Robert Scheer
Robert Scheer (born April 4, 1936) is an American journalist, author, and editor known for his progressive critiques of U.S. foreign policy, economic inequality, and government surveillance.[1][2]
Raised in the Bronx, Scheer graduated from the City College of New York and pursued graduate studies in economics at the University of California, Berkeley, while serving as a fellow at institutions including Yale and Stanford.[1] His career began in the 1960s as a Vietnam correspondent and later editor-in-chief of Ramparts magazine, where he contributed to exposés on military and intelligence matters. From 1976 to 1993, he worked as a national correspondent for the Los Angeles Times, launching a syndicated column in 1993 that addressed bipartisan failures in policy, such as the deregulation leading to the 2008 financial crisis, as detailed in his book The Great American Stickup.[1][3]
Scheer co-founded and edited Truthdig from 2005 to 2020, earning Webby Awards for the site's independent journalism, and now publishes via ScheerPost while hosting the Scheer Intelligence podcast on KCRW, featuring interviews with figures like former presidents and whistleblowers.[4][1] Notable achievements include conducting high-profile interviews, such as the 1976 Playboy session with Jimmy Carter admitting to "lust in his heart" and discussions with Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan.[5] He has authored ten books critiquing power structures and received awards like the James Aronson Award for Social Justice Journalism. Scheer's work often challenges official narratives, including skepticism toward aspects of the 9/11 official account and accusations of tech platform censorship against dissenting views on conflicts like the Ukraine war, reflecting his commitment to adversarial journalism amid institutional biases in media.[2][6]
Early Life
Upbringing and Family Influences
Robert Scheer was born on April 4, 1936, in the Bronx borough of New York City, where he spent his childhood in a working-class environment shaped by his parents' immigrant backgrounds.[7] His mother, Ida Kuran, was a Russian Jewish immigrant whose family originated from Lithuania, while his father, Frederick Scheer, was a Protestant from Germany; the two never formally married and both worked in the garment industry, reflecting the labor-intensive livelihoods common in mid-20th-century urban immigrant communities.[6][8] This mixed religious and ethnic heritage exposed Scheer early to the tensions of World War II-era divisions, as he later recounted that his father's German relatives were involved in the conflict that targeted his mother's Jewish kin in Eastern Europe, fostering a personal awareness of ideological and familial fractures amid global upheaval.[9] Scheer's family dynamics were marked by instability, including his discovery as a child that his father maintained another family, which he uncovered while checking mail to avoid a poor report card being seen.[8] Raised primarily amid the Bronx's public schools and neighborhood networks of garment workers, Scheer internalized a respect for ordinary laborers, viewing his parents and their associates as central to societal value rather than peripheral figures—a perspective that contrasted with elite-driven narratives and influenced his later emphasis on grassroots voices in journalism.[9] This upbringing in a modest, ethnically diverse urban setting, devoid of higher socioeconomic privileges, instilled a foundational skepticism toward institutional power structures, evident in his reflections on community solidarity over abstracted patriotism.[9]Education and Initial Political Awakening
Scheer grew up in the Bronx and attended public schools before graduating from Christopher Columbus High School. He enrolled at City College of New York, initially pursuing engineering as a practical field for employment, but after about four years shifted his studies following exposure to a course on "Basic Issues of American Democracy," which examined free speech, the Fourth Amendment, segregation, the Korean War, and prospects for peace.[9] This experience, amid campus debates on McCarthyism, ignited his skepticism toward authority and deepened his engagement with political ideas through access to resources like the 42nd Street Library.[9] He ultimately graduated with a degree in economics.[2] Following City College, Scheer served as a Maxwell Fellow at Syracuse University, where he continued studies in economics, and later attended the University of California, Berkeley.[3] His intellectual influences during this period included New Left critics such as C. Wright Mills and Bertrand Russell, whose works on power structures and social critique shaped his emerging worldview.[8] This educational foundation marked Scheer's initial political awakening, transitioning him from technical pursuits to activism; by the early 1960s, he joined the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, advocating against U.S. policy toward Castro's regime.[10] In summer 1964, he traveled to Cuba defying U.S. State Department restrictions, an act reflecting his growing opposition to Cold War orthodoxies.[11] These steps presaged his deeper involvement in anti-Vietnam War efforts, though rooted in the critical inquiry fostered during his college years.Journalistic Career
