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Sabah State Legislative Assembly

The Sabah State Legislative Assembly (Malay: Dewan Undangan Negeri Sabah, abbreviated DUNS) is the unicameral legislature of , a Malaysian state on the northern portion of island, empowered to enact laws on state matters as delineated by the Malaysia Agreement 1963 and the Sabah Constitution. It consists of 73 elected members, known as State Assemblymen (Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri or ADUNs), representing single-member constituencies determined by the , plus up to six nominated members appointed by the (Governor) to represent specific expertise or communities. The assembly convenes in , Sabah's capital, at the Yayasan Sabah Building, and holds sessions to debate legislation, approve state budgets, and scrutinize executive actions. Established following Sabah's integration into in 1963, the assembly held its inaugural election in 1967 under the interim administration preceding full statehood structures, with subsequent elections typically every five years unless dissolved earlier by the with gubernatorial assent. The body has been marked by political fluidity, characterized by frequent shifts in ruling coalitions due to defections (katak or frog-hopping) and ethnic-based party dynamics among Sabah's diverse , , and populations, leading to multiple government changes even within single terms. As of October 2025, the 16th assembly—elected in September amid a snap poll triggered by a —was dissolved on 6 October by Seri , paving the way for the 17th state election on 29 November, which will contest the same 73 seats amid ongoing debates over resource rights, autonomy, and federal-state under the 1963 agreement.

Establishment and Constitutional Basis

The Sabah State Legislative Assembly, known as the Dewan Undangan Negeri Sabah, was established on 16 September 1963, concurrent with the formation of the Federation of , which incorporated the former (renamed ) alongside , , and . This transition built upon the pre-existing Legislative Council, instituted under British colonial rule in 1950 with partial elections introduced by 1954, which provided 16 elected members out of 33 by the time of 's accession to . The 1962 elections to that council, held on 12 December, determined the initial composition that carried over into the new state assembly, enabling 's representatives to endorse the merger terms. The legal foundations of the assembly derive primarily from the Constitution of the State of , enacted in to govern its unicameral structure, composition, and procedures, including provisions for up to 73 elected members representing single-member constituencies and up to 8 nominated members appointed by the . This state constitution aligns with the federal framework under the (effective 31 August 1957, extended to post-), particularly Articles 44–55 on state legislatures and the Ninth Schedule delineating state legislative powers over 37 matters such as , , and native laws, with Sabah-specific safeguards including control and religious affairs. These arrangements stem from the Malaysia Agreement (MA63), signed on 9 July between , , , , and , which enshrined Sabah's special status to preserve autonomy in non-federal domains while subordinating it to federal supremacy on defense, , and citizenship. Subsequent amendments to the Sabah Constitution, beginning with Enactment No. 12/1964 effective 18 July 1964, have refined assembly operations, such as vacancy provisions and election timelines, without altering its foundational bicameral counterpart role alongside the (). The assembly's enactment excludes matters, ensuring laws assent by the , with judicial oversight from state courts and appeals mechanisms to maintain constitutional fidelity.

Powers and Jurisdictional Limits

The Sabah State Legislative Assembly exercises legislative authority to enact laws for the State on matters within its jurisdiction, as defined by the Constitution of the State of Sabah and the . Under Article 26 of the State Constitution, this power is exercised through the passage of Bills by a of members present, followed by assent from the within 30 days; failure to assent results in automatic enactment, with laws styled as "Enactments" and published in the State Gazette to take effect. These enactments must align with the State Constitution, rendering any inconsistent provisions void under Article 27. The Assembly's jurisdiction encompasses subjects in the (List II) and (List III) of the Ninth Schedule to the Federal Constitution, excluding Federal List matters such as , external affairs, , and federal finance. Key State List powers include:
  • Islamic law and the personal and family status of Muslims, including Syariah courts and ;
  • , reservations, acquisition, and transfers;
  • and ;
  • administration and housing;
  • State works and services, such as roads and water supplies.
For Sabah specifically, supplements to the (List IIA) extend authority to native law and custom (including , , and ), native courts, non-federal ports and harbors, cadastral land surveys, libraries and museums (non-federal), and the Sabah Railway. On matters, both federal and state legislatures may act, but federal laws prevail in conflicts per Article 75; Sabah's supplements (List IIIA) cover additional areas like personal law, shipping under 15 tons, fisheries, water power, and agricultural pest control. Residual powers over unenumerated matters also reside with the State under Article 77, unless legislates for uniformity or international obligations. Jurisdictional limits are stringent: the Assembly cannot legislate on Federal List items, and enactments conflicting with federal laws are invalid. Procedural constraints include a of one-quarter of members, requirements for government introduction of expenditure Bills, and two-thirds majority for Bills restricting religious propagation among . Privileges of members are capped at those of the federal and subject to Article 72 of the Federal Constitution. In emergencies declared under Article 150, federal executive authority may extend to state matters, overriding state jurisdiction. enjoys enhanced fiscal powers, including import/export duties on , timber, and minerals, plus a share of customs revenue, supporting state legislative implementation. Amendments affecting 's legislative powers or native rights require the Yang di-Pertua Negeri's concurrence under Article 161E.

