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Putting-out system

The putting-out system, also known as the domestic system, was a decentralized production method prevalent in Europe from the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries, particularly in the textile industry, in which merchants or entrepreneurs distributed raw materials such as wool or cotton to rural households for processing into finished goods like yarn or cloth, compensating workers on a piece-rate basis upon return of the products.^[1]^[2] This arrangement leveraged surplus agricultural labor in cottages, enabling scaled manufacturing without centralized factories and serving as a precursor to the Industrial Revolution by coordinating household-based proto-industrialization.^[3]^[4] While offering workers flexibility and autonomy in pacing their tasks—often preferred over rigid guild or factory discipline—the system faced challenges including inconsistent quality control, dependency on merchant financiers, and vulnerability to market fluctuations, ultimately yielding to mechanized factories as technological advances demanded concentrated operations.^[5]^[6]

Definition and Overview

Core Features

The putting-out system involved merchant capitalists distributing raw materials, such as wool or cotton, to rural households for processing into finished goods like yarn, cloth, or stockings, with workers compensated on a piece-rate basis.^[1] This decentralized approach relied on family labor, often including women and children, who performed tasks like spinning and weaving using their own tools, such as spinning wheels and looms, in domestic settings.^[7]^[3] Key to the system's operation was the merchant's role in coordinating production without owning workshops, enabling scalability through networks of subcontractors while minimizing fixed capital investments.^[8] Workers retained flexibility to combine manufacturing with agriculture, particularly in rural areas where land scarcity or seasonal demands supplemented farm income.^[9] However, this structure often led to inconsistent quality and embezzlement risks, as merchants lacked direct oversight over dispersed production sites.^[10] Primarily applied to textiles in regions like England and Flanders from the 17th century, the system extended to other goods such as metalware and hosiery, marking a shift toward market-oriented craft production that preceded mechanized factories.^[11]^[12] It exemplified proto-industrialization by integrating rural economies into commercial networks, fostering labor discipline and specialization without urban migration.^[13]

Relation to Proto-Industrialization

The putting-out system constituted a primary organizational form within proto-industrialization, a phase of economic development characterized by the expansion of rural, export-oriented manufacturing activities between approximately 1650 and 1800 in various European regions. Coined by economic historian Franklin F. Mendels in his 1972 study, proto-industrialization described how merchant capitalists coordinated decentralized production in households, integrating it with agricultural work to harness underemployed rural labor for commercial markets, particularly in textiles such as linen in Flanders and woolens in England.^[14]^[15] This system facilitated the commercialization of crafts by distributing raw materials like wool or yarn to domestic producers, who processed them into finished goods for sale abroad, thereby generating surplus capital and fostering division of labor without requiring fixed workshops.^[16] Key features linking the putting-out system to proto-industrialization include its role in demographic and structural transformations: regions with intensive putting-out activities, such as parts of the Rhineland and Yorkshire, exhibited higher population growth rates due to the supplementary income from by-employment, which reduced reliance on land inheritance and encouraged earlier marriages and larger families.^[17] This labor mobilization created pools of semi-skilled workers and established supply chains that later supported mechanized factories, as seen in the transition from handloom weaving to power looms in Lancashire during the late 18th century. Empirical evidence from proto-industrial districts demonstrates how the system's flexibility allowed adaptation to fluctuating demand, with merchants investing profits in infrastructure like canals, which enhanced market integration and paved the way for full industrialization.^[18] However, the relationship is not universally deterministic; critiques, such as those by Sheilagh Ogilvie, highlight that in guild-dominated areas like Württemberg, putting-out systems faced institutional barriers like quality regulations and exclusionary practices, leading to stagnation rather than inevitable progression to factories.^[19] Despite such variations, the preponderance of historical data supports the view that putting-out proto-industries provided essential preconditions for the Industrial Revolution, including technological experimentation—evident in early adoption of flying shuttles in rural English cloth production—and the concentration of capital in merchant hands, which funded innovations like Arkwright's water frames by the 1760s.^[20] This transitional dynamic underscores proto-industrialization as a bridge from feudal agrarian economies to capitalist manufacturing, though outcomes depended on local factors like resource access and institutional frameworks.^[9]

Historical Development

Origins in Medieval and Early Modern Europe

The putting-out system emerged in the late Middle Ages, primarily within Europe's woolen textile industry, as merchants and clothiers began distributing raw materials like wool to rural and semi-rural households for processing, thereby bypassing urban guild restrictions and leveraging underemployed agricultural labor. In Florence, Italy, during the 14th century, wool entrepreneurs (lanaioli) organized production through this method, sending wool through approximately two dozen stages—including sorting, carding, spinning, weaving, fulling, and dyeing—to dependent workers, which allowed for scaled output amid rising demand for exported cloth.^[21] Similar arrangements appeared in the Low Countries, particularly Flanders, where urban drapers in cities like Bruges coordinated rural out-workers for wool finishing and tapestry production by the 13th-14th centuries, capitalizing on the region's dominance in wool trade.^[22] In England, the system took root in the 15th century, evolving from independent artisanal workshops to a coordinated network led by clothiers who supplied wool and collected finished broadcloths from out-workers performing tasks such as carding, spinning, and weaving. Court of Common Pleas litigation records from 1450-1510 document this shift, with over 577 Suffolk cloth-makers involved in debt disputes related to material advances and piece-rate payments, indicating widespread dependence on clothier coordination by the 1460s.^[23] Prerogative Court of Canterbury wills from 1450-1530 further evidence clothiers bequeathing tools and debts to out-workers, while alnage accounts for Suffolk (1465/66-1468/69) show production concentrated in rural areas like East Anglia.^[23] Suffolk emerged as England's leading cloth-producing county by 1500, with annual output reaching approximately 100,000 broadcloths by 1510, driven by exports via London merchants.^[23] During the early modern period (16th-17th centuries), the system expanded across western Europe as proto-industrialization intensified, with merchant capitalists formalizing supply chains to meet growing urban and colonial markets while exploiting seasonal rural labor surpluses. In England, clothiers consolidated control, integrating dyeing and shearing into household networks, which supported sustained growth until mechanization pressures arose. Continental influences, including Flemish techniques, informed English adaptations, fostering a decentralized model that preceded factory systems by emphasizing merchant oversight over fixed workshops.^[23] This organizational innovation reflected causal pressures from trade expansion and guild constraints, enabling higher productivity without urban capital concentration.^[6]

