Third World Liberation Front
The Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) was a coalition of student organizations representing Black, Latinx, Asian American, and Native American interests, formed in 1968 at San Francisco State College to challenge the Eurocentric curriculum and demand the establishment of a dedicated ethnic studies program.[1][2] The group, inspired by global anti-colonial movements and domestic civil rights struggles, allied with the Black Student Union to launch a strike on November 6, 1968, which disrupted campus operations through classroom occupations, rallies, and confrontations with administrators and police, culminating in over 700 arrests and the longest student strike in U.S. higher education history.[3][4] The action's core demands included hiring minority faculty, admitting more students of color, and creating a School of Ethnic Studies to prioritize perspectives from oppressed peoples, framing education as a tool for liberation rather than assimilation.[5][6] After five months of escalating tensions, including police interventions and administrative firings, the strike ended on March 21, 1969, with an agreement that birthed the nation's first College of Ethnic Studies at San Francisco State, though implementation faced ongoing disputes over program autonomy and ideological content.[2][4] A parallel TWLF strike at the University of California, Berkeley, in early 1969 similarly pressured the university to initiate Black and ethnic studies courses, influencing broader academic shifts toward multiculturalism amid criticisms of the movements' disruptive tactics and separatist undertones.[5][1] While hailed in academic circles for advancing diversity, the TWLF's legacy includes debates over whether its victories entrenched ideological echo chambers in higher education, with university sources often emphasizing empowerment narratives that downplay the coercive methods employed.[7][3]Origins and Ideological Context
Pre-1968 Student Activism
In the early 1960s, student activism at California universities gained momentum amid the broader civil rights movement, with San Francisco State College (now University) students participating in Freedom Rides to desegregate interstate transportation in the South during 1962–1963.[8] [9] These efforts reflected growing demands for racial justice and influenced campus organizing, as small numbers of black students—comprising less than 2% of enrollment—faced institutional barriers like discriminatory admissions and curricula ignoring minority experiences.[10] The Negro Students Association (NSA) formed at San Francisco State in 1963, marking the campus's first organized black student group, which split into integrationist and nationalist ideological currents by the mid-1960s. By spring 1966, the NSA evolved into the Black Student Union (BSU), the nation's first such organization, led by figures like Jimmy Garrett and Jerry Varnado, who focused on increasing black enrollment through recruitment drives targeting high school students and parents in urban areas.[11] [12] The BSU advocated for culturally relevant education, including pilot courses in black history via the Experimental College program, and pressured administrators for black faculty hires, though these met resistance from a predominantly white leadership.[13] Parallel developments at UC Berkeley's Free Speech Movement in October 1964 mobilized over 1,000 students against restrictions on political advocacy, culminating in mass arrests and administrative concessions that emboldened tactics like sit-ins and demands for free expression.[14] This event, sparked by arrests of activists distributing civil rights literature, set a precedent for confrontational protest in the University of California system and inspired SF State students to link local grievances with national issues like Vietnam War opposition, which began disrupting campuses by 1965.[15] Early BSU actions at SF State, including community tutoring programs and protests against police brutality, built organizational capacity among ethnic minorities, laying groundwork for coalitions addressing "third world" solidarity against institutional racism.[16]Formation of the Coalition
The Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) formed in early 1968 at San Francisco State College as a coalition of student organizations representing students of color, uniting to address shared grievances over institutional racism, Eurocentric curricula, and inadequate representation in admissions and faculty hiring.[1][6] This alliance drew inspiration from global anti-colonial movements and domestic civil rights activism, framing U.S. minority experiences in solidarity with "Third World" liberation struggles against imperialism and capitalism.[3] By March 23, 1968, the TWLF publicly issued a statement supporting George Murray, a Black Student Union (BSU) activist and instructor dismissed for his political activities, marking an early coordinated action that solidified the group's structure.[6] The coalition primarily comprised the BSU alongside organizations such as the Latin American Students Organization (later aligned with the Mexican-American Student Confederation), Filipino-American Students (including the Philippine American Collegiate Endeavor), Asian American Students, and Native American Students, encompassing Black, Latino, Asian, Filipino, and Indigenous activists.