Electoral System and Representation

Constituency Structure and Voting Mechanisms

The Sabah State Legislative Assembly comprises 73 single-member constituencies, each electing one representative to the . These constituencies are geographically delineated across the state's to approximate equal , with boundaries periodically reviewed and redrawn by the (SPR) under federal constitutional provisions to account for demographic shifts. The most recent increase to 73 seats occurred prior to the 2020 state election, expanding from 60 to enhance local amid Sabah's growing electorate of over 1.78 million eligible voters as of 2025. Elections for these constituencies employ a first-past-the-post (FPTP) voting system, wherein the candidate receiving the highest number of votes in each constituency is declared the winner, regardless of threshold. This plurality-based mechanism, standard across Malaysian state assemblies, favors candidates with concentrated support in specific areas and often results in coalition formations post-election due to fragmented vote shares among multi-ethnic parties. occurs via at designated polling stations, with eligible voters—Malaysian citizens aged 18 and above, registered on the , and residing in the constituency—required to present identification. is available for specific groups such as police, military personnel, and overseas Sabahans under limited postal provisions, though has advocated for expansions to include students and the disabled ahead of the 2025 polls. Nomination of candidates, restricted to Malaysian citizens without serious criminal convictions, takes place on a designated day prior to polling, followed by a campaign period typically lasting about two weeks. The state assembly may be dissolved by the on the advice of the , triggering elections within 60 days, as occurred for the 17th scheduled for November 29, 2025. Malapportionment concerns persist, with some constituencies exhibiting voter disparities exceeding constitutional guidelines, prompting calls from organizations like for boundary reviews to ensure equitable representation.

Elected and Nominated Members

The Sabah State Legislative Assembly consists of 73 elected members representing single-member constituencies and up to six nominated members. Elected members are selected through direct elections held at least once every five years, using a system in which the candidate with the most votes in each constituency wins the seat. Qualifications for elected membership require candidates to be Malaysian citizens at least 18 years old, resident in , and not disqualified under federal or state laws, such as for , criminal convictions, or holding certain public offices. Disqualifications also apply to those absent without leave for three consecutive sittings or who resign their seat. Nominated members, limited to a maximum of six, are appointed by the ( of ) via written instrument to serve for a specified term not exceeding the duration of the legislative assembly. These appointments, which do not require election, allow for representation of expertise or interests not captured through electoral contests, though the constitution does not mandate specific criteria beyond general membership qualifications, which mirror those for elected members except for certain foreign citizenship allowances. In the 16th Assembly (2020–2025), six such members were appointed following the , contributing to a total membership of 79 excluding the Speaker.

Historical and Recent Election Outcomes

The Sabah State Legislative Assembly has held elections since its inaugural vote in 1967, following the state's integration into the Federation of in 1963, with subsequent polls in 1971, 1976, 1979, 1981, 1985, 1986, 1990, 1994, 1999, 2004, 2008, 2013, 2018, and a in 2020 amid political instability. The number of elected seats expanded progressively from 32 in 1967 to 60 by 1999 and 73 since 2013, reflecting and to enhance representation across diverse ethnic groups including , Bajau, and Malay communities. Early elections saw dominance by local parties such as the United Sabah National Organisation (USNO) and later Berjaya, transitioning to coalition politics under (BN) from the 1990s, which secured repeated majorities through alliances emphasizing federal ties and development funding. BN maintained control through the 2013 state election on 5 May 2013, concurrent with the federal poll, leveraging incumbency and resource distribution despite opposition challenges from Pakatan Rakyat on issues like illegal immigration and resource rights. The coalition's hold broke in the 2018 state election on 9 May 2018, also aligned with the 14th general election, where Parti Warisan Sabah, founded in 2016 as a state-centric alternative, allied with parties like Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) and United Pasokmomogun Kadazandusun Murut Organisation (UPKO) to claim a slim majority and install Shafie Apdal as chief minister, capitalizing on voter fatigue with federal-centric governance and promises of greater autonomy under the Malaysia Agreement 1963. Political defections in 2020 eroded Warisan's support, prompting of the assembly on 30 July 2020 and a on 26 September 2020 amid the , which featured stringent health protocols and high driven by local concerns over economy and migration. The (GRS) coalition—comprising , Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu), , and —emerged victorious with 38 of 73 seats, one above the simple majority threshold, forming a government under through post-election alliances including support from BN's remaining seats. Warisan secured 32 seats, (PH) six, and independents and others the rest, reflecting fragmented ethnic voting patterns where GRS appealed to Muslim-majority and indigenous bases wary of opposition disunity. The 16th Assembly, elected in 2020, focused on post-pandemic recovery and infrastructure but faced criticism over unfulfilled promises on oil royalties and native land rights, contributing to its dissolution on 7 October 2025 ahead of the scheduled 17th election on 29 November 2025, which will test ongoing coalitions amid multi-cornered contests in all 73 seats. Outcomes have consistently hinged on coalition stability rather than outright majorities, underscoring Sabah's role as a for federal-state tensions in .