Expansion During the 17th and 18th Centuries

The putting-out system expanded markedly in Europe during the 17th and 18th centuries, driven by rising export demand, population growth, and the availability of rural labor seeking supplementary income amid agricultural pressures.^[19] This proto-industrial phase involved merchant capitalists distributing raw materials to dispersed household producers, enabling scaled production outside urban guild constraints and fostering regional specialization in rural areas.^[16] In England, the wool textile sector exemplified this growth, with production shifting to rural districts like the West Country (Gloucestershire, Wiltshire, Somerset), East Anglia, and West Yorkshire, where merchant-employers supplied wool and yarn to home-based outworkers.^[24] By 1700, wool textiles constituted 26% of English manufacturing output, reflecting the system's efficiency through external economies of scale in specialized regions.^[24] The 17th-century worsted industry surged, surpassing Dutch competitors and penetrating Mediterranean markets, as merchants coordinated piece-rate labor across thousands of households.^[24] Workforce estimates for mid-18th-century English wool textiles ranged from 800,000 to 1,500,000 participants, representing a substantial portion of the national population of approximately 6.3 million in 1761, with many households integrating spinning and weaving into agrarian routines.^[24] Wool exports accounted for 25% of England's total by 1770, underscoring the system's role in commercial expansion before mechanization.^[24] On the continent, similar dynamics prevailed in linen production in German territories and Flanders, and emerging cotton sectors, where putting-out facilitated market-oriented rural manufacture amid feudal remnants.^[16]

Decline in the 19th Century

The putting-out system experienced significant decline during the 19th century, primarily driven by the mechanization of production processes that rendered decentralized household manufacturing inefficient and obsolete. In the textile industry, particularly cotton and wool, inventions like Richard Arkwright's water frame in 1769 enabled the spinning of finer, stronger yarn using water power, necessitating large-scale mills rather than domestic setups, as the machinery was too bulky and power-dependent for homes.^[25] Similarly, the power loom, introduced in the early 1800s, automated weaving and further centralized operations in factories equipped with steam engines by the 1820s, allowing for continuous production and economies of scale unattainable in the putting-out model.^[25] These technological shifts exposed inherent limitations of the putting-out system, including difficulties in supervising dispersed workers, inconsistent quality, material waste from poor handling, and vulnerability to embezzlement or sabotage, which factories mitigated through direct oversight and integrated workflows.^[19] By the 1830s, factory production dominated British cotton textiles, with output surging from mechanized mills; for instance, cotton consumption in Britain rose from 52 million pounds in 1790 to over 700 million pounds by 1850, largely bypassing domestic spinners and weavers.^[25] Resistance emerged, as seen in the Luddite protests of 1811–1816, where skilled artisans destroyed machinery threatening their livelihoods, but such efforts failed against the productivity gains of factories.^[25] In woolen textiles, decline was more gradual, persisting in regions like the West Riding of Yorkshire into the mid-19th century due to resistance against full centralization and reliance on traditional handloom weaving, though even there, competition from factory-produced goods eroded markets by the 1840s.^[19] Overall, by the mid-19th century, the system had largely phased out in England, supplanted by urban factories that concentrated labor, capital, and innovation, marking the transition to modern industrial capitalism.^[26] This shift also facilitated proletarianization, drawing rural workers to cities, though some proto-industrial pockets endured where agricultural integration buffered against factory dominance.^[19]

Operational Mechanics

Merchant Role and Supply Chain

In the putting-out system, merchants functioned as central coordinators and capitalist entrepreneurs, procuring raw materials such as wool, flax, or cotton from domestic or international markets and distributing them to dispersed rural households for processing. These merchant capitalists, often urban-based, supplied materials on credit or loan to domestic workers—typically families combining agricultural labor with manufacturing—who performed tasks like spinning, weaving, or assembly at piece rates. This arrangement allowed merchants to minimize fixed capital investments in workshops while leveraging a flexible, low-wage labor pool, bearing the risks of market fluctuations, material losses, and inconsistent quality.^[16]^[18] The supply chain was organized hierarchically, with merchants at the apex often employing sub-agents or intermediaries to extend reach into remote areas, facilitating the "putting-out" of materials and the subsequent collection of semi-finished or completed goods. For instance, in England's woolen industry during the 17th and 18th centuries, merchants in regions like East Anglia or the West Country would dispatch wool to carders and spinners, retrieve yarn for weavers, and integrate finishing stages such as dyeing either in-house or via additional outworkers before exporting fabrics to continental Europe or colonial markets. This decentralized model enabled scalability, as merchants could adjust output by contracting more households during demand peaks, though it introduced challenges like enforcement of standards and prevention of embezzlement of materials.^[16]^[27] Merchants' dominance in the chain stemmed from their control over capital, commercial networks, and market intelligence, positioning them to capture profits from value-added production without direct supervision of labor. Quality control involved periodic inspections or reliance on piece-rate incentives, while payments were typically deferred until goods sold, aligning worker output with merchant revenues. This system persisted effectively until mechanization and factory discipline eroded its advantages in the late 18th century, as merchants increasingly transitioned to centralized operations for greater oversight.^[18]^[28]

Household Production Process

In the putting-out system, household production centered on rural families processing merchant-supplied raw materials into semi-finished or finished goods using family labor and domestic tools. Predominantly in textiles during the 17th and 18th centuries, the workflow began with the delivery of unprocessed fibers like wool or flax to homes, where initial preparation involved carding to clean, disentangle, and align the fibers, often performed by children using hand carders or combs.^[29]^[30] Spinning followed, typically undertaken by women and older children with spinning wheels to twist fibers into yarn, a labor-intensive step that could occupy much of the household's non-agricultural time given the imbalance between spinning and weaving demands—often requiring multiple spinners per weaver. Adult men then wove the yarn into cloth on handlooms set up in home workshops or living spaces, completing the core production cycle before any additional finishing like fulling or dyeing, which might occur in specialized households or centrally.^[30]^[31] This decentralized process allowed flexible integration with farming, with work paced by piece rates—payment per unit produced—and seasonal availability, enabling households to supplement agricultural income amid population pressures and land scarcity in proto-industrial regions of Europe. Tools remained family-owned, fostering some autonomy but tying productivity to household demographics and skill levels, with output varying from a few yards of cloth per week per loom in woolens production.^[13]^[32]^[23] Quality control was rudimentary, relying on the weaver's or spinner's reputation and periodic inspections by agents, though inconsistencies arose from variable home conditions and multi-household supply chains, contributing to the system's eventual inefficiencies against mechanized factories.^[33]

