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The Palestinian

The Palestinians are an Arab ethnonational group whose modern collective identity coalesced during the British Mandate for Palestine (1920–1948), primarily as a reaction to increased Jewish immigration and the Zionist movement's establishment of national institutions in the region encompassing present-day Israel, the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip.^[1]^[2] Prior to this period, the local Arab population—constituting the majority under Ottoman rule, with Muslims forming over 80% alongside Christian and smaller Jewish minorities—largely identified through familial, religious, or regional ties such as Southern Syrian Arabs, rather than a discrete "Palestinian" nationality; the term "Palestinian" itself was commonly applied to all inhabitants, including Jews, as seen in Jewish-operated entities like the Palestine Post newspaper and the Palestine Symphony Orchestra.^[3]^[4] Key developments in Palestinian political organization include the formation of the Arab Higher Committee in 1936 to oppose British policies and Jewish land purchases, followed by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1964, which adopted armed struggle against Israel as its core strategy and gained recognition as the group's representative after the 1974 Arab League summit.^[2] Defining conflicts encompass the 1947–1948 war, triggered by Arab rejection of the UN partition plan despite Arabs comprising roughly two-thirds of the Mandate's population of about 1.8 million, resulting in territorial losses and the exodus of approximately 700,000 Arabs (termed the Nakba); the 1967 Six-Day War, in which Arab states' preemptive mobilization preceded Israel's defensive strikes; and subsequent uprisings like the First Intifada (1987–1993), marked by stone-throwing protests evolving into violence.^[4] The 1993 Oslo Accords granted limited autonomy via the Palestinian Authority in parts of the West Bank and Gaza, but implementation stalled amid suicide bombings, settlement expansions, and the Second Intifada (2000–2005), which caused over 1,000 Israeli and 3,000 Palestinian deaths according to contemporaneous data.^[5] Today, Palestinians number around 14 million, with about 5 million in the West Bank and Gaza under divided governance—the Fatah-led Authority in the former and Hamas, designated a terrorist organization by the U.S., EU, and others for its attacks including the October 7, 2023, assault killing over 1,200 Israelis, in the latter—alongside diaspora communities shaped by generational refugee status in neighboring states.^[2] Controversies persist over historical claims to indigeneity, given genetic and archaeological evidence linking modern Palestinians to a mix of ancient Levantine populations and Arab conquerors from the 7th century onward, contrasted with narratives emphasizing Canaanite continuity while downplaying Jewish ties to the land; systemic issues like PA incitement in education and media, corruption allegations against leaders, and rejection of peace offers (e.g., 2000 Camp David and 2008 Olmert parameters) have hindered statehood prospects, as documented in diplomatic records and analyses from varied perspectives.^[6]

Production

Development and Motivation

Vanessa Redgrave's commitment to the Palestinian cause, shaped by her affiliation with the Workers' Revolutionary Party and her view of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as engaged in anti-imperialist struggle, motivated the creation of the documentary amid the PLO's armed campaigns in the 1970s, including cross-border raids from Lebanon and the aftermath of the 1967 Six-Day War displacement. Redgrave, who had visited Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon multiple times to express solidarity, initiated the project to document firsthand accounts from PLO fighters and civilians, aiming to challenge prevailing Western portrayals that emphasized Israeli security concerns over Palestinian grievances.^[7] Development began in 1976, shortly after the August siege and destruction of the Tel al-Zaatar camp near Beirut, where thousands of Palestinian refugees were killed by Christian militias during Lebanon's civil war; Redgrave and director Roy Battersby, her frequent collaborator, traveled to southern Lebanon to capture footage of PLO operations and interviews, including with Yasser Arafat. The production was independently undertaken without major studio backing, reflecting Redgrave's intent to bypass institutional filters she believed suppressed sympathetic coverage of Palestinian militancy.^[8] To fund the endeavor, Redgrave sold two properties, personally bankrolling much of the effort and underscoring her prioritization of ideological advocacy over financial caution. This self-financing aligned with her broader activism, where she narrated the film to convey empathy for fighters depicted as defending their right to return and resist occupation, framing their actions within a narrative of historical dispossession rather than isolated violence.^[9]