Organizational Structure

Presiding Officers and Secretariat

The presiding officers of the Sabah State Legislative Assembly include the , who chairs proceedings, enforces standing orders, and represents the assembly in external matters, and two Deputy Speakers who assist and preside in the Speaker's absence. The is typically a non-member of the (non-MLA) appointed by the on the advice of the for a five-year term, subject to assembly confirmation. Current Speaker Datuk Seri Panglima Kadzim M. Yahya, a trained and former senator, was reappointed on 1 October 2025 following his initial appointment on 1 October 2020. Deputy Speakers Datuk Haji Al Hambra Tun Juhar and Datuk Yong We Kong, both non-MLAs, were appointed on 19 2023 to replace prior holders Ahmad Abdul Rahman and George Ginibun, serving the remainder of the assembly's term. The provides administrative, procedural, and logistical support to the assembly, including drafting agendas, recording debates, managing records, and advising on parliamentary practice; it is headed by the (Setiausaha), who reports to the . Madam Rafidah Maqbool Rahman serves as the current . The office is located at Level 4, Bangunan Undangan Negeri , with contact lines for administrative inquiries.

Party Leaders and Whips

In the Sabah State Legislative Assembly, party leaders typically comprise the head of the ruling coalition's parliamentary , who coordinates government business as the Leader of the House, and the Leader of the Opposition, drawn from the largest non-governing party and recognized by the to lead scrutiny efforts. These roles facilitate organized debate, agenda management, and accountability, mirroring Westminster-style systems adapted to Malaysia's structure under the Sabah State Constitution. Whips, appointed internally by parties or coalitions, enforce attendance, voting discipline, and strategic unity among members, though their appointments in Sabah are often informal and less publicly documented compared to . During the 16th Sabah State Legislative Assembly (convened 26 September 2020 and dissolved 6 October 2025), the ruling Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) coalition, which held a majority of seats, was led by Chief Minister Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor, who as assemblyman for Sulabayan directed government legislative priorities. The official Leader of the Opposition was Datuk Seri Mohd Shafie Apdal of Parti Warisan Sabah, representing the primary opposition bloc and voicing critiques on state governance, resource allocation, and federal relations. Specific whips for major parties, such as GRS components (including Parti Gagasan Rakyat Sabah and Parti Bersatu Sabah) or Warisan, were not formally gazetted but operated to align votes on key bills, with coalition dynamics often overriding individual party whips due to frequent alliances and defections in Sabah politics. The of the assembly on 6 October 2025, ahead of the 17th state election on 29 November 2025, vacated all party leadership and positions, pending reconstitution of the 73 elected seats (plus up to six nominated members) and reconfiguration of coalitions. This reflects Sabah's volatile multiparty landscape, where leaders and whips must navigate indigenous-majority representation, federal bargains, and local grievances over oil royalties and autonomy.

Standing Committees and Their Roles

The Sabah State Legislative Assembly establishes standing committees under its Standing Orders to facilitate oversight, procedural management, and specialized examination of assembly business, with membership drawn from elected members and appointed as needed by the assembly. These committees possess powers to summon persons, examine witnesses under , and compel production of documents relevant to their inquiries, subject to assembly approval, enabling detailed scrutiny without full house debate. Key standing committees include the , the Committee of Privileges, and the Standing Committee (Jawatankuasa Tetap), each addressing distinct functions in financial accountability, parliamentary immunities, and house administration. The Public Accounts Committee (Jawatankuasa Kira-Kira Wang Awam), mandated by Article 34 of the Constitution of the State of , examines annual accounts of revenues and expenditures to verify compliance with appropriations and identify irregularities in public fund usage. Comprising members, typically chaired by an opposition figure for impartiality, it reviews reports from the auditor-general, conducts hearings, and submits findings with recommendations to the for debate and action, promoting fiscal transparency and deterring mismanagement. As of the 16th term ending in 2025, the committee actively pursued on-site inspections to assess project implementations, reflecting a proactive approach to oversight. The Committee of Privileges (Jawatankuasa Hak-Hak dan Kebebasan) investigates alleged breaches of assembly privileges, immunities, or against members, as empowered by the Legislative Assembly (Privileges, Immunities and Powers) Enactment 1963. It deliberates on complaints, hears evidence, and recommends sanctions such as or referral to authorities, safeguarding the assembly's operational integrity and members' within proceedings. This committee ensures adherence to ethical standards, with reports presented to the full assembly for . The Standing Committee (Jawatankuasa Tetap) manages internal procedural matters, including selection of bills for debate, enforcement of standing orders, and coordination of house business, chaired by the or deputy as of 2025 with members such as Haji Kadzim Haji M. Yahya (chair), Jahid Jahim, and Ir. Shahelmey Bin Yahya. It reviews and proposes amendments to rules of procedure, facilitating efficient assembly operations and addressing administrative efficiencies, distinct from select committees formed for specific legislative inquiries. These committees collectively enhance the assembly's capacity for specialized review, though their effectiveness depends on active membership and cross-party engagement.

