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Sortu


Sortu is a socialist political party founded in February 2011 as the primary successor to the outlawed , representing the radical left-wing segment of known as the . The party explicitly rejects , marking it as the first in its ideological tradition to do so formally, amid ETA's ongoing and process.
Despite its stated commitment to non-violence, Sortu was initially banned from registration by Spain's in March 2011, which deemed it a continuation of ETA's political apparatus in violation of the 2002 Political Parties Law. The ban was overturned by the in June 2012 by a narrow 6-5 vote, allowing Sortu to participate in elections as part of the coalition, where it has since achieved significant electoral gains, including seats in the and influence in regional governance. Sortu's ideology centers on achieving national and social liberation for —a socialist, feminist, and sovereign —through mobilization, cooperation, and democratic processes, while prioritizing and identity. Controversies persist over its historical ties to , with critics arguing that leaders like , a former member, have issued only partial acknowledgments of ' rather than unequivocal condemnations of past . The party maintains it has decisively broken with violence to focus on political struggle, contributing to 's 2018 dissolution.

Overview

Founding and Core Identity

Sortu was founded in February 2011 by elements of the , emerging as a successor to the outlawed party, which had been banned for its ties to the terrorist group . The new formation was presented amid 's ongoing and the broader shift within the radical nationalist milieu toward renouncing violence, with Sortu explicitly condemning 's armed struggle in its statutes and rejecting any political subordination to the group. This marked the first attempt by the pro-independence left to register a party under Spain's Political Parties Law that openly disavowed politically motivated violence, distinguishing it from predecessors like . The party's statutes emphasized a commitment to democratic means for achieving Basque , , and , positioning Sortu as a vehicle for national liberation without reliance on armed action. Despite initial rejection in March 2011 due to perceived continuities with Batasuna's structure and ideology, Sortu's core identity crystallized around accelerating the people's path to through mobilization and political struggle. followed in 2012 after revisions, enabling its full operationalization, including a founding in February 2013 that solidified its organizational framework. At its essence, Sortu identifies as a party-movement dedicated to the national and social liberation of the , advocating for a socialist, feminist, and euskaldun (Basque-speaking) . Its principles prioritize from , egalitarian socioeconomic transformation, , and the promotion of the and culture, framed within a left-wing nationalist paradigm that critiques and state centralism. This identity reflects a strategic evolution from the abertzale left's historical militancy, emphasizing participation and electoral politics post-ETA dissolution in 2018, while maintaining demands for and for conflict victims aligned with its narrative.

Role in Basque Politics

Sortu serves as the dominant force within the left-wing abertzale (patriotic) nationalist spectrum in the Basque Autonomous Community, advocating for full and separation from through democratic means, including referendums or unilateral declarations. Founded in 2011 as a successor to the banned , it explicitly rejects political violence in its statutes, distinguishing itself from prior iterations tied to the terrorist group, though its initial manifesto omission of ETA condemnation led to a ban until modifications allowed legalization in June 2011. Sortu integrates into the (EH Bildu) electoral coalition, which it ideologically leads alongside smaller partners like and Alternatiba, enabling participation in regional, municipal, and provincial institutions while amplifying its pro-independence platform. This coalition structure has allowed Sortu to channel abertzale support into , focusing on critiques of the Spanish state's centralism and the ruling Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV)'s moderate nationalism. Electorally, Sortu via has expanded from marginalization post-ETA to a major contender, reflecting growing voter acceptance of its post-violence pivot. In the April 21, 2024, elections, captured 27 of 75 seats with 32.5% of the vote, tying the PNV's seat count in a historic breakthrough for the independentist left, though the PNV retained power via a with the Partido Socialista de Euskadi (PSE-EE). Prior gains include 21 seats in the 2020 elections (up from 9 in 2012), consolidating control over numerous municipalities— governed 140 of 258 town councils as of 2023—and influencing local policies on housing, language rights, and economic redistribution. Sortu's strategy emphasizes building a "left-wing process," targeting 2026 for a through and international solidarity, as outlined in its 2017 refoundation . In legislative roles, Sortu-aligned deputies prioritize bills for ( flag) sovereignty symbols, prisoner transfers, and apologies to victims—actions Sortu leaders like general coordinator have framed as ethical imperatives post-'s 2018 dissolution, which the party facilitated by absorbing former militants into democratic channels. However, its influence remains checked by PNV-PSE majorities, leading to tensions over budget negotiations and pacts, where Sortu pushes for plebiscitary dynamics in accords. Critics, including victim associations like COVITE, highlight persistent ambiguities in condemning 's 800+ killings, viewing Sortu's acknowledgments as insufficient given leadership ties to past apologism. This positions Sortu as a polarizing actor: a driver of nationalist renewal for supporters, yet a barrier to full for opponents, shaping debates on versus constitutional unity. As of 2025, Sortu continues organizational reforms to enhance mobilization, aiming to capitalize on youth and economic grievances for future breakthroughs.