Payment and Quality Control

In the putting-out system, merchants compensated household producers primarily through piece-rate payments, disbursing funds based on the quantity and quality of completed work returned, such as spun yarn or woven cloth, rather than hourly or fixed wages.^[34] ^[35] This structure aligned worker earnings with output volume, often settled during periodic collections by merchant agents or carriers, which provided flexibility tied to market cycles but exposed producers to income variability from fluctuating demand or material availability.^[35] Contracts were typically oral and non-exclusive, allowing households to work for multiple merchants, though payments reflected the resale value of finished goods to the principal merchant.^[35] Quality control rested with merchants, who exerted oversight by supplying standardized raw or semi-finished materials—such as warped yarn in the 18th-century Ulster linen industry—to minimize variations and ensure uniformity in output.^[35] Upon collection, agents inspected returned products for defects, with payments adjusted or withheld for substandard work, leading to frequent disputes between workers and merchants over assessments of quality.^[36] In industries like 15th–16th-century Florentine silk production, merchants coordinated finishing stages through skilled urban craftsmen to refine rural household output, thereby maintaining market standards despite decentralized production.^[34] ^[35] This merchant-dominated verification process, while effective for scaling production, often favored the capitalist's interests, as poor-quality rejections could leave households uncompensated after investing time and supplementary resources.^[36]

Key Industries

Textiles and Woolens

The putting-out system played a central role in the woolen textile industry, particularly in northwestern Europe, where it facilitated the production of wool cloth through decentralized rural labor from the late Middle Ages onward. In this sector, merchants or clothiers distributed raw wool to households for processing stages such as carding, spinning, and weaving, before collecting the semi-finished or finished goods for market. This approach leveraged the availability of underemployed rural workers, enabling scalability without the fixed costs of urban workshops.^[23]^[24] In England, woolen cloth emerged as a staple export commodity between 1200 and 1800, with the putting-out system integral to its manufacture, especially in regions like East Anglia and the West Country. Clothiers supplied wool to spinners—predominantly women working in domestic settings—followed by weavers operating handlooms in cottages, and finishers for shearing and dyeing. By the 17th century, this system supported thousands of households; for instance, in Wiltshire, over 10,000 families depended on woolen putting-out work around 1700, contributing to England's dominance in broadcloth exports to markets in Europe and the Americas.^[24]^[37] Flanders served as an early hub for woolen production under proto-putting-out arrangements from the 13th century, where urban drapers outsourced preparatory tasks to rural areas to bypass guild restrictions and reduce costs. Specialized roles emerged, with gender divisions evident: women handled spinning, while men dominated weaving, reflecting household labor dynamics rather than formal wage structures. This model influenced English practices after Flemish weavers migrated in the 14th century, introducing techniques like worsted weaving that integrated into domestic systems.^[38]^[39] The system's efficiency in woolens stemmed from wool's versatility for coarse broadcloths and finer worsteds, but it faced challenges like inconsistent quality and dependency on seasonal labor. Despite mechanization's rise in cotton by the late 18th century, woolen putting-out persisted into the 1840s in areas resistant to factory adoption, such as Leicestershire's hosiery, underscoring its adaptability before full industrialization displaced it.^[37]^[24]

Metalworking and Firearms

The putting-out system extended to metalworking trades, where merchants supplied rural or small-town households with raw materials such as iron rods or bars, which were then forged, cut, and finished into small goods like nails, chains, rivets, and cutlery components.^[40] This decentralized production leveraged household forges and simple tools, allowing families to integrate metal tasks with agriculture, particularly in regions with access to charcoal or coal for heating.^[41] In England's West Midlands, nail-making exemplified this approach, with "nailmasters" distributing slitting-mill output to domestic workshops from the 17th century onward, where entire families—men forging heads and points, women and children sorting and sharpening—produced thousands of hand-wrought nails weekly under piece-rate payment.^[42] The Black Country's nail trade, centered around areas like Sedgley and Dudley, relied on this system until the mid-19th century, when steam-powered cut-nail machines in factories eroded its viability, reducing hand-forged output from dominant market share to marginal by 1850.^[43] Cutlery production in Sheffield and Hallamshire followed a similar model, with merchant "factors" putting out steel blanks for grinding, hafting, and polishing across divided domestic workshops, enabling extreme specialization—over 30 distinct processes per knife—by the 18th century.^[44] This subdivision, combined with water-powered grinding wheels shared among households, supported export growth, but quality varied due to inconsistent home conditions, prompting merchant inspections and fines for defects.^[44] The system's flexibility accommodated fluctuating demand for tableware and tools, supplementing rural incomes until centralized factories adopted powered machinery post-1830, shifting production to urban sites with better control over standardization.^[44] In firearms manufacturing, the putting-out system facilitated component production for muskets and pistols, particularly in Birmingham's "Gun Quarter" during the 18th century, where merchants contracted rural smiths and filers for locks, barrels, and mounts using supplied iron and brass.^[45] By the 1740s, English gun production involved up to 30 subcontracted trades, with complex parts like flintlock mechanisms made in cottage settings before assembly in town, enabling rapid scaling for military contracts during conflicts like the Seven Years' War (1756–1763).^[45] ^[46] London and Birmingham networks similarly dispersed tasks, with 21 specialized trades contributing to muskets by mid-century, though precision limitations led to higher rejection rates compared to later integrated factories.^[47] This approach persisted into the early 19th century for sporting guns and export trade, declining as interchangeable parts and machinery—pioneered in America—influenced British adoption around 1820, centralizing output and reducing domestic fragmentation.^[48] Overall, metalworking under the putting-out system boosted output through labor surplus but struggled with uniformity, paving the way for factory discipline amid rising demand for standardized goods.^[45]

Other Sectors

The putting-out system found application in specialized crafts beyond heavy textiles and metalworking, particularly in lace production, where merchants distributed threads and patterns to rural women for intricate handwork. In nineteenth-century France, this organization involved tens of thousands of female outworkers producing bobbin and needle lace from home workshops, sustaining a decentralized network until machine competition intensified after 1850.^[49] Similarly, in England, lace-making via putting-out persisted in regions like Buckinghamshire and Northamptonshire through the late nineteenth century, employing thousands in domestic settings for export markets.^[50] Nail-making in England's Black Country and Birmingham districts operated under the putting-out model from at least the early nineteenth century, with ironmasters supplying rod iron to household forges for hand-forging cut nails during off-season agricultural periods. This system supported small-scale production of up to millions of nails annually per district by 1811, leveraging family labor in rural forges before mechanized factories displaced it post-1830.^[51]^[40] Hosiery production, including knitted stockings, also utilized putting-out in proto-industrial England and the Low Countries, where merchants provided yarn to cottage knitters, expanding output from the seventeenth century onward amid rising urban demand.^[50] Shoemaking and button-making adopted analogous domestic subcontracting, with leather or horn distributed to rural households for assembly, though these remained smaller in scale compared to textiles. In early modern Europe, such sectors integrated seasonal rural labor, contributing to proto-industrialization by 1750, but faced quality inconsistencies and merchant oversight challenges inherent to dispersed production.^[35] These applications underscored the system's flexibility for low-capital, labor-intensive goods, yet its vulnerability to raw material shortages and fraud persisted across sectors.

