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Miguel Pro

Miguel Agustín Pro Juárez (January 13, 1891 – November 23, 1927) was a Mexican Jesuit priest executed by firing squad during the anti-Catholic persecutions enforced by President Plutarco Elías Calles as part of the government's campaign to suppress religious practice amid the Cristero War. Born into a devout and prosperous family in Guadalupe, Zacatecas, Pro entered the Society of Jesus in 1911 but was forced into exile due to rising anticlerical violence, studying and training in Spain, Belgium, and France before ordination in 1926. Returning clandestinely to Mexico City later that year, he ministered to persecuted Catholics under constant threat, disguising himself in various roles—from chauffeur to businessman—to administer sacraments, celebrate Masses, and provide spiritual support in defiance of laws banning public worship and expelling foreign clergy. Arrested in November 1927 and falsely implicated without evidence or trial in a bombing plot against former President Álvaro Obregón, Pro faced execution as a symbolic deterrent against clerical resistance, reportedly shouting ¡Viva Cristo Rey! ("Long live Christ the King!") before the shots rang out, an act captured in government-released photographs intended to demoralize the faithful but instead galvanizing opposition. Beatified by Pope John Paul II on September 25, 1988, Pro exemplifies clerical heroism against state-enforced secularism, with his martyrdom highlighting the regime's targeted elimination of influential religious figures to consolidate power.

Historical Context of Persecution

Ideological Roots of Mexican Anti-Clericalism

The anti-clerical provisions of Mexico's 1917 Constitution emerged from the ideology that viewed the as an entrenched obstacle to national sovereignty and social reform, drawing on liberal, Masonic, and emerging socialist currents that prioritized state control over religious institutions. Article 3 mandated secular education, explicitly barring clergy from teaching and prohibiting religious doctrines in schools, while Article 27 nationalized Church-held lands and restricted property ownership to prevent perceived economic dominance. Article 130 further curtailed clerical by limiting the number of per state to one per 6,000 inhabitants, requiring their registration with civil authorities, banning outside registered sites, and denying basic such as or holding office. These measures codified a long-standing animus, amplified by Freemasonic networks among leaders who associated Catholicism with monarchical conservatism, though empirical assessments reveal the Church's pre- role as a cultural mainstay for over 99% of the population in , rendering such restrictions a profound state imposition on and property. Plutarco Elías Calles, president from 1924 to 1928, intensified this framework through personal ideological commitments, including his Freemasonic affiliation, which aligned with a tradition of using fraternal lodges to propagate secularist and anti-hierarchical views against Catholic influence. In June 1926, Calles promulgated the Law for Reforming the Penal Code—known as the Calles Law—which enforced constitutional articles with punitive measures, such as closing seminaries, mandating priestly celibacy under threat of imprisonment, and imposing fines or exile for unauthorized worship, effectively criminalizing much of clerical activity. This legislation reflected not mere secularization but a targeted ideological campaign, as evidenced by Calles receiving a Freemasonic medal of merit in May 1926 for his anti-Catholic actions, amid a broader post-revolutionary synthesis of socialist education reforms and Masonic anticlericalism that sought to supplant religious authority with state-directed progress. The resulting policies precipitated social upheaval by disregarding the causal reality of Mexico's Catholic demographic predominance—exceeding 90% adherence—and infringing on fundamental liberties, as the state's on education and worship registration violated principles of individual conscience and consensual religious practice without empirical justification for widespread clerical abuse. Proponents framed these as reforms against , yet historical analysis underscores Masonic lodges' in embedding within revolutionary elites, alongside socialist influences that equated Church influence with class oppression, prioritizing ideological conformity over pluralistic coexistence. This overreach, absent proportionate threats from the , underscored a causal disconnect between stated secular goals and the suppression of majority faith expressions.