Ideology and Positions

Basque Nationalism and Independence Goals

Sortu defines Basque nationalism through the lens of ideology, prioritizing the achievement of full sovereignty for Euskal Herria—the unified territory encompassing the Basque Autonomous Community, , and the Northern Basque Country in —as a foundational goal. The party seeks to establish an independent socialist Basque state, emphasizing linguistic preservation of Euskera, cultural revival, and territorial unification as prerequisites for . This stance positions Sortu as a radical alternative to more moderate nationalist parties like the PNV, which favor enhanced autonomy within over outright . Central to Sortu's independence strategy is the construction of a broad social and political majority to legitimize through democratic processes, acknowledging that support for hovered around 25% in the Autonomous Community as of early 2017. In its January 2017 refoundation congress in , Sortu explicitly targeted 2026 as the horizon for proclaiming a sovereign "from the left," framing the preceding decade as a period for mobilization, alliance-building, and ideological consolidation against Spanish centralism. This timeline reflected a post-ETA pivot toward non-violent tactics, with the party committing to reject any form of armed struggle in pursuit of these aims. Sortu's vision integrates sovereignty with European orientation, advocating for an independent state that would consult its citizens on membership while prioritizing internationalist solidarity over isolationism. Electoral advances through the coalition, such as securing the most seats in the 2024 Basque parliamentary elections, have bolstered this agenda, though persistent low public endorsement—rarely exceeding 30% in polls—highlights the challenge of translating nationalist rhetoric into viable policy amid competing priorities like economic governance. Critics, including Spanish authorities, have scrutinized Sortu's historical ties to for potentially undermining democratic normalization, yet the party maintains that its rejection of violence since ETA's 2011 enables a purely political path forward.

Socioeconomic and Social Policies

Sortu promotes a socialist economic framework as integral to its vision of national liberation, emphasizing equitable socio-economic relations in an independent Euskal Herria. At its 2017 congress, the party reaffirmed as the guiding principle for overcoming capitalist inequalities and fostering collective prosperity. This orientation prioritizes public intervention to address pockets, fiscal reforms for redistribution, and resistance to neoliberal policies exacerbating divides. In labor policies, Sortu focuses on worker mobilization and combating , particularly in care sectors, while tackling broader issues like employment dualization and demographic pressures. The party has called for renewed social struggles, including , to mitigate economic crisis impacts such as and . It aligns with Basque labor traditions, celebrating worker agency on occasions like and advocating for higher wages and protections amid Spain's highest regional averages. Social policies underscore as a core strategic pillar, aiming to construct a alongside and . Sortu integrates , prioritizing valuation, gender equity in public services, and opposition to patriarchal structures within nationalist frameworks. This extends to youth engagement on , , and , drawing support from younger demographics through stances. Environmentally, Sortu addresses socio-ecological challenges through an ecosocialist lens, linking to anti-capitalist transformation and . The party supports holistic transitions addressing resource exploitation parallels with gender oppression, though specific proposals emphasize community-led mobilization over technocratic fixes.