Regional Variations

England and the Low Countries

In England, the putting-out system became prominent in the woolen textile industry during the 16th and 17th centuries, with merchants distributing raw wool or yarn to rural households for spinning, weaving, and finishing into cloth, which was then collected for market sale.^[24] This proto-industrial organization concentrated in regions like East Anglia, where Flemish and Walloon migrants from the 1560s onward introduced advanced worsted techniques, and the West Riding of Yorkshire, where merchant-employers coordinated dispersed outworkers using specialized tools such as spinning wheels integrated into part-time peasant labor.^[24] By 1700, wool textiles accounted for 26% of English manufacturing output, and the system employed an estimated 800,000 to 1,500,000 workers by the mid-18th century, primarily in rural areas where production supplemented agricultural income without full proletarianization.^[24] In the Low Countries, the putting-out system appeared earlier, from around 1250, as a form of rural proto-industrialization, particularly in Flanders where merchants supplied materials for household production of linen, woolens, and later lighter fabrics like says.^[22] Between 1400 and 1600 in the Flemish West-Quarter, rural woolen output expanded from 3,000 to over 15,000 cloths annually, with villages like Nieuwkerke producing 250,000 ells (14% of Flemish total) and Hondschoote reaching 60,000 says in the 1560s, often combining textile tasks with seasonal farming to lower costs.^[52] In rural East Flanders locales such as Lede, 50% of families owned weaving looms, 75% flax-processing tools, and 80% spinning wheels, engaging tens of thousands in by-employment that sustained population growth and market-oriented non-agricultural activities into the 18th century.^[22] Following the Dutch Revolt of 1568, the northern Low Countries shifted production northward, with Leiden adopting putting-out for woolens where merchants provided materials to independent weavers paid per piece, peaking at 130,000 cloths annually by the 1660s before adapting to lighter exports like fustians and camlets.^[53] Unlike the heavier urban woolens of southern Flanders and Brabant, Dutch textiles emphasized cheaper, export-oriented varieties finished in rural areas like those around Haarlem for linen bleaching.^[53] Regional differences included the Low Countries' medieval origins and tighter integration with agriculture amid political disruptions, contrasting England's later 16th-century expansion and smoother scaling toward mechanized factories by the early 19th century.^[24]^[22]

Central Europe and Switzerland

In Central Europe, encompassing territories of the Holy Roman Empire such as the German states, Bohemia, and Silesia, the putting-out system—known locally as the Verlagssystem—facilitated rural production of textiles for export markets from the 16th century onward, with linen emerging as a dominant commodity. Rural households, often supplementing agricultural income, received raw materials like flax from urban merchants who controlled distribution and quality inspection, enabling scalable output without urban guild constraints. This decentralized model thrived in areas with abundant rural labor, contributing to proto-industrial growth by integrating peripheral regions into broader European trade networks.^[11] In Bohemia, under Habsburg rule, the system played a pivotal role in 18th-century linen production, where merchants distributed yarn to dispersed cottage workers for spinning and weaving, yielding goods for domestic and international markets; by mid-century, this accounted for a substantial share of industrial output in the region. Silesia similarly developed a robust linen proto-industry from the 17th to 19th centuries, relying on rural home-based weaving supplied by city-based exporters who advanced materials and dictated piece rates, fostering dependency but also economic ties to ports like Hamburg. These operations often involved family labor, with women handling spinning amid seasonal agricultural slack.^[54]^[55]^[56] Switzerland adopted the Verlagssystem as early as the 16th century, with initial examples in Lugano's textile sector, evolving into widespread rural cotton and linen processing by the early 18th century, particularly in Zurich's Oberland where farmers' families spun imported cotton yarn at home for merchant networks. This home-based division of labor—merchants providing materials and markets, households executing specialized tasks like weaving—supported proto-industrial expansion amid mountainous terrain unsuitable for large estates, though it later faced competition from mechanization. Habsburg territories, including Austria, extended similar outwork to woolens and linens from the 16th century, with state efforts under Maria Theresa in the 1770s aiming to regulate and enhance the domestic system's efficiency through improved oversight and incentives.^[57]^[56]

Southern and Eastern Europe

In Southern Europe, particularly Italy, the putting-out system manifested in textile sectors such as silk production, where rural households processed raw silk for urban merchants, driven by demand for luxury goods from the 16th to 18th centuries. Centers like Lucca and Bologna saw expanded rural weaving and throwing of silk threads, stimulated by elite consumption and poor agricultural soils that lowered the opportunity cost of diverting labor to manufacturing.^[11]^[58] This rural dispersion was facilitated in northern Italy by feudal lords who supported proto-industry to undermine urban guild monopolies, allowing merchants to subcontract work beyond city walls.^[59] However, in Spain and the Mediterranean periphery, the system remained more constrained by stronger urban guilds and agrarian structures, with limited evidence of widespread rural outsourcing compared to woolens in the north.^[11] In Eastern Europe, proto-industrialization through putting-out occurred amid feudal persistence, where lords encouraged rural manufacturing to generate revenue and compete with urban artisans, particularly in textiles like linen in Poland and Bohemia from the 17th century onward.^[59] Serfdom tied labor to estates but did not preclude merchant distribution of materials to peasant households for piecework, as seen in Silesian and Hungarian wool and cloth production tied to export markets. In Russia, the kustar system from the 18th century involved rural artisans receiving raw materials from urban traders for crafting goods like metalware and fabrics, functioning analogously to putting-out despite state oversight of guilds.^[11] This form was less capitalized and market-integrated than in the West, often serving local or imperial demands rather than global trade, and faced constraints from autocratic policies and land-bound labor. Across the Balkans under Ottoman rule, the putting-out system was minimal, overshadowed by urban esnaf guilds that controlled crafts and limited rural subcontracting, with proto-industry largely confined to localized textile finishing rather than expansive merchant networks.^[11] Overall, institutional factors like feudal competition with guilds promoted the system in pockets of Eastern and northern Italian Europe, but political fragmentation, Ottoman centralization, and agrarian dominance resulted in sparser development than in England or the Low Countries, contributing to delayed industrialization.^[59]

