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Constantine V

Constantine V (mid-July 718 – 14 September 775) was Byzantine emperor from 741 to 775, the son and successor of Leo III the Isaurian.^[1]^[2] A capable military leader, he consolidated imperial power after suppressing a major usurpation and achieved significant victories against Arab forces, including the capture of Germanikeia in 746 and the destruction of an Arab fleet in 747, while launching at least nine campaigns against the Bulgars, culminating in triumphs at Anchialos in 763 and Lithosoria in 774.^[2] His reign marked a period of relative stabilization for the empire's frontiers amid ongoing external threats.^[2] Constantine's policies on iconoclasm, continuing and intensifying his father's initiatives, represented a defining and divisive aspect of his rule; he convened the Council of Hieria in 754, which condemned the veneration of icons as idolatrous and affirmed a theological basis for their rejection.^[3] This stance provoked fierce opposition from monastic and iconophile factions, leading to persecutions that later sources exaggerated into portrayals of him as a tyrant and heretic, including the derogatory epithet Copronymus ("dung-named") derived from a disputed baptism anecdote.^[2] Such accounts, primarily from post-reign iconophile chroniclers like Theophanes the Confessor, reflect systemic bias against iconoclast rulers, prioritizing religious orthodoxy over empirical assessment of his administrative and martial effectiveness.^[2] Despite this, contemporary or less partisan evidence, such as Nikephoros's Brief History, acknowledges his prosperity-inducing governance, likening him to a "new Midas."^[2]

Early Life and Ascension

Birth and Family Background

Constantine V was born in Constantinople in the summer of 718, during the ongoing Arab siege of the city led by Maslama ibn Abd al-Malik.^[4] ^[5] According to the Breviarium of Patriarch Nikephoros, his birth occurred in July 718, approximately one month before the retreat of the besieging Arab forces.^[5] He was the son of Leo III, who had recently seized the imperial throne in 717, and Leo's wife Maria.^[6] Leo III, born around 675 in Germanicia (modern Kahramanmaraş, Turkey) in the region of Commagene, Syria, originated from a humble background in the eastern themes of the Byzantine Empire.^[7] Known as "the Isaurian" due to associations with Isaurian military units or regional origins, Leo rose through the ranks as a soldier and diplomat, serving under Emperor Justinian II before participating in the revolution that elevated him to emperor amid the Second Arab Siege of Constantinople.^[6] Maria's background remains obscure in surviving sources, with no detailed records of her family or origins beyond her role as Leo's consort and mother to Constantine.^[8] The family established the short-lived Isaurian dynasty, marking a shift toward militarized rule from the empire's Anatolian and Syrian peripheries.^[7]

Education and Early Roles

Constantine V was born in 718 to Emperor Leo III and Maria in Constantinople, receiving imperial privileges from infancy.^[2] He was baptized on Christmas Day that year in the Hagia Sophia, an event recorded in contemporary chronicles.^[2] At the age of two, Constantine was crowned co-emperor by his father on Easter Day in 720, securing dynastic continuity amid ongoing threats from Arab invasions.^[2] As heir apparent, he likely underwent training in military strategy, governance, and legal administration typical for Byzantine imperial scions, evidenced by his later contributions to imperial reforms.^[9] In his early twenties, Constantine participated in military campaigns, notably serving alongside Leo III in the decisive Byzantine victory at the Battle of Akroinon in 740, where forces crushed an Arab raiding army of approximately 20,000.^[2]^[10] This engagement highlighted his emerging role in defending the empire's Anatolian frontiers. He also contributed to administrative efforts, including the promulgation of the Ecloga, a legal code issued jointly with his father in 741 that adapted Roman law to Christian principles.^[2]