History

Pre-Formation Context and Legacy

The radical Basque nationalist left, often referred to as the abertzale esquerra, developed within the broader National Liberation Movement (MLNV), which encompassed political, social, and armed organizations pursuing independence from Spain through a combination of electoral participation and support for 's violent campaign. , founded clandestinely in 1959 as Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, conducted over 3,300 attacks, resulting in 829 deaths and more than 3,000 injuries between 1968 and 2011, framing its actions as resistance to Spanish centralism. The political wing of this movement began with (HB), established in 1978 to contest elections while endorsing 's "armed struggle" as legitimate, thereby channeling voter support—peaking at around 10-15% in regions—toward the separatist cause without explicitly directing . HB reconfigured into Euskal Herritarrok in 1998 amid internal shifts but retained its alignment with 's strategy, before adopting the name in 2001 to consolidate the radical left's platform. openly glorified ETA militants, organized tributes to fallen members, and maintained financial and logistical links to the group, refusing to condemn specific attacks such as the 2000 of a or the 2001 in that killed two. Under Spain's 6/2002 on —enacted to safeguard against —the ruled on 27 August 2002 that constituted ETA's continuation by other means, ordering its immediate dissolution and asset seizure; this was confirmed by the on 12 March 2003 after appeals. The decision rested on evidence of organic overlap, including shared leadership and resources, positioning not as a but as an enabler of violence that undermined Spain's and democratic order. The ban created a representational vacuum for the abertzale electorate, estimated at 200,000-300,000 voters, leading to short-lived proxies like the People's Democratic Alternative (Abertzale Sozialisten Batasuna, ASB) and NaBai coalitions, but these either dissolved or faced scrutiny. Efforts to register successors, such as the Democratic Alternative Coordination (D3M) in 2007 or Action by Nafarroa (ANV), were blocked or curtailed by courts citing persistent influence, including candidate vetting by the group. This legal barrier, combined with 's escalating isolation—marked by failed truces and condemnation—fostered intra-MLNV pressure for a "" decoupled from arms. The pivotal Gernika Declaration of 19 September 2010, signed by leaders and the pacifist splinter Aralar, explicitly repudiated violence as a tool for , pledging adherence to democratic and , though critics noted its ambiguity on past actions. 's legacy thus imposed on potential successors the dual inheritance of a mobilized committed to radical independence and the stigma of judicially verified complicity in , necessitating a clean break for electoral viability amid 's winding down. Sortu was publicly launched on , 2011, as a self-described leftist , emerging from the milieu of the previously banned and positioning itself as a for abertzale (patriotic) in the and . The party's foundational congress adopted statutes that, for the first time among formations linked to the radical nationalist left, explicitly rejected all forms of and condemned ETA's actions, while pledging homage to its victims; this marked a nominal shift aimed at enabling electoral participation in the upcoming May 2011 municipal and regional elections. Sortu's registration with the Spanish Ministry of the Interior proceeded initially without incident, but its ties to the outlawed —dissolved by the in 2003 under the Political Parties Law for serving as ETA's political arm—prompted swift opposition from state prosecutors. The initial legal challenge materialized almost immediately, with the Prosecutor's Office filing to block Sortu's registration on grounds that it constituted a reconfiguration of banned entities rather than a genuine break from ETA's influence. On March 23, 2011, Spain's ruled unanimously to deny Sortu as a , barring it from the electoral registry and preventing candidacy in the May elections; the court cited insufficient evidence of rupture with , including the party's failure to explicitly dissolve prior illegal structures, ambiguous language in statutes regarding , and perceived instrumental use of victim homage as a mere formality. This decision, delivered by the court's 61st Chamber specializing in terrorism-related cases, invoked the 2002 Political Parties Law's provisions against parties that undermine democratic principles or support armed groups, echoing precedents like the 2009 upholding 's ban. The ruling highlighted Sortu's leadership overlaps with Batasuna figures and argued that its anti-violence stance lacked credibility absent verifiable internal reforms. Sortu leaders decried the verdict as an antidemocratic imposition stifling Basque self-determination, vowing to while activating contingency plans through allied coalitions like Bildu to contest elections indirectly. The Supreme Court's action reflected broader Spanish judicial skepticism toward abertzale formations post-ETA ceasefire declarations, prioritizing empirical indicators of continuity—such as funding networks and cadre retention—over declarative repudiations of violence. This initial blockade delayed Sortu's formal operations, forcing reliance on provisional structures until higher review.

Post-Legalization Evolution (2012–2020)

Following its legalization by Spain's on June 20, 2012, in a narrow 6-5 decision, Sortu transitioned from a legally contested entity to an active participant in electoral politics, primarily through its integration into the coalition. This ruling overturned a prior ban, enabling Sortu to contest the October 21, 2012, elections, where —comprising Sortu and other abertzale left groups—secured 277,923 votes (approximately 25% of the total), translating to 21 seats and establishing it as the second-largest force behind the PNV. The result marked a significant resurgence for the pro-independence left, building on the 2011 Bildu coalition's municipal successes and reflecting voter support amid ETA's permanent declaration in 2011, though critics, including authorities, continued to highlight Sortu's historical ties to and questioned its full break from violent structures. Over the subsequent years, Sortu and consolidated their position as a key opposition bloc, emphasizing sovereignty, , and criticism of policies, while navigating ongoing scrutiny over past links. In the September 25, 2016, Basque Parliament elections, obtained 225,172 votes (21.1%), yielding 18 seats—a slight decline attributed to voter fragmentation from emerging parties like Podemos but still affirming its relevance as the primary pro-independence alternative. By the July 12, 2020, elections, amid the , rebounded to 21 seats (some sources report 22, reflecting final allocations), capitalizing on dissatisfaction with incumbent governance and positioning itself as a challenger to PNV dominance, with turnout at 58.8%. This electoral trajectory demonstrated Sortu's evolution toward institutional normalization, with increasing focus on legislative opposition, municipal governance in strongholds like , and advocacy for prisoner transfers and conflict resolution mechanisms. A pivotal development occurred on May 2, , when announced its complete dissolution, having dismantled all structures—a move Sortu had anticipated by rejecting violence in its founding statutes and prioritizing democratic avenues since 2011. Sortu leaders, including general coordinator , framed the announcement as the closure of an armed phase but insisted on addressing unresolved issues like the over 300 prisoners dispersed across , arguing that full pacification required state concessions on reintegration and apologies to victims from all sides. This stance aligned with Sortu's post-legalization strategy of channeling goals through electoral and civic means, though it drew accusations from unionist parties of insufficient victim acknowledgment until later statements in 2021. Throughout the period, Sortu expanded its organizational base, with membership growth and youth engagement, while facing intermittent legal probes into funding and alleged residual influences, none of which resulted in bans post-2012.