Economic Impacts

Productivity and Market Integration

The putting-out system enhanced aggregate productivity by mobilizing underutilized rural labor, particularly during agricultural off-seasons, thereby increasing total output in industries like textiles without requiring substantial fixed capital investments in workshops. In proto-industrial regions such as 18th-century Flanders, this approach allowed households to combine farming with market-oriented manufacturing, contributing to rapid expansion in linen production for export and yielding positive effects on both aggregate and per capita output through more continuous labor utilization.^[60]^[61] However, labor productivity per worker remained constrained by reliance on manual tools, limited division of labor within households, and challenges in enforcing consistent work rhythms or skill standardization across dispersed producers.^[19] This system's flexibility enabled producers to respond to fluctuating demand, scaling output by distributing work to additional households rather than expanding centralized facilities, which supported growth in sectors like English woolens where merchant-entrepreneurs coordinated rural networks to meet urban and overseas markets. Empirical evidence from pre-industrial France indicates that such decentralized organization absorbed risks from market volatility but often resulted in lower efficiency compared to subsequent mechanized factories, as supervision was indirect and quality variability persisted due to unobservable effort in home-based settings.^[62]^[63] In terms of market integration, the putting-out system bridged rural economies with broader commercial networks by interposing merchant capitalists who supplied raw materials and marketed finished goods, fostering regional specialization and connecting isolated producers to non-local demand. For instance, in northern Italy and the Low Countries during the 17th and 18th centuries, this coordination facilitated the flow of proto-industrial goods like woolens into urban centers and export trades, promoting economic linkages that reduced dependence on subsistence agriculture and enabled cash-based transactions.^[16]^[18] While this integration spurred supplementary incomes and partial immunity to harvest failures, it also exposed rural workers to merchant pricing power and international competition, with wages often stagnating despite output gains.^[60]^[19]

Rural Income Supplementation

The putting-out system supplemented rural incomes by enabling households to utilize underemployed family labor in proto-industrial activities, particularly during agricultural off-seasons. In areas with seasonal farming, such as eighteenth-century Flanders, domestic production of goods like linen absorbed surplus labor that would otherwise remain idle, thereby increasing overall household earnings beyond subsistence agriculture.^[61] This income diversification correlated with economic indicators; for instance, fluctuations in linen prices relative to rye influenced marriage rates and population growth in proto-industrial villages, as higher industrial earnings supported earlier family formation.^[61] Proto-industrial earnings thus provided a buffer against agrarian vulnerabilities, reallocating labor—frequently involving women and children—to market-oriented tasks like spinning and weaving.^[18] In England prior to 1750, rural manufacturing contributed to elevated household incomes by integrating non-agricultural work into peasant economies, often through merchant-provided materials for home-based processing.^[64] Such systems allowed land-poor families to offset insufficient farm yields, fostering economic resilience without full migration to urban centers. Historical analyses indicate this supplementation was widespread in textile-dominated regions, where domestic output directly enhanced living standards amid feudal constraints.^[65]

Role in Capital Accumulation

The putting-out system enabled merchant capitalists to accumulate capital by coordinating decentralized production across rural households, thereby avoiding substantial fixed investments in workshops or machinery while exploiting differentials between raw material costs and finished goods prices. In export-oriented textile sectors, such as woolens in 17th- and 18th-century England and the Low Countries, merchants advanced materials like wool or yarn to households for spinning, weaving, and finishing, then marketed the output in urban or international markets. This structure minimized overheads, harnessed underemployed rural labor at low wages, and generated surpluses that could be reinvested in scaling operations, extending credit networks, or acquiring complementary assets like warehouses. Historical records from proto-industrial regions demonstrate that such profits often exceeded agricultural returns, fostering wealth concentration among a merchant class unencumbered by guild restrictions.^[18]^[11] Under the proto-industrialization framework outlined by economic historian Franklin Mendels in his 1972 analysis, the system represented an initial phase of industrialization where rural manufacturing growth alongside commercial agriculture built entrepreneurial skills, market linkages, and savings pools critical for later factory development. Mendels emphasized that in regions with high proto-industrial output—such as Flemish linen districts from the late 17th century—merchants and prosperous peasant-entrepreneurs amassed movable capital through volume production for external demand, which demographic pressures (e.g., population growth from supplementary incomes) amplified by expanding the labor base without proportional cost increases. This accumulation process, documented in parish records and trade ledgers, shifted resources from land-based feudal holdings toward liquid assets suitable for industrial experimentation, as seen in the funding of early mechanized spinning jennies in Lancashire by the 1760s. Empirical reconstructions of merchant accounts indicate reinvestment rates that sustained compound growth, distinguishing proto-industrial zones from stagnant agrarian economies.^[60]^[66] While the system's contribution to capital formation faced scrutiny for regional inconsistencies—such as in Central Europe where proto-industry often reinforced manorial ties rather than yielding autonomous investment—evidence from vanguard areas confirms its catalytic role in merchant-to-industrial transitions. For instance, in Swiss cotton putting-out networks around Zurich by the mid-18th century, accumulated merchant capital financed bleaching and printing facilities that bridged domestic dispersion to centralized processing. This pattern underscores a causal mechanism where putting-out not only generated surplus value through coordination efficiencies but also disciplined labor toward market responsiveness, priming the economic substrate for sustained accumulation absent in guild-dominated urban crafts.^[19]^[20]