Enforcement Under Calles and Outbreak of Cristero Resistance

In June 1926, President promulgated regulations enforcing Article 130 of the 1917 Constitution, restricting the number of per to one per 6,000 inhabitants, requiring their registration with civil authorities, and mandating the closure of monastic orders, convents, and religious including seminaries. These measures led to the expulsion of approximately 400 foreign and prompted thousands of —out of an estimated 4,000 active —to either register under oversight, flee into exile, or go underground to avoid arrest. On July 12, 1926, the episcopate responded by suspending all public worship, effectively halting Masses, baptisms, and other sacraments in registered churches nationwide, though clandestine celebrations persisted. The Jesuit order, among others, faced targeted suppression as their schools and houses were seized and shuttered, displacing members and complicating vocational training; this context directly affected like Miguel Pro, who returned covertly amid . Enforcement extended to property expropriations and punitive actions against non-compliant , with reports of over 90 executed by mid-1927 for refusing registration or continuing . forces razed villages resisting compliance, burned crops and livestock holdings, and conducted reprisal killings, fostering conditions of widespread terror that empirical accounts attribute to state initiatives rather than isolated excesses. These aggressions, rooted in centralized enforcement of secularizing policies, eroded voluntary compliance and ignited causal chains of defensive mobilization among Catholic populations. Catholic resistance, coordinated initially through the for the Defense of Religious Liberty, transitioned from boycotts to armed defense by late 1926, with sporadic clashes in and escalating into organized rebellion by January 1, 1927. Rebels, dubbed Cristeros from their rallying cry ¡Viva Cristo Rey!, conducted guerrilla operations against garrisons and supply lines, viewing the conflict as legitimate recourse against perceived violations of natural rights and disproportionate application of law, despite the measures' formal . The ensuing (1926–1929) inflicted heavy losses, with historian Jean Meyer's estimates documenting approximately 90,000 total deaths, including 56,000 federal troops and 30,000 Cristero fighters, underscoring the scale of mutual violence provoked by the regime's initial escalations.

Early Life and Vocation

Birth, Family, and Childhood

Miguel Agustín Pro Juárez was born on January 13, 1891, in , , , to Miguel Pro, a mining engineer, and Josefa Juárez de Pro. He was the third of eleven children born to the couple, four of whom died in infancy or early childhood. The Pro family operated within the mining sector of , a region marked by economic volatility as the Porfiriato era concluded and the Mexican Revolution erupted in 1910, disrupting local industries and livelihoods. The household exemplified devout Catholicism, with parents instilling religious practices amid daily life in a rural mining community. Two elder sisters, María de la Concepción and María de la Luz, later entered religious orders as nuns with the , reflecting the family's commitment to faith vocations. Pro himself exhibited early religious inclinations, forming a pact with sister Concepción wherein he aspired to priesthood if she pursued convent life, as recounted in family accounts. From youth, Pro was characterized by high spirits and cheerfulness alongside piety, traits noted by contemporaries and family as prominent even in a pious prone to revolutionary upheavals. These qualities emerged within a stable familial structure that prioritized Catholic devotion despite external pressures on mining families during Mexico's transition from dictatorship to .

Initial Education and Call to Religious Life

Miguel Agustín Pro received his early education primarily through private tutors in his hometown of , near , , where he demonstrated notable aptitude in humanistic subjects despite not completing formal secondary studies by the time of his religious entry. His schooling emphasized a devout Catholic environment, fostering his cheerful disposition and leadership qualities among peers, traits observed from childhood onward. Pro's vocational deepened amid familial and the escalating instability of the Mexican Revolution, which began in 1910 and intensified anti-clerical sentiments by 1911. Influenced by his parents' faith and a pact with his sister María de la Concepción—wherein he vowed to pursue priesthood if she entered religious life—Pro rejected a secure future managing the family mining business. Early health struggles, including chronic stomach ailments that persisted from youth and demanded resilience, further shaped his spiritual outlook without deterring his resolve. On August 15, 1911, at age twenty, Pro entered the Jesuit novitiate at El Llano, , motivated by attraction to the Society of Jesus's Ignatian emphasis on finding in all things and his upbringing in a tradition of missionary zeal. This step marked the culmination of his call to religious life, prioritizing apostolic service over worldly prospects amid rising governmental threats to the Church.