Developments Since 2021

In October 2021, Sortu leaders, including general coordinator Arkaitz Rodríguez, issued a joint statement with other radical left figures explicitly recognizing the pain inflicted on victims of ETA's violence, asserting that such suffering "should never have happened" and expressing regret for it. This marked a public acknowledgment aimed at advancing post-violence , though critics, including victims' associations, deemed it insufficient for lacking a full or assumption of political responsibility. Sortu continued to operate primarily through the coalition, contesting national and regional elections with a platform emphasizing , socioeconomic redistribution, and criticism of centralism. In the July 23, 2023, , secured six seats in the , reflecting sustained voter support in provinces amid a fragmented national landscape. These gains positioned as a key player in post-election negotiations, where it abstained in confidence votes supporting Pedro Sánchez's in exchange for concessions on prisoner transfers and regional fiscal matters, without entering the government. The April 21, 2024, Basque Parliament election represented a milestone, with EH Bildu obtaining 27 seats—tying the incumbent Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV)—and 29.1% of the vote, its highest share to date, driven by turnout of 59% and appeals to youth and abstentionist voters. Sortu-backed candidate Arnaldo Otegi, the party's general coordinator and a former ETA prisoner who advocated for the group's dissolution, led the campaign, focusing on independence referenda and social policies like affordable housing. Despite the surge, PNV retained power via a coalition with the Socialist Party (PSE-EE), leaving EH Bildu in opposition while amplifying its influence on issues like language rights and economic sovereignty. Throughout this period, Sortu reiterated its commitment to non-violent pursuit of Basque independence, advocating democratic processes like referenda over unilateral declarations, amid ongoing debates on ETA's legacy that mainstream Spanish media often frames through the lens of historical rather than current electoral legitimacy. No major internal leadership upheavals occurred, with Otegi maintaining prominence, though the party emphasized grassroots mobilization and alliances within to broaden appeal beyond traditional abertzale bases. By 2025, these electoral advances solidified Sortu's role in normalizing pro-independence , challenging the PNV's long dominance while navigating scrutiny over its ideological continuity from Batasuna-era formations.

Organizational Structure

Leadership and Key Figures

Arkaitz Rodríguez has served as Secretary General of Sortu since 2017, leading the party's strategic direction within the broader Basque abertzale left. Born on February 1, 1979, in , Rodríguez has represented Sortu in public statements, including a 2021 joint declaration with EH Bildu's acknowledging the pain inflicted by ETA's actions as something that "should never have happened." In January 2025, he assumed the role of third-in-command in EH Bildu's executive, reflecting Sortu's dominant influence in the coalition's leadership structure. Hasier Arraiz was the inaugural president of Sortu upon its founding on February 9, 2011, guiding the party through initial legalization challenges and early electoral efforts. Born on June 13, 1973, in , Arraiz, a former member for , declined re-election in May 2016 to facilitate renewal and new leadership faces within the organization. Arnaldo Otegi, a central figure in the nationalist left, previously held the position of Sortu Secretary General before transitioning to General Coordinator of in 2017, where he continues to shape pro-independence strategy. Released from prison in March 2016 after serving time for ETA-related activities, Otegi's influence extends to Sortu through its integration in , with the party providing 12 of 16 executive positions in the coalition as of August 2025. Other notable figures include Pernando Barrena, Txelui Moreno, and Joseba Permach, veterans from predecessor organizations like who have contributed to Sortu's policy formulation and public advocacy since 2011. In 2021, former leader David Pla was appointed to Sortu's executive, underscoring continuities with the abertzale movement's historical networks despite the party's formal rejection of violence.

Internal Governance and Membership

Sortu maintains a structured internal governed by its statutes, which emphasize democratic participation while adopting a hierarchical model that departs from the purely assembly-based approaches of its predecessors in the . The party's foundational statutes, approved in , outline an internal framework prioritizing affiliate involvement in decision-making, with provisions for opposition to external tutelage and commitment to internal rules ensuring and . The highest body is the (Asamblea Nacional), comprising all affiliates (known as sortzailes), who hold voting rights on key matters such as electing leadership and approving strategic directions. Below this, the National Council (Consejo Nacional) serves as the executive organ, consisting of the Secretary General, provincial political responsibles (for Araba, Bizkaia, , Nafarroa, and Ipar Euskal Herria), and specialized roles in areas like organization, political action, finances, communication, and . The Council, which includes around 15-20 members elected via internal processes, handles day-to-day and . Provincial assemblies (Asambleas de Herrialde) mirror this at the regional level, allowing local affiliates to vote on territorial issues. Supporting committees include the Committee for Control and Guarantees (five members tasked with ensuring democratic functioning) and the (three members overseeing finances). The Secretary General, currently held by figures such as Arkaitz Rodríguez (as of 2018 documentation), leads the Council and represents the party externally. Membership is open to individuals aligning with Sortu's project of national and social liberation for Euskal Herria, with affiliates categorized by level of involvement: sortukide (supporters who pay dues and engage actively in internal life) and militantes (full-time structural workers committed to permanent organizational roles). Admission requires adherence to statutes and rejection of violence, though authorities have scrutinized affiliations for potential ties, leading to ongoing legal oversight. By early , shortly after its constitutive , Sortu reported approximately 6,000 affiliates, reflecting initial efforts post-legalization. More recent figures on dues-paying members remain undisclosed in public records, but the party has pursued campaigns to expand and activate its base, emphasizing collective networks like Sarea for member engagement. Internal is enforced through mechanisms like open primaries for certain positions and regular congresses, as demonstrated in the 2013 founding congress where bases selected the initial directorate.