Legislative Procedures

Sessions, Sittings, and Agenda Setting

The issues a summoning the to its first sitting after a or , marking the start of a session that continues until or . Subsequent sittings within a session are scheduled by the Leader of the House, who must provide at least 28 days' notice, though this may be varied by agreement or necessity; emergency sittings can be called by the upon the Chief Minister's request. The mandates that no more than six months elapse between the last sitting day of one session and the first sitting day of the next, ensuring regular legislative activity. Sittings, the operational units of sessions, require a quorum of at least one-quarter of the total membership (73 elected plus up to six nominated members); if quorum is challenged and not met after a brief interval, the Speaker adjourns the sitting. Proceedings adhere to decorum rules, with members assigned seats and prohibited from disruptive actions, such as reading extraneous materials or engaging in disorderly conduct, which may result in suspension. The Assembly's term begins on the date of its first sitting post-election and lasts up to five years unless dissolved earlier, with automatic dissolution occurring if not reconvened timely. Agenda setting follows the Standing Orders, with the daily order of business published in the and accessible to members; government business holds precedence, but alterations can occur via motions. Under Order 13, a typical sitting sequence includes the 's entry, prayers, affirmation of oaths if required, the Yang di-Pertua Negeri's address (at session openings), oral and written questions to ministers, presentation of papers and reports, motions (requiring seven days' notice for private members or two days for ministers, with exceptions for urgency or privilege), and public business such as bill debates. motions allow discussion of definite urgent public matters, potentially shifting priorities, while committee reports and supply business receive allotted times. The oversees enforcement, ensuring relevance in amendments and maintaining procedural integrity. In practice, sessions often occur three times yearly—around April, August, and October—though schedules adapt to legislative needs; for example, the second session of 2025 convened in July for two days, tabling four bills alongside questions and motions. The 16th Assembly dissolved on 6 October 2025, paving the way for elections.

Bill Introduction, Debate, and Passage

Bills in the Sabah State Legislative Assembly, known as the Dewan Undangan Negeri, are primarily government-sponsored initiatives introduced by Cabinet members, though private members' bills may be proposed by individual assemblymen subject to two clear days' notice for leave to introduce. Financial bills, involving expenditure from the Consolidated Fund, must be introduced exclusively by a Cabinet member. The process adheres to the Assembly's Standing Orders and unfolds over three readings during scheduled sittings. At the first reading, the bill's long title is read by the Clerk without debate or vote, after which it is printed, circulated to members, and scheduled for a second reading on a specified future date. The second reading follows a motion that be read a second time, opening debate on its general principles, merits, and policy implications; amendments to the motion are permissible, and passage requires a vote. If approved, advances to the committee stage, where it is examined clause by clause either by a Assembly or a Select , allowing detailed scrutiny, proposed amendments (with 24 hours' notice for substantive changes), and votes on individual provisions. The committee reports its findings, including any amendments, back to the Assembly for consideration. At the third reading, a motion addresses the bill's final contents as amended, with permitted but limited to minor corrections approved by the ; amendments are rare at this stage, and passage again demands a . Upon approval, a is forwarded to the for assent, which must occur within 30 days; absent assent, the bill automatically becomes law as an Enactment, effective upon publication in the State Gazette. throughout occurs by voices or , with results recorded alphabetically if contested.

Oversight and Questioning Mechanisms

The Sabah State Legislative Assembly holds the executive accountable primarily through oral and written questions posed by members to the and state ministers on administrative matters and implementation. Oral questions, requiring immediate responses, are prioritized during dedicated sessions held daily from Monday to Thursday, lasting one hour from 10:00 a.m. to 11:00 a.m., enabling direct scrutiny of government operations. Written questions, submitted in advance, receive responses that may be debated if deemed necessary by the . Financial oversight is conducted via the (), appointed under Article 34 of the State Constitution, which examines audited government accounts, revenue expenditures, and compliance with budgetary allocations approved by the Assembly. The , typically chaired by an opposition member to ensure impartiality, reviews reports from the State Auditor-General, summons public officials for testimony, and issues recommendations to prevent mismanagement or irregularities, with findings tabled for Assembly debate. The Committee of Privileges further supports oversight by investigating alleged breaches of Assembly privileges or contempt, such as misleading statements or interference in proceedings, drawing on procedures aligned with practices to maintain executive adherence to legislative authority. Ad hoc select committees may be formed by resolution for targeted inquiries into specific issues, enhancing beyond routine sessions.