Ramparts Magazine Period
Scheer joined Ramparts magazine in 1964 as its Vietnam correspondent, producing reporting that challenged official U.S. narratives on the escalating conflict.[12] His early work included a 1965 investigative report titled "How the United States Got Involved in Vietnam," which traced American commitments back to the 1954 Geneva Accords and argued that U.S. support for South Vietnam stemmed from anticommunist containment policies rather than genuine self-determination efforts.[13] This piece, drawing on interviews with Vietnamese officials and declassified documents, contended that early aid programs masked deeper military entanglements, a view that aligned with the magazine's emerging anti-interventionist stance but relied on selective sourcing from North Vietnamese perspectives.[14] In April 1966, Scheer co-authored "The University on the Make" with Warren Hinckle and Sol Stern, exposing Michigan State University's advisory role in South Vietnam's counterinsurgency police programs funded by U.S. aid; the article detailed how the university received over $4.5 million from 1955 to 1962 for training Vietnamese forces in surveillance and interrogation techniques, framing it as academic complicity in colonial-style repression.[15] Scheer's contribution emphasized firsthand accounts from program participants, highlighting ethical conflicts in taxpayer-funded academic involvement abroad, though critics later noted the piece overstated the programs' direct ties to atrocities without full evidentiary balance.[16] By 1967, Scheer had risen to foreign editor and managing editor, steering Ramparts toward high-impact exposés on U.S. foreign policy; while not authoring the February 1967 revelation of CIA funding to the National Student Association—primarily credited to Sol Stern—he shaped the editorial direction that amplified such stories, contributing to the magazine's reputation for unmasking covert operations.[17][18] Under his influence alongside editor Warren Hinckle, Ramparts circulation surged from 20,000 to over 200,000 subscribers by 1967, fueled by Vietnam-focused critiques like Scheer's "Hang Down Your Head," which accused missionary doctor Tom Dooley of fabricating atrocity stories to justify U.S. intervention in Laos and Vietnam during the late 1950s.[19][16] Scheer assumed the role of editor-in-chief by 1968, overseeing issues that reprinted controversial pieces such as the August 1968 "Apologia," which defended radical activism amid campus unrest; his tenure emphasized first-hand reporting from Southeast Asia, including allegations of U.S. manipulation of war news, though these often prioritized dissident voices over comprehensive verification.[20][9] This period solidified Ramparts as a New Left organ, with Scheer's editorial choices—drawing on his Berkeley graduate studies in political science—prioritizing causal critiques of imperialism, yet drawing fire for ideological slant that downplayed communist aggression in Vietnam.[17] He departed in 1969 amid internal shifts, leaving a legacy of provocative journalism that influenced anti-war discourse but was critiqued for embedding advocacy within factual reporting.[12][21]Los Angeles Times and Syndicated Columns
Scheer served as a national correspondent for the Los Angeles Times from 1976 to 1993, reporting on international affairs including the Soviet Union, arms control, and national security policy.[22] In 1993, he transitioned to opinion journalism by launching a weekly nationally syndicated column based at the newspaper, where he was designated a contributing editor.[3] [23] The column ran for 12 years, distributed through syndication to reach a broader audience beyond the Times' readership.[3] On November 11, 2005, the Los Angeles Times discontinued Scheer's column after nearly 30 years of association with the paper, a move that Scheer attributed to ideological differences with the paper's editorial leadership under publisher Jeffrey Johnson.[24] [25] Supporters, including public figures, echoed this view, criticizing the decision as an effort to marginalize dissenting progressive voices at the paper.[26] The termination occurred amid broader changes in the Times' opinion section, though the paper did not publicly specify performance or other metrics as reasons.[27] Post-2005, Scheer's column persisted through national syndication via Creators Syndicate, appearing in outlets such as the San Francisco Chronicle and The Nation.[28] This arrangement allowed him to maintain a platform for commentary independent of the Los Angeles Times, sustaining his influence in print media until later ventures like Truthdig.[29]Radio Hosting and Public Commentary