Electoral Performance

Basque Parliament Elections

Sortu, as the principal component of the coalition, has participated in elections since 2012, following its establishment and legalization. serves as the electoral platform for Sortu and allied pro-independence left-wing groups, enabling coordinated campaigning on sovereignty, social policies, and criticism of Spanish centralism. In these elections, Sortu has emphasized anti-austerity measures, , and demands for a on , though its platform retains roots in the abertzale tradition. The 2012 Basque Parliament election, held on October 21, marked 's debut at the regional level, securing 21 seats with 25.01% of the vote (312,853 votes), establishing it as the second-largest force behind the PNV. This result reflected voter mobilization among nationalist-leaning constituencies post-ETA ceasefire, despite ongoing scrutiny over the coalition's predecessor ties. In the 2016 election on September 25, obtained 18 seats amid a fragmented left, garnering 21.26% (225,172 votes), a decline attributed to the emergence of Podemos. EH Bildu, with Sortu's leadership including figures like Arnaldo Otegi, rebounded in the July 12, 2020, election delayed by COVID-19, winning 21 seats and 27.86% (249,580 votes), its highest vote share to date, capitalizing on dissatisfaction with incumbent governance. The coalition's gains were particularly strong in Gipuzkoa and Álava, where it outperformed the PNV in some municipalities. The April 21, 2024, election saw further growth, with EH Bildu tying the PNV at 27 seats and achieving 32.5% (341,735 votes), its best performance, driven by youth turnout and pledges for welfare expansion. This tied the two nationalist blocs, preventing a PNV absolute majority and positioning EH Bildu as a key opposition force.
Election YearVotesVote %Seats
2012312,85325.0121
2016225,17221.2618
2020249,58027.8621
2024341,73532.527
Sortu's influence within has correlated with this upward trajectory, reflecting sustained appeal among voters prioritizing independence over moderation, though it has not formed due to PNV-PSE coalitions. The party's electoral underscores a of abertzale post-ETA, yet authorities continue monitoring for compliance with anti-terrorism laws.

Spanish Congress and European Parliament

Sortu, as the dominant force within the coalition, has pursued representation in the Spanish Congress of Deputies through this alliance in national general elections. In the April 2019 election, secured 5 seats, primarily from constituencies in the and , reflecting a vote share of approximately 1.1% nationally but concentrated regional support exceeding 20% in key areas. These seats enabled to engage in parliamentary negotiations, including abstaining in the vote that allowed the PSOE to form. The July 2023 general election marked an improvement, with gaining 1 additional seat for a total of 6 in the , achieved through a national vote share of 1.4% and strong regional performance, surpassing the PNV's 5 seats for the first time in national elections. The elected representatives included Mertxe Aizpurua, Jon Iñarritu, Oskar Matute, Marije Fullaondo, Isabel Pozueta, and Iñaki Ruiz de Pinedo, who have focused on issues like Basque self-determination and criticism of central policies. This outcome positioned as a pivotal in the fragmented , providing external support to the PSOE in exchange for policy concessions on regional and prisoner transfers. In elections, Sortu has similarly relied on broader coalitions, such as Ahora Repúblicas (comprising , ERC, and BNG), but has not translated this into direct representation. In the 2019 election, Ahora Repúblicas obtained 3 seats out of Spain's 59, allocated to ERC and BNG without any to components. The 2024 election yielded comparable results for the coalition, with 3 seats again going to other partners, leaving without MEPs despite participation aimed at amplifying pro-sovereignty voices at the level. This lack of seats underscores the challenges for regionally focused alliances in Spain's nationwide proportional system for EU contests, where 's support remains geographically limited. In elections to the , Sortu has contested as part of the coalition since its legalization. In the 2015 regional election held on May 24, received 47,843 votes, equivalent to 14.3% of the valid votes, securing 8 seats in the 50-seat chamber. In the 2019 election on May 26, maintained 8 seats despite a fragmented vote, amid the emergence of new parties like . By the 2023 election on May 28, improved to 56,535 votes (17.14%), gaining one seat for a total of 9, reflecting gradual growth in a region with historically lower support for Basque nationalist parties compared to the Autonomous Community. Municipal elections in have shown similar trends, with expanding its presence. In the 2023 municipal vote on May 28, won 345 council seats across Navarre's municipalities, backed by 68,956 votes (21.33%), up from prior cycles and enabling influence in several local governments through coalitions. In key urban centers like , secured 8 of 27 council seats with strong performance in peripheral sections, though retained the mayoralty by a narrow margin of one seat. Across the broader southern Basque Country (encompassing the Basque Autonomous Community and Navarre), EH Bildu's 2023 municipal results marked a peak, with approximately 370,000 votes—the highest in its history—translating to control or co-governance in numerous towns, including majorities in Gipuzkoa's provincial capitals and advances in Álava and Bizkaia. This performance underscores Sortu's role as the dominant force within EH Bildu, driving left-wing Basque independence support at the local level, though absolute majorities remain limited outside core nationalist strongholds.