Historical Evolution

Pre-Federation Legislative Bodies

The British North Borneo (Chartered) administered the territory from 1881 to 1946 through a centralized structure led by a , under the oversight of the Company's Court of Directors in . A nominated provided advisory input on , with its formal framework established via the Legislative Council Ordinance of 1912; members were appointed officials and select unofficials without electoral elements, focusing on enacting ordinances related to revenue, administration, and local . This body lacked independent legislative authority, as all enactments required Company approval, reflecting the commercial-colonial model prioritizing resource extraction and order over . After Japanese occupation ended in 1945, transitioned to direct Crown rule as a on 15 1946, incorporating and initially governed via military administration until civilian resumption. A provisional Advisory , comprising officials and nominated locals, operated from 1946 to offer non-binding advice on policy amid post-war reconstruction. Formal constitutional progress occurred with the inauguration of Executive and Legislative Councils in October 1950, supplanting the Advisory Council; the Legislative Council included the as president, seven ex-officio official members (senior administrators), and five nominated unofficial members representing ethnic and commercial interests. This 12-member body held legislative powers for local ordinances on matters like taxation and public works, subject to the 's veto and British scrutiny, marking an initial step toward unofficial participation without elections. Decolonization accelerated in the late with indirect representation via local councils; the first district and town board elections occurred in December 1962 on a basis, covering limited urban and rural areas to build electoral experience. A 1962 constitutional conference led to internal self-government on 31 August 1963, renaming the territory and establishing a 33-member under a new framework: 16 seats directly elected in April 1963 (won overwhelmingly by the Party Ra'ayat, securing control), six ex-officio, six nominated by the , and five indirectly elected from local councils. This elected-majority assembly debated and approved merger into via resolutions on 12 September 1962 and subsequent affirmations, transitioning its structure into the state legislature post-federation on 16 September 1963.

Post-1963 Assemblies and Reforms

Following the formation of the Federation of Malaysia on 16 September 1963, which incorporated the former Crown Colony of North Borneo as the State of Sabah, the pre-existing Legislative Council was reconstituted as the unicameral Sabah State Legislative Assembly (Dewan Undangan Negeri Sabah). This transition was governed by the Constitution of the State of Sabah, enacted as an integral component of the Malaysia Agreement 1963, which delineated state legislative powers over matters such as land, immigration, and native customary rights to preserve Sabah's distinct status within the federation. The assembly initially operated with an appointed Yang di-Pertua Negeri (governor) and a mix of elected and nominated members, serving as an interim body to bridge colonial governance and elected state representation. The first direct general election for the assembly occurred between 8 April and 23 April 1967, electing 32 members across constituencies delineated in 1966, with the Sabah Alliance coalition—comprising parties like the United Sabah National Organisation (USNO) and United Pasokmomogun Kadazan Organisation (UPKO)—securing a majority to form the government under Peter Lo Su Yin. This poll, the inaugural post-federation state election, emphasized local issues including autonomy assurances and opposition to perceived federal overreach, reflecting 's integration challenges within . Voter turnout and party alignments during this period underscored the dominance of multi-ethnic coalitions, setting a for assembly politics dominated by alliances until the . Constitutional reforms progressively adapted the assembly to demographic and administrative needs. The Enactment No. 12 of 1964 amended Articles 14(1) and 59, refining the assembly's composition and procedural frameworks effective 18 July 1964. A significant 1976 amendment (Enactment No. 17), effective 27 August 1976, revised Articles 14(1)(c), 15, and 21 to expand membership provisions, clarify Speaker and Deputy Speaker roles, and update election and vacancy protocols, coinciding with shifts in federal-state dynamics post the 1976 constitutional downgrading of Sabah and Sarawak's equal partner status. Later adjustments, including the 1995 Enactment No. 11 effective 9 November 1995, further refined oversight mechanisms under Articles 15A and 22. These changes facilitated seat increases—from 32 in 1967 to 48 by the 1985 election, 60 in 1994, and 73 elected plus up to six nominated members by the 2020 term—to mirror population growth and enhance representation, though critics have noted resultant gerrymandering risks in boundary reviews.

Timeline of Major Constitutional Changes

The Sabah State Constitution, effective from 31 August 1963 upon the formation of , established the State Legislative Assembly as the unicameral legislature with powers to enact laws on state matters, subject to federal oversight under the 1963. Initial provisions under Articles 14 and 21 defined the assembly's composition (initially 32 elected members plus ex officio and nominated members) and dissolution procedures, with elections required within 60 days of dissolution.
Effective DateEnactmentKey Changes Affecting the Legislative Assembly
18 July 1964No. 12/1964Amended Article 14(1) to remove ex officio members from the , streamlining it toward elected and nominated representatives only; also adjusted executive appointment processes under Articles 6 and 7.
27 September 1973No. 8/1973Inserted Article 5A declaring the , a provision passed by the assembly despite prior inter-governmental assurances of secular safeguards in Sabah's founding documents; this shifted cultural policy implications without directly altering assembly structure.
27 August 1976No. 17/1976Revised Articles 14(1)(c) and 21 to modify nominated member appointments, election timelines, and vacancy fillings, aiming to enhance assembly continuity amid federal-state tensions.
9 1995No. 11/1995Added Article 6(7), requiring the to appoint the from the assembly member commanding majority support, in response to post-1985 and 1994 political crises involving defections and unstable governments; also refined Article 21(5) on vacancies considering party strength.
25 May 2023Constitution (Amendment) Enactment 2023Enacted anti-party hopping provisions, disqualifying assembly members who resign from or switch parties mid-term; simultaneously repealed Article 6(7), reverting appointments to discretionary judgment of majority confidence without explicit party-based criteria, amid debates on gubernatorial powers and stability.
These amendments reflect responses to political instability, federal influences, and assertions, with the 1995 and 2023 changes directly addressing -driven formation to curb defection-induced crises. No further major structural reforms to powers or composition have been enacted since 2023, though federal-level adjustments under the 2022 (Amendment) Act indirectly bolstered Sabah's legislative bargaining via restored MA63 statuses.