Co-Rulership and Marriage to Chrysa

Constantine V was born circa 718 as the son of Emperor Leo III and his wife Maria.^[11] To secure the dynastic succession amid persistent Arab threats and internal challenges, Leo III elevated his young son to co-emperor on Easter Sunday, 25 March 720, when Constantine was approximately two years old.^[11] ^[12] This joint rule lasted until Leo III's death on 18 June 741, during which Constantine served as junior emperor while his father retained primary authority, including in military campaigns such as the victory at Akroinon in 740.^[12] Numismatic evidence from the period depicts both rulers together, underscoring the formal association of their reign.^[13] During this co-rulership, Leo III arranged Constantine's marriage to Tzitzak, daughter of the Khazar khagan Bihar, around 732 or 733, to forge a strategic alliance against the common Arab foe.^[14] ^[15] The bride, baptized with the Christian name Irene ("peace"), wed Constantine in a ceremony at the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople.^[14] This union produced at least one son, the future emperor Leo IV, born in January 750, though Irene's death occurred sometime thereafter.^[14] The Khazar alliance proved valuable in diverting Arab pressures northward, aligning with Leo III's broader diplomatic efforts to stabilize the empire's frontiers.^[15]

Consolidation of Power

Death of Leo III and Immediate Threats

Emperor Leo III died on June 18, 741, in Constantinople, succumbing to natural causes after reigning for 24 years.^[16] His son, Constantine V, who had been elevated to co-emperor on August 31, 720, automatically succeeded him as sole basileus.^[2] At the time of his father's death, Constantine was stationed in the eastern themes, particularly the Anatolikon, overseeing military operations amid ongoing Arab pressures.^[2] The Byzantine Empire confronted persistent external threats from the Umayyad Caliphate, which had launched repeated incursions into Anatolia; Constantine had been preparing countermeasures against anticipated Arab offensives before internal disruptions intervened.^[2] Recent victories, such as the Battle of Akroinon in 740 jointly won by Leo III and Constantine against a large Arab force, had bolstered defenses but failed to deter further raids under Caliph Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik.^[17] Internally, Leo III's death created a power vacuum exacerbated by Constantine's absence from the capital. Artabasdos, strategos of the Armeniakon and Opsikion themes and married to Leo's daughter Anna, exploited this situation by securing allegiance from key military units and the Patriarch Anastasios, positioning himself to challenge Constantine's authority almost immediately.^[2] These converging threats—external invasion risks and nascent usurpation—demanded swift action from the new emperor, who initially sought refuge in Amorion to rally loyalist forces.

Rebellion of Artabasdos

Following the death of Emperor Leo III on 18 June 741, Constantine V, who had been campaigning against Arab forces in Asia Minor, faced immediate challenges to his succession. Artabasdos, an Armenian general of iconophile sympathies and strategos of the Opsikion theme, was the son-in-law of Leo III through his marriage to the emperor's daughter Anna, making him Constantine's brother-in-law. Leveraging his command over the elite Opsikion troops stationed near Constantinople, Artabasdos marched from Dorylaeum in the summer of 741, securing the capital and proclaiming himself emperor on 27 June 741 with the support of icon-venerating factions opposed to the Isaurian dynasty's iconoclastic policies.^[18]^[19] The rebellion divided the empire along thematic lines, with Artabasdos controlling the European themes and parts of Anatolia, while Constantine rallied loyalist forces from the Anatolic and Thracesian themes. In 742, Artabasdos advanced against Constantine, executing the strategos Beser and crowning his son Nikephoros as co-emperor, while appointing another son, Niketas, as strategos of the Armeniac theme. Constantine's counteroffensive culminated in a decisive victory near Sardis in May 743, forcing Artabasdos' forces to retreat; a subsequent battle in August 743 saw Constantine defeat Niketas, further eroding the usurper's position.^[19] By September 743, Constantine besieged Constantinople, where Artabasdos had briefly restored icon veneration to bolster his legitimacy among monastic and urban supporters. The city's defenses faltered, prompting Artabasdos to flee to Nicaea and then the fortress of Pouzanes, where he was captured alongside his sons. Constantine re-entered the capital on 2 November 743, ending the two-year usurpation; Artabasdos and his sons were publicly blinded and exiled to the Chora Monastery, where Artabasdos later died.^[18]^[19] The rebellion highlighted deep religious fissures exacerbated by iconoclasm, with Artabasdos' iconophile stance aiding his initial consolidation of power among themes wary of Isaurian reforms, though Constantine's military prowess and control over eastern armies ensured his restoration.^[19]