Family-Based Labor and Gender Roles

In the putting-out system, textile production was organized within rural households, where merchant capitalists distributed raw materials such as wool or flax to families for processing into yarn and cloth at home, integrating industrial tasks with agricultural work to maximize family income during off-seasons.^[67]^[16] This family-based structure relied on the collective labor of household members under the direction of the male head, who typically negotiated contracts and allocated tasks to optimize output for piece-rate payments.^[16] Such organization supplemented subsistence farming, with proto-industrial earnings enabling earlier marriages and higher fertility rates in regions like Flanders, where linen price increases correlated with rising nuptiality from the 17th to 18th centuries.^[16] Gender divisions in labor were pronounced, with men predominantly handling weaving on handlooms—a task requiring physical strength and space for equipment—while women focused on spinning yarn, a dexterity-based process often performed concurrently with childcare or domestic duties.^[67]^[16] This allocation reflected pre-existing skill specializations, as spinning wheels were adapted for female use, supporting ratios of up to ten spinners per weaver in British woollen districts during the 18th century.^[67] Women's piece rates were commonly about half those of men for comparable effort, reinforcing economic dependence within the patriarchal household economy despite claims in proto-industrialization theory of enhanced female bargaining power.^[16]^[68] Guild regulations and corporate institutions in areas like Württemberg further confined women to low-skill, low-paid roles such as spinning, limiting access to higher-value crafts and contradicting narratives of proto-industry liberating women from traditional constraints.^[68] Children contributed from early ages, often assisting in preparatory tasks like carding wool or basic spinning to augment family productivity, with their labor essential in smaller households averaging fewer than five members in English draperies.^[67]^[68] This involvement maximized household output but increased burdens on women, who balanced production with reproductive roles, while indoor work environments occasionally linked to higher illegitimacy rates due to altered courtship patterns.^[16] Overall, the system perpetuated hierarchical family dynamics, where female and child labor subsidized male-headed operations without fundamentally altering gender asymmetries in authority or remuneration.^[68]^[16]

Comparisons to Guild Systems

The putting-out system represented a significant departure from the guild system prevalent in medieval and early modern urban Europe, where craft guilds monopolized production through strict entry barriers, including multi-year apprenticeships—typically seven years or more—and mastery exams that restricted participation to a select group of male artisans. In contrast, the putting-out system decentralized manufacturing to rural households under merchant oversight, bypassing guild jurisdictions by outsourcing tasks like spinning and weaving to unregulated domestic workers, thereby accessing untapped labor pools without formal training or guild membership requirements.^[69]^[70] Guilds enforced collective standards on quality, materials, and output limits to protect members' incomes and maintain market prices, often suppressing competition and innovation to safeguard established interests, as evidenced by their resistance to new techniques documented in historical analyses from the 14th to 18th centuries. The putting-out system, however, prioritized merchant-driven efficiency, with capitalists distributing raw materials and collecting finished goods on a piece-rate basis, enabling scalable production through family labor—including women and children—that guilds largely excluded, which lowered costs and facilitated export growth in industries like textiles.^[69]^[70] This shift undermined guild authority particularly after 1500 in regions such as England, Flanders, and the Netherlands, where declining guild enforcement allowed putting-out to expand proto-industrial output and integrate rural economies into international markets, contrasting with guild-dominated areas like France and Italy that experienced slower growth due to persistent regulations. While guilds provided structured training and some quality assurance, their monopolistic practices—criticized by Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations (1776) for hindering division of labor—yielded to the putting-out system's advantages in flexibility and cost reduction, though the latter often resulted in inconsistent workmanship absent guild oversight.^[70]^[69]^[4] Economically, the putting-out system absorbed surplus urban journeymen displaced by guild restrictions and rural underemployment, fostering capital accumulation for merchants while guilds confined prosperity to urban elites; this dynamic contributed to guild abolitions, such as in England by 1835 and France by 1791, marking a transition toward more market-oriented production.^[69]^[70]

Criticisms of Exploitation Claims

Critics of exploitation narratives in the putting-out system argue that characterizations of it as inherently coercive overlook the significant autonomy rural workers exercised over their labor. Under piece-rate payment structures, households determined their own work pace, timing, and intensity, often integrating textile production with farming and household tasks, which allowed for flexible schedules including customary leisure like "Saint Monday" observances.^[5] This control contrasted sharply with later factory discipline, where rigid oversight reduced worker discretion, and empirical evidence indicates that domestic producers output about 33% less than factory equivalents due to such self-regulated pacing rather than enforced drudgery.^[5] Proponents of the exploitation view, often rooted in early Marxist interpretations, emphasize merchant control over materials and markets as evidence of dependency, but counterarguments highlight voluntary participation driven by market incentives. Rural families entered the system to supplement agrarian incomes, with proto-industrial theorists like Hans Medick describing it as a deliberate peasant household strategy to achieve customary consumption levels rather than unlimited accumulation under capitalist pressure; when piece rates rose with demand, workers frequently limited output to meet needs, demonstrating bargaining leverage through selective engagement.^[32] Wage data further undermines dependency claims: transitions to factories required 20% higher pay premiums to overcome workers' preference for domestic flexibility, suggesting the putting-out system offered terms competitive with alternatives like subsistence farming or guild-restricted urban crafts.^[5] Family-based production is sometimes cited as exploitative, particularly involving women and children, yet evidence shows this mirrored pre-existing rural labor patterns where household members contributed to survival without the putting-out system's cash inflows, which elevated living standards above pure peasant baselines.^[33] Claims of chronic underpayment ignore competitive merchant pressures and worker mobility; households could refuse contracts or shift between producers, fostering a proto-market dynamic absent in more rigid feudal or guild systems. While not idyllic, these features indicate the system rewarded productivity and accommodated lifecycle needs, challenging narratives that portray it as a unidirectional path to proletarian misery without accounting for agency and comparative gains.^[5]^[33]

Transition to the Factory System

Technological and Organizational Shifts

The transition from the putting-out system to the factory system in the textile industry was driven by key inventions that mechanized spinning and weaving, rendering domestic production inefficient due to the scale and power requirements of new machinery. James Hargreaves' spinning jenny, invented in 1764, allowed one worker to spin multiple threads simultaneously using a hand-operated frame with multiple spindles, initially adaptable to home use but highlighting the need for greater productivity to match weaving advances like John Kay's flying shuttle from 1733.^[71] Richard Arkwright's water frame, patented in 1769, marked a pivotal shift by enabling water-powered spinning of stronger cotton yarn on a continuous basis, but its large size and reliance on waterwheels necessitated centralized mills rather than scattered cottages, as domestic setups lacked the space and infrastructure for such equipment.^[72]^[73] This innovation, combined with Samuel Crompton's spinning mule in 1779, which produced finer yarn at higher volumes, accelerated the move toward factory-based operations to harness mechanical power efficiently and protect expensive machines from damage or misuse in rural homes.^[30] Organizationally, the factory system introduced centralized control over production processes, replacing the decentralized merchant-supervised domestic labor with supervised factory floors that facilitated division of labor, standardized quality, and reduced material embezzlement common in the putting-out system. Factories concentrated workers and machinery near reliable power sources like rivers, enabling 24-hour operations via shift work and minimizing transportation costs for raw materials and finished goods, which had plagued the dispersed domestic model.^[74]^[75] Edmund Cartwright's power loom, invented in 1785 and powered by steam engines from the 1790s onward, further entrenched this shift by automating weaving on an industrial scale, demanding coordinated factory integration of spinning and weaving stages to avoid bottlenecks and achieve economies of scale unattainable in home-based systems. These changes, rooted in Britain's textile sector from the 1760s, transformed labor from family-integrated domestic work to disciplined wage labor under direct oversight, boosting output from manual handicraft levels to mechanized mass production.^[76]