Jesuit Formation and Exile

Entry into the Society of Jesus

Miguel Agustín Pro entered the of the Society of Jesus on , 1911, at El Llano in , , renouncing worldly prospects to pursue a marked by Ignatian and formation in , , and . Clothed in the Jesuit habit on the same day, coinciding with the Feast of the , Pro committed to a two-year probationary period focused on discernment and ascetic discipline amid Mexico's simmering post-revolutionary tensions. On August 15, 1913, Pro pronounced his first vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, formalizing his entry into the order at a time when anti-clerical policies under the Constitutionalist regime began disrupting religious institutions, including seminary closures and restrictions on clerical activities. His novice master observed Pro's innate adaptability and buoyant humor—traits aligned with the Jesuit charism of flexible engagement with the world—as assets for ministry, advising him to direct his playful spirit, evident in lighthearted pranks among novices, toward edifying souls rather than mere amusement. Pro's early formation coincided with escalating revolutionary violence from 1914 to 1915, as factions led by and clashed, displacing religious communities and prompting Jesuit superiors to prepare for exile amid government expulsions of orders and seizures of ecclesiastical properties. These disruptions, rooted in Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution limiting church ownership, forced the gradual evacuation of novices, with Pro directly witnessing the unraveling of Mexico's Jesuit houses before his own departure.

Seminary Training Abroad

In 1914, amid escalating anti-clerical measures in Mexico that forced the closure of Jesuit institutions, Miguel Pro was transferred to to continue his formation in the Society of Jesus. He pursued initial studies there, navigating the disruptions of , which complicated travel and resources across Europe despite Spain's neutrality. In 1920, following completion of early philosophical coursework, Pro was assigned briefly to for teaching duties at a Jesuit college in , providing practical experience amid his ongoing exile. By 1924, Pro relocated to Enghien, Belgium, for advanced theology studies at the Jesuit theologate, where he focused on scholastic theology and sociology, driven by an interest in labor movements relevant to Mexico's social upheavals. His formation was intermittently hampered by the lingering effects of the Spanish flu pandemic and personal health setbacks, including chronic stomach ailments and severe pain that he concealed to avoid dismissal. Despite these challenges—exacerbated by pleurisy-like respiratory distress and episodes of internal bleeding—Pro maintained rigorous academic discipline, demonstrating perseverance rooted in his vocational commitment to the Mexican apostolate, as evidenced in correspondence expressing longing for his persecuted homeland.

Ordination and Preparation for Ministry

Pro was ordained to the priesthood on August 31, 1925, in Enghien, , at the Jesuit scholasticate where he completed his theological studies amid Mexico's worsening . His ordination occurred without his family present due to travel restrictions and dangers, prompting him to bless their photographs in a symbolic gesture of familial consecration. Following , Pro's initial assignment involved pastoral work among coal miners in , , a region marked by strong socialist, communist, and anarchist influences among laborers. Despite these ideological challenges, he effectively evangelized the workers through personal engagement, , and sacramental ministry, demonstrating early aptitude for outreach to marginalized groups. Several months later, Pro endured multiple surgeries for severe peptic ulcers, yet he bore the pain with characteristic humor and fortitude, viewing suffering as a share in Christ's redemptive work. During this period in , Pro pursued studies in under Jesuit guidance, focusing on Catholic responses to labor movements and social injustices—skills intended to address similar dynamics among Mexico's upon his eventual return. As President enforced anticlerical laws that expelled foreign clergy and restricted priestly numbers to one per 75,000 Catholics by February 1926, Jesuit superiors discerned Pro's suitability for underground ministry due to his adaptability, health resilience, and lack of public profile in Mexico. Preparations emphasized discreet re-entry and non-confrontational strategies to sustain sacraments like , , and , circumventing impending bans on public worship without engaging political resistance. In June 1926, Pro re-entered Mexico undetected, leveraging familial connections and border laxity before the regime's July escalation closed churches and mandated secret worship. This return, approved by superiors, prioritized pastoral continuity over confrontation, with Pro assuming lay disguises from the outset to evade surveillance—reflecting calculated Jesuit planning rooted in obedience and evangelistic imperative, absent any documented political affiliations or revolutionary ties.