Crew and Filming Process

The documentary was directed by Roy Battersby, with production overseen by Vanessa Redgrave, who also narrated the film.^[10] Cinematography was handled by Samir Nimr, Ivan Strasburg, and Graham Whittaker, who captured footage under demanding conditions.^[11] Music composition was credited to Mustapha Kord.^[12] Filming occurred primarily in PLO-controlled regions of Lebanon between 1976 and 1977, shortly after the Tel al-Zaatar massacre in August 1976, which had devastated a major Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut during the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990).^[13] The production focused on locations such as refugee camps and PLO training sites, navigating the heightened volatility of the ongoing conflict between Palestinian factions, Lebanese militias, and Syrian forces.^[14] Crew members faced substantial security risks from crossfire, checkpoints, and sporadic violence, with access to sites contingent on PLO approval, limiting independent verification of activities but enabling embedded observation of daily operations.^[15] The resulting film has a runtime varying by version between 66 minutes (standard TV cut) and up to 140 minutes (uncut), originally shot on 16mm film. It incorporates audio in Arabic and English, with some segments featuring Hebrew for contextual interviews or archival elements.^[8] Editing by Tom Scott Robson streamlined raw footage into a cohesive narrative, prioritizing on-the-ground visuals over extensive post-production effects given the logistical constraints of wartime filming.^[11]

Content and Themes

Documentary Structure and Narrative

The documentary adopts a non-linear structure that interweaves Vanessa Redgrave's voiceover narration with archival footage depicting historical events and on-location segments captured in Lebanon during 1977, following the Tel al-Zaatar massacre. This approach juxtaposes past displacements with contemporary conditions in Palestinian refugee camps and Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) operations, creating a layered portrayal of continuity in the struggle.^[16]^[17] Personal stories from individuals affected by the 1948 exodus form a central thread, conveyed through interviews and testimonials that highlight experiences of loss and exile, interspersed with sequences showing militant training and daily life under siege. These elements are edited to alternate between intimate human narratives and broader organizational activities, emphasizing resilience amid adversity without chronological rigidity.^[18]^[10] Segments featuring untranslated Arabic dialogue, including repetitive slogans such as "Kill the enemy!" chanted during training exercises, contribute to the film's pacing by building rhythmic intensity and evoking immediacy, often leaving viewers to infer meaning from context and Redgrave's framing commentary. This technique prioritizes experiential immersion over explicit exposition, with rapid cuts between serene personal reflections and urgent militant preparations heightening the overall tempo.^[19]^[20]

Key Claims and Visual Elements

The documentary features a direct interview with Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) leader Yasser Arafat, recorded in 1977, in which he declares that "the only solution of the Middle East problem is the liquidation of the State of Israel," prompting presenter Vanessa Redgrave to respond affirmatively with "Certainly."^[21] ^[7] This exchange underscores the film's endorsement of PLO objectives, portraying armed struggle as essential to Palestinian self-determination. Visual elements include footage from Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon, such as those affected by the 1976 Tel al-Zaatar siege, depicting overcrowding, makeshift infrastructure, and medical operations run by the Palestinian Red Crescent Society amid ongoing displacement.^[7] Scenes show PLO fighters and training activities in southern Lebanon, with emphasis on youth involvement in resistance efforts, including children handling weapons as symbols of generational commitment to combating occupation.^[8] ^[22] The narrative asserts Palestinian indigeneity to the territory, framing the 1947 UN partition plan as an illegitimate division of historic lands rightfully inhabited by Arabs, while presenting the 1948 events as a unilateral displacement without reference to Arab states' military interventions.^[10] These claims are interwoven with archival images of pre-1948 Palestinian villages and oral histories from displaced families, positioning the PLO's rejection of partition as a defense of ancestral rights.^[7]

Release

Premiere and Broadcast Details

The documentary premiered in 1977 with an opening screening in Beverly Hills, California.^[23] Intended as a television production, it received limited theatrical showings in the United States during 1977 and into 1978.^[24] Screenings also occurred in Europe following the initial U.S. release, though specific venues and dates for those events remain sparsely documented in available records.^[25] The film's standard runtime is listed as 66 minutes across multiple archival references, with potential variations attributed to edited versions prepared for different formats or markets.^[10]^[8]