Robert Scheer co-hosted the nationally syndicated radio program Left, Right & Center, produced by KCRW in Santa Monica and distributed via National Public Radio, for many years beginning in the late 1990s.[5][1] The show featured panel discussions among commentators representing left, right, and centrist viewpoints on current political events, with Scheer providing progressive analysis often critical of U.S. foreign policy and military interventions.[5] Episodes aired weekly, attracting a broad audience interested in balanced yet contentious debate, and Scheer contributed insights drawn from his journalistic experience, such as skepticism toward official narratives on national security.[5] In 2015, Scheer launched Scheer Intelligence, a half-hour podcast hosted on KCRW and available through platforms like NPR and Apple Podcasts, where he conducts in-depth interviews with experts, whistleblowers, and analysts on pressing issues.[30][31] The program emphasizes "intelligence from guests," covering topics like government surveillance, as in a 2018 discussion with former NSA technical director William Binney on encryption vulnerabilities and mass data collection, and foreign policy critiques, including examinations of U.S.-Russia relations and the Ukraine conflict through guests like ex-CIA analyst Ray McGovern.[32][33] Scheer's commentary in these sessions consistently highlights causal links between policy decisions and unintended consequences, such as the erosion of civil liberties post-9/11, while attributing viewpoints to interviewees without endorsing institutional consensus.[30] Through both programs, Scheer has engaged in public commentary that prioritizes empirical scrutiny of power structures, often interviewing figures like Daniel Ellsberg on nuclear risks or Chris Hedges on historical U.S. interventions, fostering discourse on anti-interventionism and domestic policy failures.[34][35] His approach avoids partisan alignment, critiquing both Democratic and Republican administrations for perpetuating militarism and surveillance states, as evidenced in episodes questioning NATO expansion's role in geopolitical tensions.[33] This radio work extends his journalistic legacy, providing a platform for dissenting voices amid mainstream media narratives.[5]Truthdig Founding and Internal Conflicts
Truthdig was co-founded in 2005 by Robert Scheer, who served as editor-in-chief, and Zuade Kaufman, who acted as publisher and CEO.[36][37] The online publication focused on progressive journalism, emphasizing coverage of political, social, and cultural issues often overlooked by mainstream outlets, with Scheer contributing regular columns and interviews critiquing U.S. foreign policy and domestic power structures.[36] Under their leadership, Truthdig received a Webby Award for its online content and attracted an audience exceeding 400,000 unique visitors monthly by 2014. Scheer maintained editorial control, prioritizing independent analysis over partisan alignment, which included criticisms of both major U.S. political parties.[38] By early 2020, internal tensions escalated into open conflict between Kaufman and Scheer, centered on dissolving their business partnership and disputes over editorial direction.[39] Kaufman, in a March 17 open letter, described negotiations to end the partnership as the core issue, accusing Scheer of hindering operational decisions amid financial strains, though she affirmed the site's solvency.[39] Scheer countered in a March 27 letter that Kaufman's unilateral actions—barring him from the site and announcing closure—lacked legal basis and ignored ongoing revenue from donations and syndication.[40] Staff unrest compounded the rift, with employees initiating a work stoppage on March 16 to protest perceived mismanagement and favoritism toward Scheer's editorial autonomy, including his reluctance to amplify Democratic Party narratives during the 2020 election cycle.[41][42] Striking workers alleged Kaufman's strategy aimed to oust Scheer without fair compensation, providing "ammunition" against the company through leaked internal communications.[40][42] On March 25, Kaufman filed a Los Angeles Superior Court lawsuit against Scheer seeking judicial dissolution of Truthdig LLC, recovery of costs, and attorneys' fees, citing irreconcilable differences in management.[43] The disputes culminated in the site's abrupt shutdown on March 25, 2020, with staff layoffs announced via email amid the emerging COVID-19 crisis, halting operations without severance for most employees.[41][43] Scheer publicly decried the closure as sabotaging a viable platform for dissent, prompting his exit and the launch of ScheerPost later that year to continue independent journalism.[40][38] The episode highlighted tensions between business imperatives and editorial independence in nonprofit-adjacent media ventures, with critics like Chris Hedges attributing the fallout to resistance against Scheer's anti-establishment stances.[38]Transition to ScheerPost