Political Dynamics and Influence

Composition Across Terms and Party Dominance

The Sabah State Legislative Assembly's composition has historically reflected a fragmented and dynamic political environment, characterized by multi-ethnic coalitions, frequent defections, and shifts between local indigenous-led parties and federal-aligned groups. From the assembly's establishment after Sabah's incorporation into in 1963, early terms saw dominance by the Sabah Alliance, comprising the United Sabah National Organisation (USNO) and other local parties appealing to indigenous and Muslim Bumiputera communities, though specific seat breakdowns for the 1967 election (32 seats total) indicate a consolidation of power under this coalition without strong opposition challenges. By the 1976 election (32 seats), the Berjaya party, formed as a breakaway emphasizing and development, ousted USNO, securing a majority through alliances with federal (BN) elements, marking the onset of closer federal ties. The 1980s and early 1990s witnessed the rise of , a multi-racial party led by , which capitalized on non-Muslim indigenous support to challenge federal dominance. In the 1985 election (32 seats), PBS won 25 seats, forming government and ending Berjaya's hold. This was reinforced in the 1986 (32 seats), where PBS secured 34 seats amid instability. The 1990 election expanded to 48 seats, with PBS retaining 36, maintaining control through strong and Chinese backing. However, defections and federal pressure led to PBS's loss in (48 seats), where it won 25 seats against BN's 23, enabling UMNO-led BN to form government via crossovers. BN, particularly UMNO, entrenched dominance from the mid-1990s through gerrymandering, resource allocation, and alliances with local parties, achieving supermajorities in subsequent terms. In 1999 (48 seats), BN captured 31 seats to PBS's 17. By 2004 (60 seats), BN swept 59 seats, including 32 for UMNO and 13 for PBS as a component. This pattern persisted into the 2008 (60 seats) and 2013 (60 seats) elections, where BN secured overwhelming victories, often exceeding 40 seats, bolstered by incumbency and federal development funds despite underlying ethnic tensions and corruption allegations. The 2018 (60 seats) disrupted BN's hold, with Warisan—a Sabah nationalist party founded by —securing 21 seats alongside (PH) allies (e.g., 6 DAP, 4 PKR), forming a totaling around 35 seats through post-election support, amid anti-federal sentiment tied to Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) grievances. This shifted in the 2020 (73 seats, expanded due to ), where (GRS)—a local coalition including Sabah STAR (17 seats), BN/UMNO (14), and PBS (7)—won 38 seats, edging out Warisan Plus's 32 (Warisan 23, DAP 6, PKR 2, UPKO 1) and 3 independents, forming government after further defections. The 16th Assembly, dissolved on October 6, 2025, exemplified ongoing instability, with GRS maintaining a slim via alliances until the impending 17th .
Election YearTotal Elected SeatsDominant Outcome (Seats for Leading Coalition/Party)
198532PBS: 25
199048PBS: 36
199448PBS: 25 (BN formed government via defections)
199948BN: 31
200460BN: 59
201860Warisan + allies: ~35 (post-election coalition)
202073GRS: 38
Party dominance has often hinged on indigenous non-Muslim (Kadazan-Dusun) versus Muslim Bumiputera divides, with federal intervention via funding and nominations influencing outcomes, though local parties like and Warisan periodically asserted autonomy.

Role in State Executive Formation

The Sabah State Legislative Assembly plays a pivotal role in state executive formation by determining the composition of the government through its elected members' support for the Chief Minister. Following a state election, the Yang di-Pertua Negeri (Governor) appoints as Chief Minister a member of the Assembly who, in the Governor's judgment, is likely to command the confidence of the majority of its members, as stipulated in Article 6(3) of the Sabah Constitution. This process typically involves the leader of the party or coalition securing a majority of the 73 seats—evidenced by declarations of support from assemblypersons—being invited to form the executive. The then advises the on appointing up to ten Ministers to form the , which is collectively responsible to the Assembly under Article 7 of the . The Assembly's confidence is not merely presumptive; it can be tested and withdrawn through a vote of no confidence, potentially leading to the 's or a request for if the motion passes. In cases of political fragmentation, such as post-2020 election instability involving defections and coalitions, the 's discretion under Article 6(3) has been invoked to assess actual majority backing, sometimes requiring assemblypersons to demonstrate support via affidavits or meetings. This mechanism aligns Sabah's system with Malaysia's Westminster-style parliamentary model, where legislative majorities directly influence executive stability, though the retains a to prevent arbitrary dismissals without Assembly endorsement. Historical instances, including the 2020 crisis, underscore that while elections provide the initial mandate, intra-Assembly alliances and loyalty shifts can precipitate government changes without fresh polls, contingent on maintaining majority confidence.