Clandestine Ministry in Mexico

Return and Adaptation to Underground Conditions

Miguel Pro returned to Mexico aboard the steamship Cuba, departing Europe on June 24, 1926, and arriving at the port of Veracruz on July 8, 1926, amid intensifying anti-clerical enforcement under President Plutarco Elías Calles. Despite laws requiring priests to register with the state and banning unregistered religious ministry, Pro entered clandestinely without formal recognition, initially taking refuge in his family's home in Mexico City before relocating to sympathetic safe houses to evade detection. By late July 1926, following the government's closure of all and prohibition of public worship on , Pro adapted to underground operations by conducting ministry at night to circumvent raids, curfews, and patrols that targeted suspected . He collaborated closely with his brother Humberto, a fellow Jesuit seminarian, sharing resources and coordinating movements across hidden networks in the to sustain pastoral continuity amid widespread church shutdowns. Pro's initial efforts centered on the clandestine distribution of the , which he administered covertly to large groups deprived of sacramental access due to the closures, at times serving up to 1,500 communicants in a single day through organized secret gatherings. This sacramental priority addressed the immediate for thousands of faithful, prioritizing direct provision over public confrontation, in line with Jesuit directives to avoid political entanglement while fulfilling core priestly duties.

Disguises, Sacramental Work, and Charitable Acts

To evade detection by authorities during Mexico's anti-clerical from 1926 to 1927, Miguel Pro employed a wide array of disguises, including those of a beggar, , , , , and fashionable businessman, allowing him to move freely through urban areas and access restricted sites like prisons. These adaptations enabled him to administer sacraments covertly, such as entering homes of night as a beggar to celebrate or a to deliver to condemned prisoners. Pro's sacramental apostolate was intensive, focusing on , , baptisms, and marriages amid the Cristero War's restrictions on public worship. Disguised, he heard dozens of confessions daily and distributed hundreds of Communions, often conducting Masses in private homes or factories to serve underground communities. Eyewitness accounts from contemporaries highlight his efficacy in these acts, noting how his arrivals at odd hours for baptisms or weddings sustained the faithful's morale without drawing official scrutiny. His approach embodied a direct, unpoliticized commitment to the vulnerable, converting skeptics through personal engagement rather than confrontation. Complementing his priestly duties, Pro organized charitable efforts to address material destitution exacerbated by governmental policies, distributing food, clothing, shelter, and funds to Mexico City's impoverished via networks of lay collaborators. As a businessman , he solicited from affluent contacts to fund these distributions, reflecting his trait of infusing humor and practical ingenuity into service—such as playful jests that lightened the peril—while embracing with evident , as observed by those who aided his operations. This holistic ministry prioritized empirical and spiritual sustenance over ideological agendas.

Arrest, Accusations, and Martyrdom

The Obregón Assassination Plot and Government Response

On November 13, 1927, President-elect Álvaro Obregón survived a bomb attack in Chapultepec Park, Mexico City, during a post-election parade. Engineer Luis Segura Vilchis, motivated by opposition to the government's anti-clerical measures amid the Cristero uprising, hurled two homemade bombs at Obregón's vehicle from a nearby rooftop; Obregón suffered only minor shrapnel wounds to his hand and leg. Vilchis fled but was captured after a car chase and shootout, in which accomplice Juan Tirado was wounded and another associate, Nahum Lamberto Ruiz, was killed. The plot originated from a fringe faction of Catholic militants dissatisfied with the regime's suppression of religious practices, distinct from the main Cristero guerrilla forces. Vilchis, employed by the Mexican Light and Power Company, had procured materials for the explosives and coordinated with a small cell, but official investigations initially pointed to no wider institutional involvement from the or . President Plutarco Elías Calles's administration exploited the incident to escalate its campaign against perceived clerical threats, arresting over 20 suspects in the immediate aftermath, including priests and lay Catholics accused of complicity. Interrogations yielded confessions—later alleged to be coerced through —purporting to expose a Jesuit-led , prompting summary executions of four men on without or appeal. This response framed the attack as emblematic of organized Catholic , justifying intensified raids on , church properties, and sympathizers to dismantle underground religious networks.

Pro's Capture, Interrogation, and Execution

On November 21, 1927, Miguel Pro was arrested at his family home in , along with his brother Roberto, in connection with the failed assassination attempt on former President earlier that month. The arrests occurred amid heightened anti-Catholic persecution under President , with Pro targeted due to his priestly status despite the assassin's confession exonerating him. He was detained in secret at the Federal Police Headquarters without access to legal counsel or a formal , as the regime sought swift suppression of clerical influence. During his brief imprisonment, Pro maintained composure and reportedly rejected offers of clemency conditioned on renouncing his faith, affirming his commitment to his vocation. On the morning of November 23, 1927, he was escorted to the headquarters' courtyard for execution by a five-man firing squad. Pro declined a blindfold, clutched a crucifix and rosary, extended his arms in imitation of the crucified Christ, and forgave his executioners before shouting "¡Viva Cristo Rey!" ("Long live Christ the King!") as the command to fire was given. The initial volley struck Pro but failed to kill him instantly; a soldier then administered a fatal shot at to his head. officials mandated extensive photographic documentation of the event, publishing the images in newspapers the following day to intimidate the faithful and deter . Contrary to intent, the photos depicted Pro's serene defiance, inadvertently inspiring widespread Catholic and resistance.