In early 2020, Truthdig, the online news platform co-founded by Scheer in 2005 where he served as editor-in-chief, faced significant internal turmoil. Publisher and CEO Zuade Kaufman initiated negotiations to dissolve her business partnership with Scheer, prompting accusations from staff that she sought to oust him from the site despite his co-ownership and foundational role.[39] [44] On March 11, 2020, senior editors including Kasia Anderson and Jacob Sugarman, along with contributors such as Chris Hedges and Lee Camp, announced a work stoppage in solidarity with Scheer, demanding preservation of his editorial position, greater independence, and labor improvements like paid vacation and parental leave.[44] These events culminated in Scheer's departure from Truthdig, after which he launched ScheerPost in March 2020 as a new independent outlet. Co-founded with his wife, Narda Zacchino, an award-winning journalist and former masthead editor at the Los Angeles Times and San Francisco Chronicle, ScheerPost positioned Scheer as publisher while Zacchino assumed the role of editor-in-chief.[45] [46] [5] ScheerPost operates as a daily news and opinion platform emphasizing progressive priorities such as peace advocacy, economic equality, climate action, and government accountability, continuing Scheer's long-standing focus on critical journalism unbound by corporate or institutional constraints. The site features Scheer's columns, interviews via his Scheer Intelligence podcast, and contributions from a team of writers and cartoonists, sustained primarily through reader donations and subscriptions.[1] [45] This transition allowed Scheer to maintain his output without the disputes that plagued Truthdig, though the outlet has occasionally faced funding challenges amid broader shifts in digital media economics.[45]Political Involvement
1960s-1970s Activism
In the early 1960s, while a graduate student at the University of California, Berkeley, Scheer served on the executive committee of the campus branch of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, an organization advocating normalized U.S. relations with post-revolutionary Cuba and opposing American interventionism in Latin America.[47] In summer 1964, he traveled to Cuba with a group sponsored by the committee, defying U.S. State Department restrictions on such visits.[11] By the mid-1960s, Scheer shifted focus to opposition against U.S. escalation in Vietnam, becoming a key figure in Berkeley's anti-war scene as a local activist and scholar associated with the Vietnam Day Committee, which coordinated large-scale teach-ins and marches protesting the war starting in 1965.[48] These efforts included public debates and rallies drawing thousands, such as the October 1965 International Days of Protest, where Scheer contributed to organizing and advocacy framing U.S. policy as immoral and counterproductive.[49] In 1966, Scheer integrated his activism into electoral politics by challenging incumbent Democratic Congressman Jeffrey Cohelan in California's 7th congressional district primary, running explicitly as an anti-war candidate with the slogan "A Vote for Scheer is a Vote Against the War."[50] His campaign mobilized hundreds of volunteers, emphasized immediate U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam, and critiqued Cold War interventionism, ultimately losing the primary 52% to 48% but winning a majority in Berkeley itself and influencing subsequent anti-war candidacies in the district.[51] Throughout the 1970s, Scheer's activism persisted through public commentary and alliances with New Left networks, though it increasingly overlapped with his journalistic role at Ramparts magazine, where he amplified critiques of Vietnam policy and U.S. imperialism until 1969.[9] Specific protest involvements tapered as he prioritized writing and later political bids, but his early efforts helped shape Berkeley's reputation as a hub of 1960s radicalism.[52]1976 Congressional Campaign
Robert Scheer did not pursue a congressional campaign in 1976, contrary to some references; his documented bids for federal office occurred earlier, in the 1966 Democratic primary for California's 7th congressional district and the 1970 U.S. Senate election as the Peace and Freedom Party candidate.[50][53] That year, Scheer instead concentrated on investigative journalism, most notably conducting an in-depth interview with Democratic presidential nominee Jimmy Carter for Playboy magazine, published in November 1976, which addressed Carter's views on faith, lust, and policy amid the election campaign.[54] The interview, drawn from sessions spanning three months of travel with Carter's press corps, elicited controversy for its candid content but highlighted Scheer's role as a national correspondent rather than a candidate.[55] No primary sources or election records indicate Scheer registered or campaigned for Congress in 1976, aligning with his transition to staff positions at the Los Angeles Times beginning that year.[5]Notable Endorsements Across Party Lines