Restoration and Retaliatory Measures

Constantine V defeated the forces of Artabasdos in a series of engagements across Asia Minor during 742–743, securing victories with the support of the Anatolikon and Thrakesion themes while Artabasdos relied on the Opsikion and Armeniakon armies.^[6] He laid siege to Constantinople and re-entered the city on November 2, 743, restoring his authority after approximately 20 months of usurpation.^[20] Artabasdos was captured shortly thereafter in Asia Minor, and both he and his sons, Nikephoros and Niketas, were blinded as punishment before being publicly paraded through the streets of Constantinople to demonstrate imperial retribution.^[21] Retaliatory actions extended to key collaborators in the capital. Patriarch Anastasius, who had anointed Artabasdos and restored icon veneration during the rebellion, received 200 lashes and was humiliated by being mounted naked on a donkey and led through the Hippodrome via the diippion gate.^[22] Theophanes Monutes, Constantine's former regent who defected to the usurper, faced similar degradation. Numerous military and civilian supporters, concentrated in the Opsikion theme where rebellion support was strongest, were executed, exiled, or mutilated, with estimates of deaths running into the thousands according to contemporary chroniclers like Theophanes Confessor, though his iconophile bias likely inflates figures to vilify Constantine. To prevent future disloyalty, Constantine targeted monastic institutions suspected of aiding Artabasdos, many of which had embraced the brief restoration of icons. He confiscated properties, dispersed monks, and repurposed some monasteries for secular use or military needs, weakening a key base of iconodule opposition intertwined with the rebellion. These measures, while politically motivated, presaged broader iconoclastic enforcement by associating veneration practices with treasonous elements.^[23] Loyalist resettlement in depopulated areas of Anatolia further solidified thematic armies under iconoclast commanders.

Iconoclastic Policies

Theological Rationale and Personal Conviction

Constantine V's theological rationale for iconoclasm rested on scriptural prohibitions against graven images and Christological orthodoxy, positing that veneration of icons constituted idolatry and risked heretical distortions of Christ's dual nature. Drawing from the Second Commandment (Exodus 20:4-5), he argued that material representations of the divine encouraged pagan-like worship, diverting devotion from spiritual truth to created objects. Central to his position was the contention that icons of Christ were inherently impossible without either separating his divine and human natures (Nestorianism) or conflating them into a single composite (Monophysitism), thereby undermining the Chalcedonian definition of 451.^[2]^[3] This conviction manifested in Constantine's personal authorship of theological tracts, notably the Peuseis (Enquiries), composed around 752, which systematically critiqued icon veneration through dialectical questions and responses, with surviving fragments preserved in later iconophile refutations. His writings emphasized that true Christian worship required no sensory aids beyond the Eucharist as the sole legitimate "image" of Christ, rejecting icons, relics, and saint cults as superfluous and prone to superstition. Constantine's enforcement reflected deep personal commitment, as he publicly debated opponents and integrated iconoclasm into imperial propaganda, viewing it as essential for ecclesiastical purity amid military and moral crises.^[2] The 754 Council of Hieria, convened by Constantine from February 10 to August 8 with 338 bishops, formalized these arguments in its Horos (decree), condemning icon production and veneration as "diabolical" and idolatrous, while affirming cross veneration as symbolic rather than representational. The council's acts, though preserved primarily through the opposing 787 Nicaea II records, underscore Constantine's influence in aligning imperial policy with this theology, though iconophile sources later dismissed it as unecumenical due to absent patriarchs and coerced participation. His rationale prioritized causal realism in worship—positing icons as a proximate cause of doctrinal error and imperial misfortunes—over tradition, privileging empirical fidelity to patristic and biblical precedents against emergent devotional practices.^[2]^[3]

