under the Tenth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. In June 2020, ahead of a Rajya Sabha election, the Assembly Speaker disqualified three Congress MLAs and the state's sole Trinamool Congress MLA for defying party whips, a move criticized for potential bias in favor of the BJP-led government. The Supreme Court later addressed delays in such cases, ruling in Keisham Meghachandra Singh vs. Speaker, Manipur Legislative Assembly (2020) that Speakers must decide disqualification petitions within three months to prevent prolonged uncertainty. Defections intensified amid the 2023-2025 ethnic violence, with several MLAs from allied parties merging into the BJP, prompting disqualification petitions. In 2024, five Janata Dal (United) MLAs—Khumukcham Joykisan (Thangmeiband), Ngursanglur Sanate (Tipaimukh), Md. Ashab Uddin (Jiribam), and two others—defected to the BJP, leading to ongoing Speaker's Tribunal proceedings by October 2024. Similarly, four National People's Party (NPP) MLAs faced notices in February 2025 for attending BJP meetings, violating party directives, while the Tribunal reserved judgment on the JD(U) cases. These shifts, numbering at least nine MLAs under scrutiny by early 2025, eroded the BJP's coalition support base, which relied on parties like NPP and JD(U) after the 2022 elections. Such defections contributed to broader governmental instability, culminating in the collapse of Chief Minister N. Biren Singh's administration. Facing internal BJP rifts and opposition dissent fueled by the protracted Meitei-Kuki conflict, the Congress moved a no-confidence motion against the BJP government in February 2025, scheduled for discussion during the Assembly session starting February 10. Singh resigned on February 9, 2025, averting the vote amid threats of majority loss, leading to President's Rule on February 13. Post-resignation efforts by Singh and 26 BJP MLAs in New Delhi to revive the government highlighted persistent fragility, with hints of further defections within BJP ranks by August 2025. Opposition walkouts, such as by five MLAs in August 2024, further paralyzed sessions, underscoring how defections and ethnic divisions have repeatedly destabilized the Assembly's functioning.

Failures in Conflict Resolution

The Manipur Legislative Assembly has faced significant challenges in addressing ethnic conflicts, particularly the Meitei-Kuki violence that erupted on May 3, 2023, resulting in over 260 deaths and the displacement of approximately 60,000 people by early 2025. The assembly's predominantly Meitei composition—reflecting the valley-based majority—has exacerbated divisions, as the 10 Kuki legislators, representing hill constituencies, argued that the state apparatus failed to protect their communities from targeted attacks, leading to demands for administrative separation as early as May 18, 2023. This ethnic schism rendered the assembly ineffective in brokering consensus, with Kuki members boycotting proceedings and citing security risks that prevented attendance. Attempts to convene sessions post-violence highlighted operational paralysis; for instance, in August 2023, Kuki legislators across parties declared their inability to participate due to ongoing unrest, stalling legislative business and underscoring the assembly's incapacity to function as a unifying body. No substantive bills or resolutions emerged to address core grievances, such as land rights, Scheduled Tribe status disputes, or disarmament of ethnic militias like (Meitei) and Kuki armed groups, despite central government interventions like the June 2023 inquiry commission. Critics, including organizations, have pointed to the assembly's alignment with the state government's policies—perceived as Meitei-favoring under —as a causal factor in perpetuating bias, with allegations of state facilitation of violence undermining impartial resolution efforts. By February 2025, prolonged dysfunction culminated in political collapse: facing a no-confidence motion amid 20 months of intermittent clashes, Biren Singh resigned on February 9, prompting President's Rule on February 13 and placing the assembly under suspended animation. This extraordinary measure, invoked after the assembly's failure to restore order or ethnic harmony, left governance centralized under the Governor, bypassing legislative input and highlighting systemic shortcomings in conflict mediation. Kuki representatives continued to advocate for structural reforms, such as separate administration, viewing the assembly as irredeemably compromised by its inability to enforce equitable protection or dialogue. Despite tripartite talks involving central authorities in April 2025, the assembly's absence from meaningful peace-building perpetuated a de facto ethnic partition, with hill and valley areas physically segregated and violence recurring, as seen in March and September 2024 flare-ups.