Scheer's 1966 Democratic primary challenge to incumbent U.S. Representative Jeffrey Cohelan in California's 7th congressional district emphasized opposition to the Vietnam War, drawing grassroots support from anti-war activists and student groups rather than formal endorsements from established political figures across party lines.[50] Cohelan's campaign, by contrast, secured backing from President Lyndon B. Johnson, Vice President Hubert Humphrey, Senator Robert F. Kennedy, AFL-CIO president George Meany, California Governor Pat Brown, and even anti-war Senator William Fulbright, underscoring Scheer's outsider status within the Democratic establishment.[50] No documented endorsements from Republicans or conservative independents emerged, as Scheer's platform aligned closely with emerging New Left critiques of interventionism.[56] In his 1970 U.S. Senate candidacy for California under the Peace and Freedom Party banner, Scheer received 56,731 votes (0.9% of the total), reflecting niche appeal among third-party and radical left voters disillusioned with major-party options on war and civil liberties, but without evidence of cross-aisle support from mainstream Republicans or Democrats.[57] This bid, like his earlier effort, prioritized principled anti-interventionism over coalition-building, limiting broader partisan endorsements. Scheer's campaigns thus exemplified intra-left and independent mobilization against perceived bipartisan foreign policy consensus, though they lacked the bipartisan validation seen in later anti-war efforts.[50]Political Views
Anti-Interventionist Foreign Policy
Scheer has maintained a consistent opposition to U.S. military interventions abroad, tracing his views to the Vietnam War era, where he argued that the conflict stemmed from exaggerated Cold War fears rather than genuine communist aggression, characterizing it as a nationalist struggle mishandled by U.S. policymakers. In 1965, he authored a report detailing the incremental U.S. escalation in Vietnam, asserting that involvement was avoidable and prolonged by flawed intelligence and domestic politics.[14] His activism included refusing to pay war taxes in 1968 as part of a broader protest pledge by writers and editors, and campaigning in 1966 against a pro-war incumbent congressman by highlighting support for Vietnam resolutions.[52] Scheer maintained that the U.S. should never have initiated, sustained, or escalated the war, viewing it as a policy failure driven by imperial overreach rather than defensive necessity.[9] This skepticism extended to post-Cold War interventions, particularly the 2003 Iraq War, which Scheer lambasted as predicated on fabrications about weapons of mass destruction and ties to terrorism. Co-authoring The Five Biggest Lies Bush Told Us About Iraq in 2003 with his son Christopher Scheer and Lakshmi Chaudhry, he dissected administration claims, including false links between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda, as deliberate deceptions to justify invasion.[58] In columns for The Nation and Los Angeles Times, Scheer contended that the war empowered neoconservative hawks while ignoring evidence from U.S. intelligence that contradicted invasion rationales, leading to unnecessary casualties and regional instability.[59] [60] He advocated early withdrawal, arguing in 2005 that prolonged occupation exacerbated violence without achieving stated goals like democratization.[27] Scheer's critique encompassed other U.S.-led actions, such as the 2011 Libya intervention, which he faulted for selective humanitarian pretexts amid alliances with authoritarian regimes like Saudi Arabia, revealing inconsistencies in U.S. human rights rhetoric.[61] Through his platform ScheerPost, founded after Truthdig's decline, he has condemned "forever wars" in Afghanistan and Iraq as hidden in human cost by media and policy elites, while decrying sanctions and covert operations—from Latin American coups to Middle Eastern escalations—as extensions of hegemonic ambitions rather than security measures.[62] [63] In interviews and writings, Scheer has engaged non-interventionist figures across ideologies, praising elements of restraint in figures like Rand Paul while critiquing bipartisan support for military spending and regime-change efforts.[64] His stance posits that such policies, often justified by threat inflation, erode U.S. credibility and foster blowback, drawing from Vietnam's lessons of quagmire and deception.[65]Positions on Specific Conflicts