Controversies Surrounding the Charges

Government Narrative Versus Forensic and Testimonial Evidence

The Mexican government under President alleged that Miguel Agustín Pro had supplied a and components for a used in the November 19, 1927, assassination attempt on former president , implicating him as part of a broader Cristero against the . However, no forensic evidence, such as bomb fragments traced to Pro or matching forensics, was presented to substantiate these claims, with the connection resting solely on the car's registration to Pro's brother Humberto, who had no involvement in the plot. Pro's arrest and execution proceeded without trial or opportunity for defense, relying instead on interrogations yielding testimonies later deemed unreliable due to the regime's coercive practices during the anti-Catholic persecution. Jesuit records and contemporary accounts establish a solid alibi, documenting Pro's engagement in clandestine sacramental ministry in on the date of the attempt, precluding his participation. Post-persecution analyses, including Church inquiries in , affirmed Pro's noninvolvement, attributing the accusations to frame-up tactics amid Calles' campaign to dismantle Catholic resistance, where evidentiary standards were subordinated to political suppression. State-controlled propagated the narrative through staged execution photographs intended to demoralize Cristeros, yet these images instead galvanized Catholic defiance, underscoring the regime's miscalculation in leveraging unverified claims for deterrent effect. Historical consensus among scholars of the Cristero era views Pro's case as emblematic of fabricated charges to justify extrajudicial killings, contrasting sharply with the government's portrayal of judicial retribution.

Broader Implications for State-Sponsored Religious Persecution

The execution of Miguel Pro exemplified the Mexican government's systematic campaign against Catholicism during the (1926-1929), where President enforced anticlerical provisions of the 1917 Constitution through laws mandating priest registration, closing religious schools, and expelling foreign clergy, resulting in the suppression of public worship and driving the faith underground. This policy produced numerous martyrs akin to Pro, including 25 Cristero figures canonized by on May 21, 2000, for refusing to renounce their faith amid state violence. Estimates of the conflict's toll vary, with some historians citing over 200,000 deaths by 1930 from combat, executions, and reprisals, reflecting the regime's causal prioritization of ideological over social stability, which escalated passive resistance into armed rebellion. International responses underscored the persecution's perceived illegitimacy, as the issued the 1926 Acerba Animi condemning Calles' measures as tyrannical violations of natural rights, while U.S. Ambassador mediated negotiations in 1929 to broker peace amid strained bilateral ties over religious freedoms. The also pursued ecclesiastical sanctions against complicit officials, including excommunications of politicians and clergy who enforced or accommodated the anticlerical edicts, aiming to deter further state overreach. These actions highlighted a broader of state-sponsored religious suppression, where causal enforcement of atheistic policies—rooted in post-revolutionary Jacobinism—provoked not submission but fortified communal defiance, as evidenced by widespread boycotts reducing state revenues by up to 74% in targeted sectors. Ultimately, the regime's efforts failed to eradicate Catholicism, with retaining a Catholic majority of approximately 78% as of the 2020 census, demonstrating the resilience of deeply ingrained cultural and spiritual allegiances against coercive . This outcome aligns with empirical patterns in , where suppression intensifies rather than dissolves faith, contrary to the anticlerical regime's expectations. Left-leaning historiographies, often influenced by sympathy for , have tended to minimize the ideological zealotry driving the violence, framing it primarily as a political power struggle rather than targeted religious tyranny, thereby understating the state's role in fostering mass martyrdom and underground ecclesial networks.