Relationship to ETA and Renunciation of Violence

Sortu traces its origins to the Basque abertzale left, specifically as the proposed successor to , a banned in 2003 by Spain's for serving as the political wing of , the armed separatist group responsible for over 800 deaths between 1968 and 2011 through bombings, assassinations, and kidnappings. , along with earlier iterations like (founded 1978), had been found to finance and legitimize 's activities, including by channeling funds from supporters and providing political cover for its "armed struggle" against Spanish sovereignty in the . The party was formally established on February 23, 2011, within the broader Movimiento de Liberación Nacional Vasco (MLNV), a networked structure that historically integrated political, social, and military components of radical , including ETA's clandestine operations. This framework positioned political entities as complementary to ETA's violence, with the MLNV coordinating efforts toward independence via both electoral participation and armed actions until ETA's 2011 declaration. Sortu's founding documents condemned in general terms but omitted specific calls for ETA's , prompting Spanish prosecutors to argue it represented a reconfiguration rather than a break from the MLNV's dual-track strategy of politics and violence. Prominent Sortu figures embodied these links, notably , who joined as a teenager in the , participated in a , and later faced conviction for membership before being imprisoned from 2011 to 2016 for attempting to revive as an proxy. As Sortu's general coordinator, Otegi helped draft its platform, drawing on his experience leading banned abertzale parties, though he later advocated for to abandon arms in favor of democratic means—a shift credited with facilitating the group's dissolution but rooted in prior endorsement of its campaign. Spanish authorities highlighted such personnel continuity, with police reports citing over 80% overlap between Sortu promoters and affiliates, as evidence of persistent ties to the armed phase of Basque separatism.

Formal Rejection of Violence and Disarmament Era

Sortu was founded on , , as a successor to banned nationalist parties, with its foundational statutes explicitly rejecting "any kind of armed action aimed at achieving political objectives" and condemning as incompatible with democratic principles. This clause was designed to comply with Spain's Organic Law 6/2002 on , which prohibits formations that support or tolerate , marking a departure from predecessors like that had not formally disavowed ETA's actions. The party's registration application emphasized that candidates must affirm this rejection, including ETA's , as a prerequisite for participation. The Spanish Supreme Court initially banned Sortu on March 23, 2011, deeming the rejection insufficient given ETA's ongoing existence and perceived instrumental links, but the overturned this in its ruling of June 20, 2012 (STC 138/2012), validating the statutes' language as a credible "" toward exclusively peaceful means. This legalization enabled Sortu's participation in subsequent elections, contingent on upholding the anti-violence commitment. Throughout the , Sortu reiterated this stance in party congresses, such as its assembly where leaders described violence as "an error with painful consequences" and incompatible with sovereignty goals. In alignment with ETA's 2011 permanent ceasefire announcement on October 20, advocated for disarmament as essential for democratic normalization, urging in public statements to hand over arms without preconditions. By March 2017, leaders, including , accelerated pressure for full decommissioning, culminating in 's April 8, 2017, transfer of 118 weapons, over 3 tons of explosives, and related materials to civilian mediators verified by an international commission. hailed the event as a "victory of the Basque people" and a step toward ending the armed phase, while emphasizing that political progress required state responses like prisoner transfers. Following 's May 2018 dissolution declaration, affirmed in its statements that the rejection of remained irrevocable, framing it as to a "past error" to focus on electoral and social mobilization. Despite these formal positions, authorities and victims' associations have questioned their depth, citing instances of perceived ambiguity in commemorations, though 's documented evolution facilitated its integration into coalition governments post-2016.