Scheer has consistently opposed U.S. military intervention in Vietnam, maintaining that the United States should never have become involved in the conflict and viewing the war as rooted in phony arguments that misrepresented Vietnamese communism as a monolithic threat rather than a nationalist movement.[9] As Vietnam correspondent for Ramparts magazine from 1964 to 1969, he reported extensively on the ground, including trips to Cambodia, and later criticized former Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara for perpetuating lies that framed U.S. policy during the war.[3] [66] In 1966, he ran as an anti-war candidate against incumbent U.S. Representative Jeffery Cohelan in California's 26th congressional district primary, highlighting his early activism against escalation under Presidents Johnson and Nixon.[67] Regarding the Iraq War, Scheer argued that the 2003 U.S. invasion was based on systematic deception by the Bush administration, co-authoring the 2003 book The Five Biggest Lies Bush Told Us About Iraq with his son Christopher Scheer and Lakshmi Chaudhry to document claims such as false links between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda, exaggerated weapons of mass destruction threats, and misleading assertions about Iraq's nuclear ambitions.[59] He dismissed optimistic assessments of progress, such as those from General David Petraeus in 2007, as self-serving predictions from military leaders incentivized to justify continued occupation, and rejected oil motives as secondary to broader imperial hubris echoing Dwight Eisenhower's warnings against the military-industrial complex.[68] [69] Scheer extended this critique to cultural depictions, faulting films like Green Zone (2010) for inadequately challenging the war's foundational deceptions despite their anti-war pretensions.[70] On the Afghanistan War, Scheer questioned the efficacy and priorities of U.S. efforts post-9/11, noting in early 2006 that the failure to capture Osama bin Laden—despite initial vows to do so "dead or alive"—underscored misplaced focus amid escalating commitments, framing it as part of a pattern of indefinite occupations draining resources without clear strategic gains.[71] In the Israel-Palestine conflict, Scheer has advocated for recognizing Palestinian rights akin to historical Jewish aspirations for dignity and self-determination, criticizing U.S.-backed Israeli policies as oppressive and counterproductive, particularly in Gaza where he described Hamas's actions as rooted in resistance to blockade and displacement rather than irrational anti-Semitism.[72] [73] He condemned Israel's military responses, including the 2008-2009 Gaza operations and later escalations, as disproportionate destruction likely to undermine Israel's long-term security, urging pragmatic diplomacy over endless conflict and faulting American media for oversimplifying the narrative to favor unconditional Israeli support.[74] [75] In recent commentary, Scheer highlighted the International Court of Justice's findings on Israeli violations, such as starving Gaza civilians and targeting healthcare infrastructure, as evidence of legal breaches demanding accountability.[76]Domestic Policy Stances and Economic Critiques
Scheer has consistently critiqued the bipartisan embrace of deregulation and financialization in U.S. economic policy, arguing that policies under Reagan Republicans and Clinton Democrats prioritized Wall Street profits over working-class interests, culminating in the 2008 financial crisis.[77] In his 2010 book The Great American Stickup, he detailed how the repeal of Glass-Steagall in 1999 under Clinton enabled banks to engage in risky practices, enriching executives while imposing trillions in bailout costs on taxpayers and exacerbating foreclosures for millions of homeowners.[78] Scheer attributes rising economic inequality to these corporate-favoring measures, noting that by 2013, the top 1% captured 95% of income gains post-recession, a disparity he links to unchecked capitalism's tendency to prioritize shareholder value over broad prosperity.[79] On domestic social policies, Scheer has opposed welfare reforms that he views as punitive toward the poor, particularly the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act signed by President Clinton, which he described as driven by distortions and half-truths that undermined support for vulnerable populations.[80] He advocates for expanded social safety nets, criticizing scapegoating of immigrants and the impoverished as a distraction from corporate influence in policy-making.[81] Regarding healthcare, Scheer supports single-payer systems like Medicare for All, arguing in interviews that universal government-provided coverage is essential to counter profit-driven insurance models that ration care by income, as evidenced by his discussions with Sen. Bernie Sanders on the feasibility of such reforms amid the 2008 crisis.[82] Scheer's analyses often highlight crony capitalism's distortion of domestic priorities, such as when he faulted President Obama's appointment of Wall Street figures like Timothy Geithner to key roles, which he said perpetuated rather than dismantled the structures enabling economic predation.[83] He contends that unchecked corporate lobbying undermines democratic accountability, leading to policies that aggravate inequality and erode middle-class stability, as seen in offshoring trends where firms pursue profits abroad at the expense of U.S. workers.[79] While acknowledging capitalism's innovative potential, Scheer insists reforms must address its failures in distributing gains equitably, echoing critiques like Pope Francis's condemnation of "trickle-down" economics as illusory.[78]Controversies and Criticisms