Advantages Over Domestic Production

The factory system provided greater oversight of production processes compared to the decentralized domestic or putting-out system, where merchants struggled with inconsistent quality, delays in delivery, and losses from workers embezzling materials or underproducing.^[77] Centralized factories enabled direct supervision, standardization of output, and immediate correction of errors, leading to more uniform goods suitable for expanding markets.^[26] Labor productivity was markedly higher in factories, as operations could integrate power-driven machinery—like water-powered looms introduced in the late 18th century—across multiple stages of production under one roof, minimizing idle time and transportation inefficiencies inherent in the putting-out model's reliance on rural households.^[77] This shift facilitated a finer division of labor beyond family units, with workers specializing in narrow tasks, boosting output per hour; for instance, early textile mills achieved production rates several times higher than dispersed domestic spinning and weaving.^[78] Economically, factories reduced unit costs through economies of scale and bulk purchasing of raw materials, allowing manufacturers to lower prices and capture larger market shares, which the putting-out system could not match due to its fragmented structure and vulnerability to supply chain disruptions from weather or household priorities.^[78] By concentrating capital investment in machinery and infrastructure, the factory model accelerated technological innovation, such as the steam engine's application in the 1780s, further widening the efficiency gap over the labor-intensive, tool-scarce domestic approach.^[26] These factors collectively drove the replacement of putting-out by factories in Britain from the 1790s onward, as evidenced by the rapid growth of mechanized cotton mills outpacing traditional woolen domestic production.^[77]

Factors Leading to Replacement

The putting-out system's replacement by the factory system stemmed from its inherent limitations in adapting to technological, organizational, and economic demands of expanding markets during the late 18th century. Technological innovations, such as Richard Arkwright's water frame patented in 1769, demanded centralized power sources like water wheels or later steam engines, which were impractical for individual households lacking the space, infrastructure, or capital for installation.^[4] ^[79] These machines enabled continuous, high-volume production unattainable in dispersed cottages, shifting textile manufacturing—initially cotton in Britain—to purpose-built mills along waterways by the 1770s and 1780s.^[1] Organizational challenges further eroded the viability of putting-out, as merchants struggled with remote oversight of rural workers, leading to widespread material embezzlement, inconsistent quality, and irregular delivery schedules.^[1] ^[80] Piece-rate payments in homes encouraged divided attention between production and domestic tasks, undermining discipline and efficiency, whereas factories concentrated workers under direct supervision, facilitating standardized processes and reduced transaction costs from coordinating scattered inputs.^[1] This centralization minimized waste in goods-in-process inventories and allowed enforcement of synchronized workflows, addressing the putting-out model's fragmentation.^[79] Economic pressures amplified these shifts, as surging demand for affordable textiles—driven by population growth and colonial markets—outstripped the putting-out system's capacity for rapid scaling.^[81] Factories harnessed economies of scale through division of labor, as exemplified in Adam Smith's analysis of pin-making where specialization across multiple operations boosted output exponentially, yielding lower per-unit costs than the artisanal, low-volume domestic mode.^[1] By the 1790s, British cotton factories demonstrated superior productivity, with output per worker rising dramatically due to mechanized integration, compelling merchants to invest in centralized facilities to remain competitive.^[79] ^[81]

Legacy and Modern Perspectives

Influence on Industrial Revolution

The putting-out system, prevalent in England's textile industry from the fifteenth to the eighteenth centuries, functioned as a proto-industrial mechanism that scaled production beyond guild constraints and generated merchant capital essential for subsequent mechanization.^[82] By outsourcing processing to rural households, merchants accumulated profits through expanded output, which funded investments in early machinery despite the system's decentralized nature limiting further capital concentration.^[8] This commercial expansion created established markets and a semi-skilled workforce familiar with division-of-labor elements, providing the human and economic foundations for the Industrial Revolution's takeoff in the 1760s.^[7] Technological bottlenecks in the putting-out system, such as the labor-intensive spinning process, spurred inventions that necessitated centralized production. John Kay's flying shuttle in 1733 doubled weaver productivity, intensifying yarn shortages and prompting responses like James Hargreaves' spinning jenny around 1764 and Richard Arkwright's water-powered frame in 1769.^[7] These innovations required reliable power sources and supervision to integrate sequential processes effectively, advantages unattainable in dispersed home workshops where embezzlement and inconsistent quality prevailed.^[8] The system's replacement by water-powered mills in rural England before 1780, followed by steam-driven urban factories, marked the shift to integrated capitalist firms, enabling a fifty-fold increase in textile output from 1780 to 1840.^[7] Organizationally, the putting-out system's reliance on piece-rate contracts and independent tool ownership exemplified early capitalist coordination but exposed vulnerabilities to opportunism and scale limitations, driving the factory's emergence as a superior structure for enforcing discipline and exploiting economies from team production.^[8] This transition not only resolved coordination failures inherent in domestic dispersion but also aligned with broader enclosure-driven labor mobilization, accelerating industrialization by concentrating surplus value extraction under direct oversight.^[8] Thus, while the putting-out system bridged pre-industrial craft to machine-age efficiency, its inefficiencies catalyzed the very organizational innovations defining the Industrial Revolution.^[7]