Controversies and Criticisms

Alleged Ongoing ETA Sympathies and Glorification

Sortu, as a prominent party within the , has been accused by Spanish authorities, ' associations, and unionist groups of maintaining implicit sympathies for through participation in or tolerance of events that honor the group's former members and prisoners, despite its formal rejection of violence. These allegations center on practices such as "ongi etorri" welcome receptions for released ETA inmates and public tributes, which critics classify as glorification of under Spanish law (enaltecimiento del terrorismo). The , Spain's high court for terrorism cases, has pursued multiple prosecutions, viewing such acts as perpetuating ETA's legacy and humiliating victims. In September 2025, Sortu activists deployed banners at the Valle de Cuelgamuros basilica—site of Franco-era burials—to homage two members, Angel Otaegi and José María Piris, executed in 1975 for their roles in terrorist attacks. The event, organized symbolically to protest exhumations, was decried by victims' groups as equating militants with regime opponents, thereby romanticizing their violence. The Collective of Victims of Terrorism (COVITE) reported 168 pro- acts in the and during the first half of 2025, a 11% decline from 2024 but including 12 public homages to deceased ETA members, 9 festivals centered on exalting the group, and 1 street tribute to a living ex-militant; these were attributed to networks closely aligned with Sortu, which has not publicly disavowed them. Such underscores persistent patterns, with COVITE noting Sortu's role in legitimizing ETA's narrative of political prisoners entitled to collective support. Legal repercussions highlight the allegations' gravity: On June 23, 2025, six individuals affiliated with prisoners' support groups and Sortu figures accepted two-year prison sentences for organizing over 100 "ongi etorri" events between 2018 and 2022, acknowledging victim suffering only after charges of and . Earlier, in April 2024, an judge recommended trials for six others, including Sortu-linked defendants, over 120 similar homages involving figures like prisoner Antonio L.R. ("Kubati"), charged with enaltecimiento for praising 's "struggle." Sortu leader exemplifies individual cases: In 2017, he received a 15-month sentence for glorifying during a 2016 speech at an ETA funeral, where he lauded the militant as a , prompting that Sortu's sustains ETA's ideological pillars. Critics, including opposition politicians, argue these incidents reveal Sortu as ETA's "painted-nail claw," adapting militancy to electoral politics without genuine rupture, as evidenced by ongoing prisoner mobilization that prioritizes group repatriation over individual accountability. While Sortu maintains such actions address and historical grievances rather than endorse violence—citing 2021 statements expressing "sorrow" for ETA's victims—the persistence of prosecutions and victim complaints indicates unresolved tensions in democratic normalization. In March 2011, Spain's Supreme Court prohibited the registration of Sortu as a political party, ruling that it constituted a continuity or succession of the illegal Batasuna, previously banned under the 2002 Political Parties Law for supporting ETA terrorism. The court cited evidence including a shared bank account between Sortu and ETA, as well as seized documents referencing Sortu personnel in ETA recruitment discussions. Spain's Attorney General and the government argued that Sortu's leadership overlapped significantly with Batasuna's, and its statutes failed to explicitly condemn ETA's violence or fully dissociate from the group's armed struggle, posing risks of institutional infiltration by terrorist networks. Security concerns centered on Sortu's potential to serve as a political vehicle for ETA's influence, despite its formal renunciation of violence following ETA's 2011 ceasefire announcement, which authorities dismissed as insufficient without verifiable . The emphasized that allowing registration could undermine democratic security by enabling parties to indirectly support through ideological continuity, as evidenced by Sortu's failure to address ETA's ongoing activity at the time. This decision aligned with broader efforts to prevent the normalization of formations tied to over 800 ETA killings since 1968. Although the overturned the ban in June 2012 by a 6-5 vote, affirming Sortu's statutes as compatible with constitutional requirements after revisions explicitly rejecting , the initial ruling highlighted persistent official skepticism regarding the depth of Sortu's break from ETA's operational and financial structures. Dissenting justices echoed security apprehensions, warning that premature legalization risked eroding safeguards against parties that might harbor latent terrorist sympathies. authorities maintained vigilance, with no subsequent full dissolution but ongoing monitoring under frameworks to detect any resurgence of ETA-linked activities through political channels.

Responses from Victims' Groups and Unionists

The Asociación de Víctimas del Terrorismo (AVT) criticized the 2012 legalization of Sortu by the Spanish Constitutional Court, describing it as following a "hoja de ruta" (roadmap) previously negotiated between the terrorist group and the government of , which they argued perpetuated ETA's political influence despite the party's formal rejection of violence. The AVT further demanded the illegalization of Sortu and its coalition partner in May 2013, citing events such as public receptions organized by Sortu for returning ETA members as evidence of continued enaltecimiento del terrorismo (glorification of terrorism). The Colectivo de Víctimas del Terrorismo en el País Vasco (COVITE) has repeatedly denounced Sortu's involvement in acts perceived as supportive of , including a 2013 event where Sortu members received the coffin of former militant "," prompting COVITE and AVT to file criminal complaints for potential of . In July 2024, COVITE documented 188 pro- acts in the and during the first half of the year, attributing a significant portion to leaders of the —including Sortu—for exalting and contributing to societal , rather than fully condemning 's 50-year history of over 800 murders. COVITE has emphasized that Sortu's rejection of violence is insufficient without explicit condemnation of 's actions and , arguing that legalization alone does not end the group's ideological continuity. Federations of victims' associations, such as the Federación de Asociaciones Autonómicas de Víctimas del Terrorismo, expressed opposition to Sortu's 2011 , warning that its statutes' rejection of did not include a demand for ETA's dissolution or full acknowledgment of victims' suffering, viewing it as a tactical shift rather than genuine democratic normalization. Unionist groups and constitutionalist parties in , including the Partido Popular (), have portrayed Sortu as a vehicle for sustaining 's political objectives under a democratic guise, with PP representatives in 2013 joining victims' accusations against Sortu-led welcomes for ETA prisoners as violations of anti-terrorism laws. In , Unión del Pueblo Navarro (), a unionist party opposing separatism, has criticized Sortu's electoral advances within as undermining Spanish , particularly in cross-border influence on Navarrese politics, where Sortu advocates for unification with the Autonomous Community. These responses highlight persistent concerns that Sortu's platform prioritizes nationalist goals over , with unionists arguing it erodes the constitutional framework by implicitly rehabilitating ETA's legacy through abstention from unequivocal victim reparations.