Interactions with Federal Government

The Sabah State Legislative Assembly interacts with the federal government through frameworks established by the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) and the Federal Constitution, particularly in areas of revenue sharing, resource management, and power devolution, where the state asserts special autonomies not extended to . Article 112D mandates that Sabah receive 40% of net revenue raised or derived from the state, subject to periodic reviews, but no such reviews occurred from 1974 until a 2025 court intervention. The Assembly, via resolutions and state executive advocacy, has consistently pressured federal authorities to implement these entitlements, viewing federal delays as breaches eroding . A pivotal development occurred on October 17, , when the High Court declared the federal government's withholding of 's 40% share unlawful, issuing a order for joint review of entitlements derived from state resources. responded by affirming federal commitment to MA63 resolutions, citing settlement of 13 related claims, including electricity regulatory authority transferred to in , while indicating consultations with the Attorney General on the revenue ruling. leaders, including Assembly representatives, hailed the verdict as affirming constitutional obligations, rejecting federal aid packages as inadequate substitutes for formulaic entitlements. Petroleum royalties represent another flashpoint, with the Assembly advocating hikes from the current 5% paid by under a 1976 agreement to 20%, arguing it better reflects Sabah's production share amid federal control of upstream activities. Negotiations have yielded limited progress, tied to broader MA63 fiscal dialogues, where state motions in the Assembly underscore causal links between underfunding and developmental lags despite resource wealth. Federal-state tensions extend to political oversight, with historical instances of central intervention in Assembly formations, such as post-1963 maneuvers to install compliant governments, prompting Assembly debates on safeguarding against external influence. Recent dynamics show federal coalitions providing stability to the (GRS)-led Assembly since 2020, yet without resolving autonomy demands, as evidenced by 2025 pushes for economic devolution despite federal openness tempered by implementation complexities. The Assembly's oversight mechanisms, including questioning state executives on federal pacts, reinforce its role in calibrating interactions to prioritize empirical revenue over discretionary grants.

Controversies and Challenges

Autonomy Disputes under MA63

The Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63) promised Sabah significant autonomy in areas including , land, natural resources, and revenue sharing to facilitate its entry into the Federation of Malaysia alongside and the existing Malayan states. However, disputes have persisted since the 1970s, with Sabah alleging federal encroachments that diminished these safeguards, such as centralized control over oil and gas revenues and policies that altered state demographics without consent. These tensions have been amplified by constitutional amendments, like those in that transferred powers to the federal , reducing Sabah's legislative scope. A core contention involves fiscal entitlements, where MA63's Annex A and Articles 112C-D of the Federal Constitution stipulate Sabah's right to 40% of net revenues raised federally within the state, yet implementation has yielded only a 5% oil since 1976, far below claims tied to resources discovered post-1963. In 2025, a ruling affirmed this as a fundamental , prompting calls for international review at the , though federal officials maintain the 5% as a negotiated interim under the Petroleum Development Act 1974. The Sabah State Legislative Assembly has debated these shortfalls in budget sessions, with assemblymen across parties urging enhanced royalties or direct resource management to address infrastructure deficits, estimating potential arrears at RM150-400 billion if the 40% claim is upheld. Immigration autonomy represents another flashpoint, as MA63 and Article 161E of the reserve entry controls to , distinct from , to protect interests. Federal actions, including mass naturalizations in the 1970s-1990s estimated to have granted to over 500,000 without state veto, have been criticized as violations enabling political manipulation and straining resources, with passing motions in the 2020s to reclaim full border authority. Recent cases, such as the 2025 barring of a whistleblower under state powers, underscore ongoing federal-state friction, despite Section 66 of the Immigration Act 1959/63 affirming Sabah's primacy. Under the MADANI government as of , 13 MA63-related issues for have been resolved, including electricity regulation handover and judiciary administration, but 16 of 29 demands remain under review, encompassing oil royalties, , and healthcare allocations. The assembly continues to advocate through unanimous resolutions, as in 2020 calls to uphold prior commitments, positioning MA63 restoration as integral to state-federal equilibrium amid pushes for parliamentary seat increases to reflect original equal-partner status. These disputes highlight systemic challenges in , where 's assembly leverages legislative motions to press for empirical restitution over historical concessions.