Distribution Challenges

Major American broadcasters, including the Public Broadcasting Service and commercial networks, refused to air The Palestinian following its November 1977 premiere at the London Film Festival, citing concerns over its sympathetic portrayal of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).^[7] This reluctance stemmed from the film's depiction of Palestinian refugee camps and interviews with PLO figures, which were viewed by critics as endorsing terrorism amid heightened U.S. geopolitical alignment with Israel after the 1973 Yom Kippur War, when American military aid to Israel surged to over $2.2 billion annually by the late 1970s. Networks faced pressure from pro-Israel advocacy groups, such as the Jewish Defense League (JDL), which organized protests and threatened boycotts against distributors perceived as supportive.^[26] Theatrical distribution encountered violent opposition, exemplified by the June 15, 1978, bombing of the Doheny Plaza Theatre in Beverly Hills, California, scheduled to screen the film; the early-morning explosion caused approximately $1,000 in damage but no injuries, halting the showing.^[21] A JDL member was later convicted in connection with the attack, underscoring tactics of intimidation employed by hardline pro-Israel factions against outlets willing to host the documentary.^[9] Redgrave, having self-funded the production by selling personal properties, resorted to independent screenings and direct outreach to sympathetic venues, but these efforts were curtailed by ongoing threats and economic pressures from boycotts.^[7]^[27] These barriers confined The Palestinian largely to film festivals and niche audiences, limiting its reach in an era when mainstream media institutions, influenced by prevailing U.S. foreign policy favoring Israel, avoided content challenging the narrative of Palestinian militancy as illegitimate aggression. Independent cinemas and activist groups provided sporadic platforms, yet the absence of broad broadcast access amplified accusations of censorship, with Redgrave publicly decrying the suppression as an assault on free expression.^[28]

Reception

Critical Assessments

Critics acknowledged the documentary's technical merits, including Vanessa Redgrave's committed narration and unprecedented access to Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) sites in Lebanon shortly after the 1976 Tel al-Zaatar siege, which provided rare visual documentation of Palestinian refugee camps and militant training.^[15] Some reviewers in sympathetic outlets praised its effort to humanize the Palestinian narrative amid limited Western media coverage of their perspective in 1977.^[29] However, mainstream journalistic assessments highlighted the film's one-sided presentation, noting the absence of Israeli viewpoints and reliance on PLO-supplied footage without counterbalancing context. Dore Schary, a prominent producer who screened the film in New York in October 1977, described it as propagandistic, arguing it distorted history by ignoring Jewish historical ties to the land and the defensive context of Israeli actions.^[19] The editing selectively emphasized Palestinian displacement from 1948 while omitting the PLO's charter calling for Israel's destruction and its responsibility for escalating terrorism post-1967, including a surge in attacks from 40 incidents in 1968 to 219 by 1972. Formal ratings were sparse due to limited distribution, but where aggregated, user-informed platforms later reflected polarized views rather than consensus professional acclaim, underscoring the documentary's factual selectivity over balanced analysis.^[10] This approach, critics contended, prioritized advocacy over empirical completeness, sidelining data on PLO-initiated violence that claimed hundreds of civilian lives across the decade.^[30]

Public and Activist Responses

Pro-Palestinian activists endorsed "The Palestinian" for amplifying narratives of displacement and resistance that they viewed as suppressed in mainstream Western discourse. Vanessa Redgrave, the film's producer and narrator, defended it as essential for allowing the Palestinian people "the right to be heard," emphasizing self-financing and production by a team including former BBC director Roy Battersby to counter what she described as fanatical Zionist efforts to misrepresent PLO aims.^[31] Supporters argued the documentary humanized fighters and refugees, portraying their struggle for self-determination in a democratic secular state where Jews and Arabs could coexist, aligning with broader 1970s advocacy for recognizing Palestinian national rights.^[31] Opposition from Jewish organizations focused on the film's depiction of PLO training camps, including children handling guns and reciting phrases like "Kill the enemy," which critics saw as endorsing terrorism rather than legitimate resistance. Dore Schary, honorary chairman of the Anti-Defamation League, after attending New York screenings in October 1977, labeled it "a terrible piece of work" and "very dull, fortunately," arguing its propagandistic elements lacked broader appeal or balance.^[19] Such groups contended the narrative omitted the PLO's foundational charter advocating Israel's elimination and historical Arab rejections of compromise, including the 1937 Peel Commission partition proposal, which offered territorial division but was turned down by Palestinian leadership, perpetuating conflict.^[19] In the United States from late 1977 to 1978, public sentiment reflected this divide, with limited theatrical screenings drawing organized protests from pro-Israel activists who sought to highlight the film's one-sidedness amid the PLO's ongoing refusal of negotiated settlements. Non-violent backlash included over 100 telephone complaints to public broadcaster Channel 13 following Redgrave's October 18, 1977, appearance on the Dick Cavett show, signaling widespread audience discomfort with her advocacy.^[19] These responses underscored a broader cultural polarization, where the documentary's emphasis on Palestinian grievances clashed with concerns over unaddressed Jewish historical expulsions from Arab states post-1948, estimated at over 800,000 individuals, which the film did not reference.^[19]