Implementation and Enforcement

Constantine V formalized his iconoclastic policies through the Synod of Hieria, convened in February 754 at the palace near Chalcedon, which assembled 338 bishops aligned with imperial views on the matter.^[3]^[24] The synod issued a definition denouncing the veneration of icons as idolatrous and contrary to Christian doctrine, extending the rationale beyond mere superstition to a Christological argument that material representations of Christ implied a division in his divine and human natures.^[3]^[25] This gathering, styled by participants as the seventh ecumenical council, provided theological endorsement for the removal and destruction of religious images from churches and public spaces, mandating their replacement with crosses or scriptural inscriptions.^[26] Enforcement commenced rigorously from 755, involving systematic campaigns to eradicate icons, including the whitewashing of church interiors and the smashing of images across the empire.^[6] Provincial strategoi, such as Michael Lachanodrakon of the Thrakesion theme, directed much of the suppression, compelling clergy and laity to conform under threat of exile, confiscation of property, or execution.^[6] Monastic communities, frequent strongholds of iconophile resistance, faced particular scrutiny; many monks were dispersed, their institutions secularized or repurposed, with properties redistributed to military uses amid Constantine's broader administrative reforms.^[26]^[27] The emperor elevated compliant iconoclast patriarchs, such as Anastasius and later Constantine II, to oversee ecclesiastical compliance, while deposing or punishing dissenters like Germanos I earlier in his reign.^[28] Public rituals and imperial processions emphasized adherence, with non-compliance equated to treason in the context of ongoing Arab threats, framing iconoclasm as essential to imperial survival.^[6] Though contemporary iconodule chroniclers, such as Theophanes, amplified accounts of atrocities to vilify Constantine—potentially inflating the scale of violence—archaeological evidence of icon destruction and legal impositions confirms a sustained, state-directed effort to purge visual piety from Byzantine religious life.^[26]^[29]

Opposition, Persecutions, and Counterarguments

Constantine V's iconoclastic policies encountered significant resistance from monastic communities and segments of the clergy who adhered to traditional icon veneration, viewing the emperor's measures as a deviation from apostolic practice and a threat to devotional life. Opposition was particularly strong among monks on Mount Olympus and Auxentius, who refused to comply with edicts against images, leading to widespread defiance documented in hagiographical accounts of resisters like Stephen the Younger.^[6] This resistance was not merely theological but also institutional, as evidenced by the support some clergy gave to the 742 rebellion of Artabasdos, who briefly restored icon veneration.^[6] Persecutions intensified after the Council of Hieria in 754, convened by Constantine and attended by 338 iconoclast bishops, which anathematized icon veneration as idolatrous and affirmed the destruction of images. From 755, enforcement was ruthless, spearheaded by officials such as Michael Lachanodrakon, strategos of the Thrakesion theme, who oversaw the burning of the Pelekete monastery, public executions, stonings, and mutilations of iconodules; monks faced forcible tonsure reversal by having their beards set alight, while monasteries were secularized, their properties confiscated, and inhabitants compelled to marry or enlist in the army.^[6] Notable victims included Stephen the Younger, martyred around 765, and thousands of monks reportedly killed or exiled, though iconodule chroniclers like Theophanes, writing post-restoration, likely inflated numbers to vilify the regime.^[6] These measures aimed to eradicate monastic influence, which Constantine associated with superstition and disloyalty, but they alienated rural populations reliant on local shrines. Counterarguments from iconodules emphasized a distinction between latria (exclusive worship owed to God) and dulia (relative honor extended to saints via their images), rejecting iconoclast accusations of idolatry as a mischaracterization of devotional intent.^[30] Theologians like John of Damascus, writing from Umayyad safety in the 730s, contended that the Incarnation rendered Christ depictable in his human nature without compromising divinity, as the image honored the prototype without claiming divine essence; they invoked scriptural precedents like the cherubim on the Ark and argued that prohibiting icons echoed Judaizing tendencies forbidden by early councils.^[30] Against Constantine's Christological objection—that venerating icons risked Nestorian separation or Monophysite confusion of natures—opponents maintained that icons depicted only the visible human form, not the invisible divine, thus preserving orthodoxy while aiding instruction for the illiterate.^[6] These defenses, circulated in treatises, sustained underground resistance until iconoclasm's reversal under Irene.