Termination from Los Angeles Times
Robert Scheer was terminated as a columnist by the Los Angeles Times on November 11, 2005, after nearly 30 years with the newspaper, including 13 years in the columnist role.[84][25] The Los Angeles Times described the dismissal as part of a broader revamping of its opinion pages, announced on November 10, 2005, intended to feature a wider range of voices and perspectives, without providing a specific rationale tied to Scheer's work.[25] Scheer, in a personal account published the same day, noted that publisher Jeff Johnson offered no explanation for the decision, speculating that it stemmed from his columns critiquing the Bush administration's justifications for the Iraq War, which Johnson had privately disparaged.[85] The firing drew immediate backlash from progressive commentators and media watchdogs, who argued it diminished ideological diversity on the op-ed page by eliminating a prominent left-leaning voice while retaining lesser-known progressives and incorporating conservative contributors such as Jonah Goldberg, Max Boot, and Niall Ferguson.[25][24] Protests occurred outside the Los Angeles Times headquarters, with critics attributing the move to pressures from conservative media figures like Bill O'Reilly and Rush Limbaugh, amid Tribune Company ownership's influence on the paper's direction.[27][25] Scheer maintained that the termination reflected broader corporate trends in media consolidation under Tribune, potentially prioritizing market appeasement over substantive dissent, though the Los Angeles Times framed it as an editorial refresh rather than ideological purging.[85][25]Truthdig Dissolution Dispute
In March 2020, Truthdig's publisher and co-founder Zuade Kaufman filed a lawsuit in Los Angeles Superior Court against editor-in-chief and co-founder Robert Scheer, seeking judicial dissolution of Truthdig LLC due to irreconcilable business and personal differences between the two 50-50 owners.[43] [86] The suit, filed on March 25, alleged that Kaufman had proposed multiple options to restructure or buy out Scheer's interest to sustain the outlet, but Scheer rejected them without counterproposals, prompting her to pursue dissolution and recover associated costs and attorneys' fees.[43] Kaufman publicly attributed the conflict to failed negotiations over ending their long-standing partnership, emphasizing in an open letter that the core issue was not staff operations or finances but the inability to align on the company's future direction.[39] Scheer countered in a March 27 letter that Kaufman's actions— including barring him from the site, laying off staff, and announcing closure—were unilateral and violated their co-ownership agreement, insisting the outlet could continue under shared or mediated control.[40] The dispute escalated amid a staff work stoppage initiated on March 11, 2020, where editorial team members and contributors halted operations to protest Kaufman's efforts to marginalize Scheer, whom they credited with Truthdig's journalistic identity, and demanded his reinstatement alongside fair labor resolutions.[44] Striking workers accused Kaufman of prioritizing Scheer's removal over the outlet's viability, even as it faced financial strains from declining ad revenue and reader donations.[42] On March 25, Kaufman notified staff of their termination effective immediately, framing the dissolution as necessary to resolve the deadlock, which occurred during the early COVID-19 crisis.[41] External commentary highlighted tensions over Scheer's editorial choices, including his criticisms of Democratic Party figures and support for independent progressive voices, which some linked to Kaufman's push for change, though she denied editorial interference as the motive.[38] The lawsuit's outcome remains unresolved in public records, but Truthdig ceased operations shortly thereafter, with Scheer launching ScheerPost in 2020 to continue similar independent journalism.[87]Accusations of Bias and Journalistic Shortcomings