Impact and Reception

Achievements in Electoral Gains and Policy Influence

Sortu, as the primary component of the coalition, has demonstrated steady electoral growth in regional parliamentary elections since its formation in 2011, reflecting a normalization of its political presence following the cessation of ETA's armed activities. In the 2012 election, secured 21 seats with approximately 25% of the vote, establishing itself as a significant force in the 75-seat chamber. This marked a notable debut, surpassing previous iterations of parties banned under Spanish anti-terrorism laws. By the 2016 election, held 18 seats amid a competitive field dominated by the PNV, yet maintained a core voter base focused on and issues. The coalition rebounded in the 2020 election, gaining 21 seats and increasing its vote share to around 28%, capitalizing on dissatisfaction with incumbent governance and emphasizing policies on and public services. This uptick positioned as the primary opposition, with Sortu's leadership, including figures like , articulating demands for enhanced Basque sovereignty within the framework. The most significant milestone came in the , 2024, election, where achieved a record 27 seats—tying the PNV for the largest bloc—and 32.16% of the vote, its highest ever, amid a turnout of 59%. This result underscored Sortu's success in broadening appeal beyond traditional nationalist strongholds, incorporating younger voters and urban centers, though it fell short of displacing the PNV-PSE . In terms of policy influence, Sortu via has exerted pressure as the leading opposition party, shaping debates on autonomy, economic redistribution, and historical memory without holding executive power. It has advocated for expanded fiscal powers and a binding , influencing parliamentary discussions but yielding limited concessions from the ruling PNV. On social fronts, has pushed initiatives addressing housing affordability in high-cost areas like , critiquing market-driven policies and proposing public intervention, though implementation remains constrained by opposition status. Nationally, Sortu's alignment with left-wing coalitions has facilitated 's support for reforms, such as the 2024 agreement to amend Spain's Citizen Security Law, easing restrictions on protests and demonstrations in exchange for parliamentary backing. These efforts highlight incremental gains in democratic participation but have not translated to core goals like sovereignty transfer, with critics noting persistent barriers from constitutional limits and cross-party resistance.

Broader Criticisms of Democratic Normalization

Critics of Sortu's democratic normalization, including victims' associations and opposition parties, contend that the process has enabled the to transition ETA's political objectives into electoral gains without sufficient repudiation of past violence, thereby undermining the and victim dignity. The Asociación de Víctimas del Terrorismo (AVT) has documented over 200 indicios of ongoing ideological continuity with since Sortu's 2011 legalization by the Tribunal Constitucional, arguing that electoral participation masks persistent glorification of terrorism through support for imprisoned members. This normalization is viewed as rewarding undefeated , as Sortu and its coalition have secured significant representation—such as 27.7% of the vote in the 2024 Basque parliamentary elections—without collective condemnation of 's 829 between 1968 and 2011. AVT leaders have described the 2012 ruling permitting Sortu's registration as "legalizing ETA through the back door," linking it to prior validations of related formations like Bildu and Amaiur, which they claim perpetuates a dual narrative of democratic engagement alongside implicit justification of armed struggle. Further concerns highlight institutional complicity, with critics like the AVT decrying government tolerance of figures such as David Pla—an ETA commando leader convicted in the 2000 that killed 21—as Sortu's general coordinator in 2022, interpreting prisoner transfers and party promotions as incentives for incomplete disarmament. Organizations including COVITE echo this, labeling alliances between PSOE and Bildu—such as the 2023 support—as an "" for failing to demand explicit condemnation, fostering societal "anesthesia" toward unresolved grievances. From a systemic perspective, opponents argue that such erodes democratic by prioritizing inclusion over accountability, contrasting with Spain's Political Parties Law (Ley Orgánica 6/2002), which bans formations supporting ; yet enforcement has waned post-ETA ceasefire, allowing abertzale gains amid unaddressed demands for truth from over 4,000 affected families. This approach, per AVT submissions to prosecutors in and , risks normalizing radical ideologies that historically subordinated politics to violence, potentially destabilizing pluralistic institutions without verifiable ideological rupture.

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