Veneration and Enduring Legacy

Posthumous Recognition and Beatification Process

The cause for the beatification of Miguel Agustín Pro was formally introduced on January 11, 1952, when approved the decree recognizing his martyrdom during the Cristero , thereby waiving the typical requirement for a verified prior to . This step followed the initial diocesan in , which gathered testimonies on Pro's life, virtues, and execution without due on November 23, 1927, attributing his to odium fidei ( of the faith) amid the Mexican government's anti-clerical campaigns. The apostolic process examined archival evidence, including Pro's spiritual writings approved by theologians in 1947, and confirmed his reputation for sanctity despite the government's suppression of information about his death. On September 25, 1988, Pope John Paul II beatified Pro as a martyr in Saint Peter's Square, Rome, emphasizing his "tireless evangelizing zeal" and ordinary heroism in clandestine ministry, stating that neither illness, exhaustion, nor mortal danger deterred his sacramental work for souls. Pro's beatification aligned with the Catholic Church's validation of Cristero resistance against state-enforced religious restrictions, as evidenced by of 25 martyrs from the same conflict—primarily diocesan priests executed between 1915 and 1937—by John Paul II on May 21, 2000, which underscored the moral legitimacy of defending amid systematic .

Attributed Miracles and Canonization Prospects

Blessed Miguel Agustín Pro was beatified on September 25, 1988, by , recognizing his martyrdom without the prior requirement of an attributed , as is customary for martyrs in the Catholic process. For elevation to sainthood, however, the mandates verification of at least one attributable to his occurring after beatification, subjected to rigorous scrutiny by medical and theological experts to establish inexplicability by natural causes. This empirical threshold aims to distinguish genuine intervention from coincidence or psychosomatic effects, though critics from secular perspectives often attribute reported healings to responses or misdiagnosis rather than divine causation. As of October 2025, no such miracle has been officially approved by the Congregation for the Causes of Saints, stalling Pro's canonization prospects despite widespread devotion among Mexican Catholics and Jesuit communities. Anecdotal claims persist, including invocations for cancer remissions and recoveries from terminal illnesses, but these lack the documented medical evidence—such as pre- and post-event diagnostics from independent panels—required for Vatican validation. Faithful proponents view these as signs of Pro's ongoing intercessory power, fostering pilgrimages to his relics, while skeptics highlight the absence of peer-reviewed corroboration and the subjective nature of attribution in religious testimonies. The Vatican's process underscores causal realism by prioritizing falsifiable data over testimonial enthusiasm, yet delays in Pro's case reflect broader challenges in verifying post-1988 events amid competing causes and incomplete records from supplicants. Devotees continue advocating through the Jesuit order, but without a confirmed wonder, remains pending, preserving Pro's status as a beatus rather than .

Influence on Catholic Resistance and Cultural Memory

The Mexican government's publication of photographs depicting Miguel Pro's execution on November 23, 1927, was intended to intimidate Catholics and deter resistance during the (1926–1929), but the images achieved the opposite effect. Instead of suppressing morale, the graphic depictions circulated clandestinely among Cristero fighters and faithful, transforming Pro into an icon of defiance and bolstering their resolve to continue the armed uprising against anti-Catholic policies. Pro's final shout of ¡Viva Cristo Rey! ("Long live !") echoed as a rallying cry for the Cristeros, encapsulating their commitment to defending religious liberty amid state-enforced secularization that had closed churches and banned public worship. Pro's martyrdom exemplified priestly dedication in sustaining sacramental life and communal faith under , inspiring clandestine networks to persevere despite the execution of over 90 priests and widespread violence that claimed approximately 90,000 lives in total during the . This visual and testimonial legacy countered government propaganda by humanizing the human cost of the Calles regime's enforcement of the Constitution's restrictive articles on religious practice, fostering a culture of resilient Catholicism that outlasted the war's formal end in 1929. In contemporary cultural memory, Pro's influence persists through institutions bearing his name, such as the Blessed Miguel Pro Catholic Academy in , established in 2020 as a merger of regional parishes to promote faith-based modeled on his example of joyful amid adversity. He is invoked as a patron in U.S. Catholic communities, symbolizing against and serving as a model for prisoners, political refugees, and the pro-life movement. Historical analyses critique mainstream portrayals of the Cristero era that often frame the as incidental to land reforms or modernization efforts, thereby understating the deliberate targeting of Catholic institutions and clergy as evidenced by the regime's execution quotas and seizures.

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