Military Campaigns

Eastern Front: Wars with the Arabs

Following the suppression of the rebellion by Artabasdos in 743, Constantine V redirected Byzantine military efforts toward the eastern frontier, capitalizing on the internal turmoil within the Umayyad Caliphate under Marwan II.^[2] In 746, he launched an invasion into Syria, successfully capturing the strategically important city of Germanikeia, which bolstered Byzantine control in the region.^[2] The following year, in 747, Byzantine naval forces defeated an Arab fleet off the coast of Cyprus, demonstrating Constantine's effective use of maritime power to counter Arab threats in the eastern Mediterranean.^[2] These operations were part of a broader series of raids and engagements that exploited Arab disarray during the collapse of Umayyad authority and the subsequent Abbasid Revolution. By 752, Constantine extended campaigns into Armenia and Mesopotamia, occupying key fortresses such as Theodosiopolis and Melitene, which temporarily expanded Byzantine influence and secured supply lines in the border zones.^[2] These victories, achieved through mobile field armies drawn from the Anatolian themes, reflected Constantine's strategic emphasis on offensive operations to deter further Arab incursions. The eastern front remained relatively stable for much of the remainder of his reign, as the nascent Abbasid Caliphate under al-Saffah focused on consolidation rather than expansion, leading to an informal truce that allowed Byzantine resources to be allocated elsewhere.^[2] Constantine's successes stemmed from disciplined thematic troops and timely exploitation of enemy weaknesses, preventing major Arab offensives and maintaining the integrity of Asia Minor's defenses until his death in 775.^[2]

Northern Front: Conflicts with the Bulgars

Constantine V shifted focus to the northern frontier after achieving relative stability against Arab threats in the east, launching repeated offensives against the Bulgar Khanate to repel raids into Thrace and reestablish Byzantine control over Balkan territories up to the Danube River.^[20] These efforts marked a sustained aggressive policy, with nine major campaigns conducted between 756 and 775.^[31] The operations involved large field armies, naval support, and strategic resettlement of populations to bolster defenses.^[32] A key victory came at the Battle of Anchialos on June 30, 763, against Khan Telets, who had invaded Byzantine border regions. Constantine assembled a substantial force, including a fleet of 800 ships transporting 9,600 cavalry, and routed the Bulgar army, inflicting severe losses.^[33] Returning to Constantinople in triumph, he executed numerous captured Bulgar nobles outside the Golden Gate, while Telets fled but was assassinated by his own followers two years later owing to the humiliation of defeat.^[10] This battle, chronicled in sources like Theophanes' history—which, while iconophile and critical of Constantine personally, provides reliable details on military engagements—demonstrated his tactical integration of land and sea forces.^[34] Subsequent incursions in 765 and 767 further pressured the Bulgars, culminating in a favorable peace treaty after the collapse of Telets' regime and brief instability under successors Sabin and Paganos.^[9] Conflicts resumed under Khan Telerig from 772 onward, with Constantine pursuing resettlement policies, including the deportation of over 200,000 Slavs from Peloponnesian regions previously influenced by Bulgar expansions to Anatolia for strategic repopulation.^[9] His final campaign in 775 ended prematurely when he succumbed to fever on September 14 near the Bulgarian border, leaving the frontier temporarily secured but unconquered.^[35] Overall, these wars, though inconclusive in annexing Bulgar lands, inflicted significant setbacks on the khanate and maintained Byzantine hegemony in Thrace during his rule.^[36]