[6][1] This multi-ethnic partnership extended the BSU's initial demands for Black Studies by advocating for a broader ethnic studies program, emphasizing self-determination and culturally relevant education to counter what members viewed as systemic marginalization in higher education.[17] The TWLF's formation reflected a strategic recognition that fragmented ethnic groups could amplify pressure on administrators through unified action, particularly amid escalating tensions over faculty dismissals and police presence on campus.[3] Prior to the November 1968 strike, the TWLF coordinated rallies and petitions, building momentum from earlier protests like those in March against Murray's firing, which involved up to 200 students.[6] This organizational coalescence transformed disparate advocacy into a militant front, prioritizing demands for departmental autonomy in ethnic studies and increased enrollment of non-white students, setting the stage for the prolonged campus shutdown.[1][17]San Francisco State University Strike
Initial Mobilization and Escalation (November 1968)
The suspension of English instructor George Murray on November 1, 1968, served as the immediate catalyst for the strike's mobilization. Murray, a graduate student and Black Panther Party minister of education, had delivered a speech at an off-campus rally on October 22 criticizing the Vietnam War, the FBI, and university policies, prompting complaints that led to his administrative leave ordered by President Robert Smith under pressure from the California State College Board of Trustees.[18][17] In response, the Black Students Union (BSU) issued ten demands on November 4, threatening a campus shutdown if unmet by November 6; these included reinstating Murray, establishing a Black Studies department with departmental status, increasing nonwhite student admissions to 40 percent of enrollment over two years, and hiring nonwhite faculty and staff in proportion to student demographics.[18][19] The Third World Liberation Front (TWLF), a coalition comprising the Latin American Student Organization, Philippine American Collegiate Endeavor, Asian American Political Action Committee, and a Native American group allied with the BSU, endorsed the BSU demands and added five more focused on creating an autonomous School of Ethnic Studies to address Eurocentric curricula and institutional exclusion of Third World perspectives.[18][4] On November 6, roughly 400 BSU and TWLF activists launched the strike by assembling in front of the administration building at noon, marching through campus while chanting "On Strike! Shut it Down!" to disrupt lectures and operations.[11][18] Strikers entered classrooms to announce the action, urging faculty and students to join in solidarity against perceived racism in admissions, hiring, and academic content; many white students voted in assemblies to support the effort, halting classes in numerous departments.[18][3] The coalition framed the mobilization as a broader fight for self-determination, drawing ideological inspiration from global anti-colonial movements and domestic civil rights struggles, though immediate tactics centered on nonviolent disruption to force administrative concessions.[18] Escalation followed rapidly as daily rallies at the Speaker's Platform drew larger crowds, with picketing lines forming around buildings and support expanding to approximately 50 percent of the 18,000-student body by mid-November.[18] Over 40 faculty members established an Ad Hoc Committee on November 7, joining pickets and criticizing the administration's refusal to negotiate; the American Federation of Teachers Local 1352 passed resolutions backing the demands.[18] Police from the San Francisco Department were summoned repeatedly starting November 7, deploying tear gas, batons, and mass arrests—totaling hundreds in the first weeks—against protesters, which injured scores and radicalized participants while garnering media coverage of campus unrest.[3][18] Clashes peaked on November 13–14, leading the faculty senate to vote for indefinite closure of the campus on November 14 amid ongoing disruptions, transforming initial protests into a sustained confrontation that closed the institution for over a week.[18]Peak Confrontations and Negotiations (December 1968–March 1969)
Following S.I. Hayakawa's appointment as acting president on November 24, 1968, confrontations escalated sharply in December as he issued a Declaration of Emergency on December 2, banning rallies and free speech activities on campus while deploying over 600 police officers to occupy the grounds and enforce order.[18] This move provoked immediate student resistance, including pickets at campus entrances and a rally on December 3 dubbed "Bloody Tuesday," where police charged protesters at the Speakers Platform, resulting in beatings and injuries to students.[18] Hayakawa personally intervened by disconnecting a sound truck used by strikers, symbolizing his hardline stance against the Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) and Black Students Union (BSU) demands.[20] Clashes continued through December 4-8, with arrests of students and community supporters like Dr. Carlton Goodlett, amid community marches protesting police violence.[18] On December 10, mediation efforts began via figures like Ronald Haughton, though Hayakawa rejected concessions, leading to the campus closure on December 13 for winter break amid ongoing disruptions.