Electoral Irregularities and Crises

The Sabah State Legislative Assembly has faced recurrent electoral crises driven by political defections, or "party hopping," which have destabilized governments and triggered snap elections, alongside persistent allegations of irregularities including vote-buying, ballot manipulation, and voter roll inflation through questionable citizenship grants. These issues stem from Sabah's fragmented multi-ethnic politics and historical federal interventions, often resulting in short-lived administrations and public distrust in the electoral process. A central controversy involves "Project IC," an alleged systematic effort from the 1990s under Prime Minister to issue identity cards and citizenship to hundreds of thousands of undocumented immigrants, primarily Muslims from the and , to engineer a pro-Barisan Nasional () Muslim-majority vote bank in the non-Muslim dominated state. The Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI) into Sabah's illegal immigrants, convened in 2007 and reporting in 2014, documented over 1.7 million citizenship applications processed irregularly between 1990 and 2005, with admissions from officials of quota-based issuances favoring certain ethnic groups to influence demographics and elections. Critics, including opposition parties and , contend this inflated the electorate by up to 27% with foreign-origin voters by 2013, enabling BN dominance in polls like the 1999 and 2004 state elections, though government inquiries stopped short of proving coordinated . The scheme's legacy persists, contributing to ongoing disputes over voter eligibility and stateless populations exceeding 100,000 in Sabah as of recent estimates. The snap election exemplified a acute crisis, precipitated on October 12 when six assemblymen from the ruling Warisan Plus coalition defected to the opposition (GRS)-BN alliance, stripping of his majority in the 73-seat assembly just two years into the term. The assembly's dissolution followed on October 13, with polls held September 26 amid the , drawing criticism for health risks, restricted campaigning, and discrepancies that allegedly favored incumbents. GRS-BN secured a narrow 32-seat plurality, forming government under after alliances shifted, but the outcome fueled claims of widespread "money politics"—cash inducements to voters estimated at RM10,000–50,000 per household in rural areas—and intimidation, as monitored by groups like . Post-election defections prolonged instability, mirroring patterns from prior terms where frog-hopping overturned results in 1994 and 2018. Leading into the 2025 election, following the 16th assembly's dissolution on October 6—earlier than the December term end amid coalition fractures—the deployed a dedicated team to surveil and in Sabah's expansive rural constituencies, responding to historical patterns of opaque financing and resource exploitation scandals tainting voter perceptions. Civil observers, including , flagged risks of outstation voter disenfranchisement and unequal media access, while parties pledged audits on licenses amid graft probes, underscoring how electoral contests exacerbate crises. These episodes highlight systemic vulnerabilities, including weak anti-defection laws until federal amendments in , which have failed to curb Sabah's volatile assembly dynamics.

Debates on Immigration, Resources, and Corruption

In the Sabah State Legislative Assembly, debates on have centered on the state's demand for greater autonomy to manage undocumented migrants, primarily from the southern and , estimated to number over 500,000 as of recent assessments. Assembly members, including those from opposition parties like Parti Warisan Sabah, have repeatedly called for emergency sessions to address the "Project IC" allegations—claims that citizenship documents were systematically issued to immigrants in the 1990s and 2000s to alter voter demographics in favor of ruling coalitions—arguing that federal oversight hampers effective deportation and border control. In April 2024, during assembly proceedings, lawmakers urged cross-party collaboration to resolve migrant issues, emphasizing the socioeconomic strain on local jobs, healthcare, and education without politicizing the matter, though federal citizenship amendments passed in 2024 were noted to include special provisions for stateless children born locally. Proponents of state control, such as representatives, have defended 's constitutional over , particularly amid 2025 court challenges questioning federal interference. Resource allocation debates in the assembly have focused on Sabah's entitlement to a larger share of petroleum and forestry revenues under the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), with lawmakers advocating for royalties exceeding the current 5% from , proposing 20% or up to 40% to reflect the state's contributions to national oil and gas output, which originates largely from Sabah's . In November 2024, a state assemblyman proposed an Oversight Committee modeled on U.S. congressional structures to enhance transparency in resource management, citing chronic underfunding of infrastructure despite Sabah's vast natural wealth in timber, , and hydrocarbons. The assembly passed amendments to the Forests Enactment in April 2025, mandating licenses for all forest carbon activities to assert state sovereignty over emerging carbon markets, amid concerns that federal climate policies could erode local control without compensatory revenue. These discussions often highlight causal links between resource extraction and , with empirical data showing Sabah's forests as Malaysia's largest yet facing rates of 1-2% annually, fueling demands for renegotiated . Corruption scandals have sparked intense assembly confrontations, particularly the 2024 mining license controversy involving eight lawmakers from the ruling (GRS) coalition, accused of receiving bribes totaling millions of ringgit for approving exploration permits to unqualified firms. In April 2025, Sri Tanjong assemblyman (Warisan) directly challenged GRS leaders to debate the graft allegations in the house, arguing that selective prosecutions—only two of the implicated charged by August 2025—undermined and contradicted federal anti-corruption rhetoric. Whistleblower-released videos in late 2024 detailed meetings where and others allegedly discussed arrangements, prompting pleas of not guilty from charged assemblymen like Yusof Yacob in June 2025 and calls for full (MACC) transparency. These debates underscore systemic risks in resource-dependent , where lax oversight has enabled scandals eroding electoral legitimacy ahead of the 17th state polls.

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    May 15, 2025 · The Sabah mining scandal involving one of the parties in Malaysia's ruling coalition undermines PM Anwar's anti-corruption stance.