Western Engagements: Italy and Beyond

Constantine V's engagements in the West were predominantly diplomatic and defensive, constrained by commitments on the eastern and northern fronts as well as internal iconoclastic enforcement. The capture of Ravenna by Lombard king Aistulf in 751 eliminated the Exarchate as a base of Byzantine power in northern Italy, severing direct administrative control over the region and exposing remaining holdings like the Pentapolis to further Lombard encroachment. Rather than launching a reconquest, Constantine pursued recovery through embassies to the Lombards, Franks, and papacy, demanding restitution but achieving no territorial gains.^[37] Following Aistulf's death in 756 and the accession of Desiderius, Constantine sought an opportunistic alliance with the Lombards against papal and Frankish interests. In circa 758, he dispatched the imperial secretary George to Italy with instructions to promote iconoclasm among western leaders, secure Desiderius's cooperation in reclaiming Ravenna and the Pentapolis from papal control, and sway Frankish king Pippin III toward Byzantine positions on religious and territorial matters. These efforts faltered amid mutual suspicions and the papacy's pivot to Frankish protection, exemplified by Pope Stephen II's 754 alliance with Pippin, which yielded the Donation of Pepin and formalized papal states in former exarchal territories. Further Byzantine ambassadors engaged Pippin around 763 on iconoclasm and the exarchate's status, but yielded no concessions. Rumors of a Byzantine invasion force—allegedly comprising six patricians and 300 ships—circulated in Rome circa 760, alarming Pope Paul I, yet no such expedition materialized, underscoring Constantine's prioritization of other theaters.^[37] Iconoclastic policies exacerbated tensions with the papacy, which viewed them as heretical and leveraged anti-iconoclasm sentiment in Italy to justify independence from Constantinople. Popes like Paul I (757–767) and Stephen III (768–772) condemned the emperor's theology in correspondence and synods, fostering local resistance that included monastic revolts in Byzantine-held southern Italy and Sicily. Constantine enforced orthodoxy through agents, suppressing dissent but without broader military mobilization in the West. In Sicily, persistent Arab raids—such as those in the 740s and 750s—prompted defensive reorganizations of the thematic fleet and forces, maintaining imperial control over the island amid perennial threats, though no offensive campaigns against Muslim bases occurred. Venetian and Dalmatian maritime holdings remained loyal outposts, contributing naval support but seeing no major Lombard or Arab incursions under Constantine's reign. These limited western efforts preserved peripheral assets like Calabria and Apulia but failed to reverse the erosion of Byzantine influence in Italy, paving the way for Frankish dominance post-774.^[37]

Domestic Administration

Economic and Fiscal Reforms

Constantine V implemented fiscal measures to bolster the empire's military capacity amid ongoing Arab and Bulgar threats, including the expropriation of monastic properties during his iconoclastic campaigns. Monasteries, viewed as centers of opposition, were closed, and their lands and assets seized for redistribution to the state treasury or directly to soldiers, thereby augmenting revenue streams previously exempt from taxation.^[38]^[39] These actions, while religiously motivated, provided fiscal relief by converting idle ecclesiastical holdings into productive military funding, tightening the empire's resource allocation toward defense.^[32] In 769, Constantine V decreed that the basic land tax (kapnikon and related levies) be paid in monetary form rather than in kind, shifting from agrarian produce to cash payments across rural estates.^[40] This reform incentivized surplus production for market sale, fostering monetization of the rural economy and increasing state liquidity for campaigns, as peasants converted goods into coin to meet obligations.^[41] Accompanying administrative streamlining enhanced tax collection efficiency, reducing evasion in provinces strained by warfare.^[32] To counteract depopulation from invasions, Constantine V pursued resettlement policies, forcibly relocating Christian populations—such as Armenians and Syrians—from eastern frontiers to Thrace and other underpopulated regions.^[42] These transfers, numbering tens of thousands, aimed to revive agricultural output and fiscal base in frontier zones by repopulating taxable lands with settled farmers obligated to military service.^[32] By integrating deportees into the stratiotikos ktematismos (soldier-land system), the policy linked economic productivity directly to defense, ensuring sustained grain levies and labor for thematic armies.^[43]