Scheer has faced accusations of left-wing bias throughout his career, particularly in his consistent criticism of U.S. foreign policy, capitalism, and military interventions, which critics argue leads to selective reporting that downplays threats from adversaries while emphasizing American faults.[88][89] Conservative commentators and media watchdogs have highlighted his columns as exemplifying ideological slant, with outlets like ScheerPost and Truthdig rated as left-biased due to story selection favoring progressive narratives on economic inequality and anti-interventionism.[90] For instance, during his tenure at the Los Angeles Times, Scheer was targeted by right-wing figures such as Bill O'Reilly and Rush Limbaugh, who portrayed him as a partisan voice undermining national security perspectives.[27] Specific criticisms of bias have centered on his coverage of Israel and the Middle East, where Scheer has advocated for greater attention to Palestinian perspectives and accused Western media of pro-Israel favoritism.[91] In 2002, amid the Second Intifada, approximately 1,000 Los Angeles Times readers boycotted the paper, citing anti-Israeli bias in its reporting, including columns by Scheer that questioned Israeli actions and called for balanced narratives.[92] Opponents, including letter writers to the Times, contended that Scheer's pieces minimized Israeli security concerns while amplifying Palestinian grievances, fostering an impression of partiality.[93] Scheer defended his work by arguing that claims of anti-Israel bias ignored disproportionate coverage favoring Israel, but detractors maintained this reflected a broader ideological predisposition against U.S. allies.[94] Journalistic shortcomings attributed to Scheer include allegations of factual distortions and misleading framing in his reporting. A 2001 analysis by fact-checking site Spinsanity accused him of "lies, spin, and jargon" in Los Angeles Times columns on post-9/11 topics, such as attributing the anthrax attacks to right-wing extremists without evidence and exaggerating U.S. complicity in Taliban opium production.[95] Similarly, a PR Watch review deemed his May 2001 article on Bush administration Taliban policy "misleading and inaccurate," claiming it falsely implied the U.S. ignored Osama bin Laden's presence despite contrary evidence from Clinton-era records.[96] In a 2005 column on WWII nationalism, Scheer stated that "the patriotism of relatively few German or Italian Americans was questioned," prompting rebuttals noting the internment of over 10,000 German Americans, which critics said exemplified minimization of historical precedents for security measures.[97][98] Despite these charges, independent evaluators like Media Bias/Fact Check have rated his platforms high for factual reporting, suggesting shortcomings may stem more from interpretive choices than outright fabrication.[89]Intellectual Contributions and Works
Authored Books
Robert Scheer has authored at least ten books, primarily focusing on critiques of U.S. foreign policy, presidential leadership, nuclear strategy, and corporate-government overreach.[99] His early works addressed Cold War-era interventions, while later publications targeted post-Cold War economic deregulation and surveillance state expansion.[3]- Cuba: An American Tragedy (1963): Scheer's initial book-length analysis of U.S.-Cuba relations amid the Cold War embargo and Bay of Pigs fallout.[99]
- How the United States Got Involved in Vietnam (1965): A detailed examination of the escalatory decisions leading to full U.S. military commitment in Southeast Asia, based on declassified documents and interviews.[99]
- A Vietnam Primer (1966): An accessible guide compiling evidence against the Johnson administration's war rationale, aimed at public education on draft resistance and policy flaws.[99]
- America After Nixon (1974): Post-Watergate reflection on diminished executive authority and the shift toward congressional oversight in foreign affairs.[99]
- With Enough Shovels: Reagan, Bush and Nuclear War (1982): Critique of Reagan-era nuclear buildup and civil defense policies, arguing they prioritized survivability for elites over deterrence efficacy.[99][3]
- Thinking Tuna Fish, Talking Death: Essays on the Pornography of Power (1988): Collection of columns decrying media sensationalism and political exploitation of existential threats like nuclear proliferation.[99][3]
- Playing President (2006): Memoir-like accounts of Scheer's interviews with presidents from Nixon to Clinton, contrasting their personal insights with policy outcomes under George W. Bush.
- The Pornography of Power: How Free-Market Fundamentalists Are Hijacking America (2008): Argument against deregulation's role in financial instability, linking it to ideological capture of policy-making.[99]
- The Great American Stickup: How Bernie Madoff, Wall Street and Washington Stole Our Future (2010): Indictment of the 2008 financial crisis as engineered by bipartisan complicity in predatory lending and bailouts.[99]
- They Know Everything About You: How Data-Collecting Corporations and Snooping Government Agencies Are Destroying Democracy (2015): Warning on post-Snowden surveillance convergence between tech firms and intelligence agencies, eroding privacy and enabling authoritarian drift.[99]