Controversies

Accusations of Propaganda and Bias

Critics have accused The Palestinian of anti-Israel bias, characterizing it as propaganda for its sympathetic portrayal of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and omission of the group's history of terrorism and eliminationist objectives toward Israel.^[32] The film features an interview with PLO chairman Yasser Arafat, whose rhetoric included calls to eradicate Israel, aligning with the PLO's 1968 charter that advocated armed struggle to liberate all of Mandate Palestine, denying Jewish self-determination.^[33] Producer and narrator Vanessa Redgrave endorsed this perspective, defending the PLO in her 1978 Academy Awards speech against critics who labeled the film propagandistic.^[32] The PLO was designated a terrorist organization by the United States until the 1993 Oslo Accords, during which period it conducted attacks including the 1972 Munich Olympics massacre and airplane hijackings, contexts absent from the documentary's narrative.^[33]^[34] The film's depiction of Palestinian dispossession lacks causal context for the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, initiated when armies from Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon invaded the newly declared State of Israel on May 15, 1948, following the Jewish leadership's acceptance of UN partition while Arab states rejected it.^[35] Similarly, the 1967 Six-Day War is not framed with preceding Arab mobilizations, such as Egypt's closure of the Straits of Tiran to Israeli shipping on May 22, 1967, and explicit threats from Arab leaders to annihilate Israel, prompting Israel's preemptive strikes. These omissions distort the sequence of aggression, presenting Israeli actions as unprovoked rather than responses to existential threats, a selective narrative that privileges Palestinian victimhood over reciprocal escalations rooted in Arab rejection of coexistence.^[36] Such portrayals normalize a left-leaning interpretation of Palestinian resistance as legitimate without addressing empirical patterns of leadership intransigence, including the rejection of the 1947 UN Partition Plan that would have created a Palestinian Arab state alongside Israel—a plan accepted by Jewish agencies but opposed by Arab Higher Committee leader Haj Amin al-Husseini and neighboring states.^[37] Historical records document further refusals, such as the 1937 Peel Commission proposal for territorial division and the 2000 Camp David offer of over 90% of the West Bank and Gaza with land swaps, underscoring a pattern where Palestinian authorities prioritized maximalist claims over pragmatic statehood.^[36] By eliding these rejections, the film contributes to a causal distortion that attributes conflict persistence solely to Israeli policies, bypassing evidence of Arab-initiated hostilities and diplomatic forfeitures.^[36]

Violent Incidents and Backlash

On June 15, 1978, the Doheny Plaza Theatre in Beverly Hills, California, scheduled to screen The Palestinian, was bombed at approximately 4:26 a.m., causing an estimated $1,000 in damage to the building's interior but resulting in no injuries.^[21]^[38] The attack was carried out by a member of the Jewish Defense League (JDL), a militant organization founded in 1968 to counter perceived threats to Jewish communities, including those from Palestinian militant groups amid a wave of PLO-linked terrorism such as the 1972 Munich Olympics massacre of 11 Israeli athletes.^[39] The JDL opposed the documentary for its portrayal of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and Palestinian refugee conditions, viewing it as propaganda that downplayed Arab violence against Jews.^[40] Earlier that year, on March 3, 1978, during the 50th Academy Awards, Vanessa Redgrave's acceptance speech for Best Supporting Actress in Julia drew boos from the audience and protests outside, where demonstrators burned an effigy of her.^[26] In her remarks, Redgrave referenced "the threats of a small bunch of Zionist hoodlums" disrupting screenings of The Palestinian, alluding to prior vandalism and harassment campaigns against theaters hosting the film, which she produced and narrated.^[41] These actions, including pickets and effigy burnings, were organized by JDL activists who condemned the film as supportive of PLO terrorism, citing incidents like the 1976 Entebbe hijacking by PLO factions as evidence of the existential threats they sought to combat through direct confrontation.^[39] The incidents underscored the film's role in heightening tensions, with the JDL framing their responses as defensive measures against cultural endorsements of groups responsible for over 1,000 attacks on Israeli and Jewish targets in the 1970s, including airline hijackings and embassy sieges.^[39] No fatalities occurred in these specific backlash events, but they contributed to a climate of reciprocal militancy, where pro-Palestinian advocacy intersected with Jewish self-defense efforts amid ongoing PLO operations.^[38]