[6] The strike intensified upon reopening on January 6, 1969, as the American Federation of Teachers (AFT) launched a solidarity strike involving over 350 faculty members demanding administrative reforms and police withdrawal, with 600 officers again present to protect classes.[18] Students responded with actions like the January 19-20 "book-in," where protesters removed books from the library to disrupt operations.[20] A mass rally on January 23 defied Hayakawa's bans, yielding 457 arrests for trespass and related charges, contributing to hundreds of total detentions during the period.[18] Police tactics, including baton charges by the San Francisco tactical squad, injured scores of participants across these events, exacerbating tensions without quelling the TWLF-led pickets.[3] The AFT strike persisted despite a court order to end it on January 8, adding pressure on the administration but yielding only a faculty settlement on February 24 that ignored core TWLF demands for ethnic studies.[6][18] Negotiations gained traction in March under a faculty Select Committee, amid mounting external scrutiny from Mayor Joseph Alioto's citizen committee and sustained picketing.[6] On March 20, after 134 days, TWLF, BSU, and committee representatives signed an agreement addressing the 15 demands, including the creation of a School of Ethnic Studies, hiring of third-world faculty, and targets for 25% minority student enrollment by fall 1969.[18] Hayakawa reluctantly accepted the terms on March 21, ending the strike, though without reinstating fired professors like Nathan Hare or George Murray.[18][20] The resolution reflected concessions extracted through persistent confrontation and allied actions, despite Hayakawa's initial resistance prioritizing campus control over dialogue.[6]Core Demands
Black Students Union Demands
The Black Students Union (BSU) at San Francisco State College presented 15 specific demands to the administration on November 6, 1968, as a prelude to the strike that began the following day.[19] These demands emphasized the creation of an autonomous Black Studies Department, increased representation and control for Black students and faculty in academic and administrative roles, and protections against reprisals for strike participants.[21] Central to the BSU's position was the reinstatement of Black Studies instructor George Murray, who had been suspended earlier that month for inflammatory statements linking academic relevance to revolutionary politics.[19] Key demands included integrating all existing Black Studies courses into a dedicated department staffed by full-time paid Black instructors, granting psychologist Nathan Hare a full professorship with authority over the program, and allocating 20 full-time teaching positions to the department, which would have degree-granting powers under Black student and faculty control.[21] The BSU also sought to replace the white financial aid director, Dr. Helen Bedesem, with a Black officer accountable to Third World student oversight, alongside policies to fill all unused special admissions slots for Black students from Fall 1968 into Spring 1969 and to admit every Black applicant for Fall 1969 enrollment.[19] Further stipulations prohibited administrative interference in hiring Black instructors, barred disciplinary actions against BSU members or supporters involved in the strike, and demanded safeguards against interference by the California State College Trustees in Black programs.[21] The demands retained a focus on Black-specific reforms while aligning with broader Third World Liberation Front goals, such as establishing a School of Ethnic Studies, though BSU priorities prioritized African American admissions and curriculum autonomy over multi-ethnic frameworks.[19] In the eventual settlement on March 21, 1969, several BSU demands were partially met, including the creation of a Black Studies program within Ethnic Studies and Murray's temporary reinstatement, but key elements like full departmental autonomy and student veto power over faculty hiring were rejected by administrators.[19]Third World Liberation Front Demands
The Third World Liberation Front (TWLF), a coalition of Asian American, Latino, Native American, and other non-Black student organizations at San Francisco State College, presented its demands in November 1968 amid the escalating strike alongside the Black Students Union (BSU). These demands centered on establishing an autonomous School of Ethnic Studies to address perceived institutional neglect of non-white perspectives, with emphasis on student control over curriculum, hiring, and governance. The TWLF sought to differentiate its platform from the BSU's focus on Black-specific issues, framing demands around "Third World" solidarity encompassing colonized or marginalized ethnic groups globally.[19][22] The core TWLF demands, as documented in strike materials from November 1968, included:- Establishment of a School of Ethnic Studies for Third World ethnic groups, granting students in each ethnic organization authority and control over hiring, retention of faculty, directors, administrators, and the curriculum for specific area studies.[19]
- Allocation of 50 faculty positions to the School of Ethnic Studies, with 20 designated for the Black Studies Program.[19]
- Fulfillment of the college's commitment to admit all applying nonwhite students for the Spring 1969 semester.[19]
- Acceptance of all nonwhite student applications for Fall 1969.[19]
- Retention of George Murray and any other faculty selected by nonwhite students as teachers.[19]