Debates on Exploitation vs. Progress

Historians debate whether the putting-out system primarily exploited vulnerable rural laborers or advanced economic progress through proto-industrialization. Marxist-influenced analyses portray it as an early capitalist mechanism where merchants, controlling raw materials and markets, imposed monopsonistic conditions on fragmented producers, suppressing wages and enforcing dependency without the regulatory oversight of urban guilds. Evidence from 18th-century English textile regions shows piece-rate payments for spinning and weaving often equated to subsistence levels or below, with female and child laborers receiving rates as low as 1-2 pence per day after deductions for materials, failing to match productivity gains or inflation in some periods.^[67] ^[6] This view attributes systemic underpayment to the system's structure, where workers lacked collective bargaining and faced penalties for delays or quality issues, fostering cycles of indebtedness via the "truck system" of payment in goods.^[83] Conversely, the proto-industrialization framework, advanced by Franklin Mendels in the 1970s, emphasizes the system's role in supplementing agricultural incomes, stabilizing rural economies, and laying groundwork for factory-based industry by accumulating merchant capital, honing labor skills, and spurring demographic growth. In regions like the Flemish countryside during the 17th-18th centuries, proto-industrial households achieved per capita outputs 20-50% higher than non-industrial agrarian peers, buffering against harvest shortfalls and enabling specialization in farming or craft.^[16] Quantitative reconstructions from English parish records indicate that domestic textile workers' total family earnings frequently exceeded those of landless laborers by 30-40%, reflecting voluntary participation and the flexibility of integrating production with household agriculture.^[84] Proponents argue this self-organized family labor, while intensive, represented rational adaptation to pre-modern constraints, generating surpluses that funded innovations like mechanized spinning in the late 18th century.^[34] Critiques of the exploitation narrative highlight its reliance on selective accounts from urban observers or later factory reformers, potentially overlooking workers' agency and comparative alternatives like seasonal underemployment in agriculture. Economic historians such as Sheilagh Ogilvie note that while merchant power created inefficiencies, rural producers often negotiated terms or diversified activities, and proto-industry correlated with rising living standards in aggregate data from multiple European cases, challenging claims of uniform immiseration.^[85] The debate underscores causal tensions: exploitation claims prioritize distributional inequities, while progress arguments stress aggregate growth effects, with empirical resolution hinging on region-specific wage and output reconstructions that reveal variability rather than systemic oppression or unalloyed advancement.^[20]

Analogues in Contemporary Economies

The gig economy, particularly platform-based services like ride-hailing (e.g., Uber, launched in 2009) and task-oriented apps (e.g., TaskRabbit, founded in 2008), represents a digital analogue to the putting-out system, where centralized platforms distribute work to dispersed, independent contractors who perform tasks using personal resources before returning completed outputs for compensation.^[86] In this model, platforms function as modern merchant capitalists, providing algorithmic matching and payment processing while workers supply their own tools (vehicles, software, or skills), echoing the proto-industrial reliance on household-based production without fixed wages or centralized oversight. By 2023, gig platforms mediated over 70 million workers globally, with U.S. participation reaching 36% of the workforce engaging in such arrangements at least occasionally.^[87] Subcontracting chains in global manufacturing, especially textiles and apparel in developing economies, mirror the putting-out system's piecework dispersion. For instance, in Bangladesh's ready-made garment sector, which exported $45 billion in 2022, international brands subcontract to factories that further outsource sewing and finishing to home-based workers paid per piece, often in rural areas, utilizing family labor and basic equipment. This structure persists due to cost efficiencies and flexibility, with home workers producing 20-30% of output in some clusters, though it faces scrutiny for inconsistent quality control and variable earnings averaging $0.20-$0.50 per garment piece. Freelance digital marketplaces, such as Upwork (established 2015) and Fiverr (launched 2010), extend the analogy to knowledge-based tasks, where clients "put out" projects (e.g., graphic design or coding) to remote contractors worldwide, who complete and deliver via online submission. These platforms handled $4.1 billion in gross services volume in 2022, with over 12 million freelancers, primarily operating from home setups akin to domestic workshops, bypassing traditional employment hierarchies.^[88] Unlike historical systems, modern variants leverage data analytics for task allocation, yet retain core features of decentralized execution and merchant-like intermediation, enabling scalability without capital-intensive facilities.

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In 1733, John Kay had patented the flying shuttle, which greatly improved the efficiency of weavers. About 1764, James Hargreaves invented the spinning jenny, ...
[73]
28 Industrial Revolution Inventions - Science | HowStuffWorks
The water frame, invented by Richard Arkwright during the late 18th century, played a crucial role in the Industrial Revolution. This mechanized spinning ...
[74]
The factory system in the British industrial revolution
This paper offers an explanation for the rise of the factory system in Britain during the Industrial Revolution (1770–1850) based on the concept of ...Missing: facts | Show results with:facts
[75]
Textile Manufacturing | History of Western Civilization II
Occasionally the work was done in the workshop of a master weaver. Under the putting-out system, home-based workers produced under contract to merchant sellers, ...
[76]
The Industrial Revolution: The Factory System and Technology
The Factory System, a system of mechanized workers and innovative technology, remains prominent in the memory of the Industrial Revolution.Missing: chain organization 17th
[77]
Home-working had its advantages, even in the 18th century
Dec 16, 2020 · Some economic historians suggest that workers were mercilessly exploited under the putting-out system. Those who owned the machines and raw ...
[78]
Factory system | Research Starters - EBSCO
This system allowed for the centralized production of goods, leveraging new machinery introduced during the Industrial Revolution, such as steam engines and ...
[79]
technology, firms, and households since the industrial revolution
This separation has had large effects on economic welfare. The reasons behind the emergence of the factory system are analyzed here, and a new interpretation is ...Missing: domestic decline
[80]
Self-control and the rise and fall of factory discipline - ScienceDirect
Under the so-called “putting-out system”, workers often borrowed their materials from capitalists and were paid a piece rate for their production. This system ...Missing: definition scholarly
[81]
Industrialization, Labor and Life - National Geographic Education
May 30, 2025 · This decentralized form of employment was called the “putting-out” or domestic system. However, the rise of factory production and ...<|separator|>
[82]
Putting-out's return in - Berghahn Journals
Dec 1, 2016 · Abstract This article engages Karl Marx's account of labor's historical subsumption to capital through an analysis of informalization in ...
[83]
[PDF] Wage Trends, 1800-1900 - National Bureau of Economic Research
The absolute level of his common labor rate seems high when compared to Wright's Massachusetts data for 1825 (Carroll D. Wright, History of Wages and Prices in ...<|separator|>
[84]
[PDF] Were Spinners Part of the High Wage Economy? - University of Oxford
The blanket manufacturers of Witney, cited by Allen as a well-functioning putting out system, valued their export markets particularly because as ships sailed ...
[85]
[PDF] 10 Choices and Constraints in the Pre-Industrial Countryside
Nov 4, 2014 · SHEILAGH OGILVIE. This chapter addresses a central tension between two sides of rural history. – one stressing peasant choices, the other the ...
[86]
A Long-Term Perspective on the Gig Economy
May 20, 2018 · Today the gig economy presents itself as a likely next stage for consumers and labor markets, enabling consumers cheaper access to on-demand ...
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The gig economy - IZA World of Labor
The number of people holding non-traditional jobs (independent contractors, temporary workers, “gig” workers) has grown steadily.
[88]
Economic Sociology—Social Economics Digital “Putting-out System”
In the platform economy, it means “the collection of markets that match providers to consumers on a gig (or job) basis in sup- port of on-demand commerce. In ...