Legacy

Influence on Activism and Discourse

The production of The Palestinian solidified Vanessa Redgrave's reputation as a prominent figure in pro-PLO activism during the late 1970s, aligning her with European leftist groups that framed Palestinian militancy as part of global anti-imperialist struggles.^[42] Her personal financing and narration of the film, shot amid the Lebanese Civil War, amplified visibility for refugee camps and guerrilla training, resonating in Trotskyist and solidarity circles like her Workers Revolutionary Party affiliations, where it fueled rhetoric equating Zionism with fascism.^[27] However, this visibility came at the cost of mainstream alienation, as the film's one-sided portrayal—focusing on victimhood while eliding PLO-initiated violence—entrenching a zero-sum narrative that hindered nuanced discourse on coexistence.^[19] In shaping 1970s-1980s debates, the documentary contributed to a pre-Oslo shift in some Western leftist perceptions of the PLO, from fringe terrorists to legitimate nationalists, by humanizing fighters in Lebanon post their 1971 expulsion from Jordan after the Black September clashes, where PLO forces' overreach against King Hussein's regime resulted in thousands dead and relocation to Beirut.^[43] Yet empirical critiques highlighted its selective lens, ignoring militancy's failures—like the Jordan debacle, which exposed logistical vulnerabilities and internal PLO fractures—and the 1976 Tel al-Zaatar siege losses, fostering skepticism among analysts who saw such propaganda as prolonging futile armed resistance over diplomatic paths.^[44] This omission reinforced adversarial framing in activist rhetoric, prioritizing emotional appeals over causal assessments of why guerrilla tactics yielded territorial setbacks rather than statehood gains.^[45] Direct policy influence remained negligible, with no documented shifts in U.S. or European aid or recognition policies attributable to the film amid ongoing PLO designations as terrorists until the late 1980s.^[46] Instead, it exemplified celebrity-driven advocacy's double-edged role: galvanizing niche solidarity networks but polarizing broader discourse, as evidenced by screening disruptions and boycotts that confined its reach to sympathetic venues, ultimately serving more as a cautionary case in media studies on biased narratives than a catalyst for consensus.^[47]

Current Availability and Reappraisals

As of 2025, full versions of The Palestinian remain scarce outside specialized archives and occasional pro-Palestinian screenings, with no commercial streaming availability on major platforms like Netflix or Amazon Prime.^[10] A virtual screening organized by the Palestine Museum occurred on July 20, 2024, offering temporary access to supporters, but the film lacks widespread digital distribution or high-quality restorations despite its historical significance.^[48] Clips and excerpts circulate on platforms like YouTube and social media, often shared in activist contexts, yet the complete 66-minute documentary retains a semi-obscure status, with pre-2022 discussions labeling it as effectively lost media due to limited preservation efforts.^[14] Retrospective analyses post-2000 increasingly frame the film as a product of its era's romanticized view of Palestinian nationalism, portraying the PLO's armed struggle without foregrounding its documented terrorist operations, such as the 1972 Munich Olympics attack or hijackings that killed civilians.^[32] Vanessa Redgrave, the film's producer and narrator, reaffirmed her unapologetic support in 2018, defending its content amid criticism of its PLO collaboration and rejecting labels of bias, even as she referenced "Zionist hoodlums" from her related 1978 Oscar speech.^[38] ^[32] Contemporary reappraisals, particularly from analysts emphasizing empirical conflict data, critique the film's narrative as outdated propaganda that elides Arab irredentism—manifest in repeated rejections of partition plans (e.g., 1937 Peel Commission, 1947 UN Resolution) and peace offers—as a core causal driver over Israeli actions.^[32] This perspective gained traction post-October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks, highlighting continuities in rejectionist ideology from PLO factions to Hamas's governance in Gaza since 2007, where misallocation of aid toward tunnels and rockets contributed to chronic poverty (e.g., 2023 World Bank data showing 81% multidimensional poverty rate) rather than state-building.^[49] Left-leaning defenders persist in viewing it as a valid counter-narrative to perceived Western bias, though such stances often overlook PLO/Hamas internal documents revealing prioritization of perpetual conflict.^[50] No major academic reissues or scholarly editions have emerged by 2025, limiting broader scholarly engagement.

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