Military and Administrative Innovations

Constantine V implemented significant military reforms to counter the growing autonomy of provincial thematic armies, particularly following the revolt of the strategos Artabasdos in 741–743, by establishing the tagmata as a professional, centrally controlled standing army based in Constantinople. These elite units, including the Scholai and Exkoubitores, functioned as a mobile field force of heavy cavalry, providing the emperor with a loyal counterweight to the powerful regional strategoi and enabling rapid deployment against internal threats or invasions. To dilute the influence of oversized themes prone to rebellion, such as the Opsikion, Constantine reorganized administrative-military districts by subdividing them, creating entities like the Optimates theme from portions of the Opsikion around the mid-8th century, which enhanced central oversight while maintaining defensive capabilities.^[44] Administratively, he advanced his father Leo III's fiscal policies through tightened taxation and systematic resettlement of populations, including the allocation of confiscated monastic lands to soldier-farmers, ensuring sustained provisioning and payment for thematic troops and tagmata alike. This redistribution, involving the closure of numerous monasteries and seizure of their estates, redirected ecclesiastical wealth toward military sustenance, bolstering the empire's logistical resilience amid ongoing Arab and Bulgar pressures.^[39]^[32]

Infrastructure and Cultural Initiatives

Constantine V prioritized the restoration of critical urban infrastructure in Constantinople to address vulnerabilities exposed by prior sieges and natural calamities. In 758, following a severe drought, he oversaw the repair of the Aqueduct of Valens, which had been severed by Avars during the 626 siege and left the city without reliable fresh water for over a century.^[45]^[20] This initiative supplemented existing supplies from other conduits, enabling population recovery after a plague outbreak by facilitating resettlement of peasants from Greece and the Aegean Islands into the capital.^[46]^[47] These efforts formed part of a comprehensive urban renewal program that included repairs to the Theodosian Walls, documented by inscriptions on the eighth tower of the inner wall dating to 741.^[48] Such fortifications bolstered defenses against recurring threats from Arabs and Bulgars, reflecting Constantine's strategic integration of military preparedness with civic maintenance.^[47] In cultural spheres, Constantine V patronized secular entertainments, notably chariot races and performances in the Hippodrome, which served as venues for public spectacle and imperial propaganda.^[49] These initiatives contrasted with iconophile monastic traditions, emphasizing performative arts like mime and dance over religious icon veneration, though contemporary Byzantine chroniclers viewed them critically as diversions from piety.^[50] His personal enthusiasm for hippodrome events underscored a policy favoring communal gatherings that reinforced loyalty amid iconoclastic reforms, without evidence of major new constructions like theaters or academies.^[51]

Family and Succession

Multiple Marriages and Progeny

Constantine V contracted his first marriage to Tzitzak, a Khazar princess and daughter of khagan Bihar, who was baptized with the name Irene upon her arrival in Constantinople around 732.^[2] This union produced one son, Leo IV, born on 25 January 750, who was later crowned co-emperor in 751 and succeeded his father.^[2] Irene died sometime before 769, leaving Leo as the sole surviving heir from this marriage at the time.^[2] Following Irene's death, Constantine married a second wife named Maria, though no specific date for this union is recorded in surviving sources.^[2] This marriage yielded no known children, and Maria predeceased her husband before his third marriage.^[2] Constantine's third wife was Eudokia, whom he elevated to Augusta in 769; the marriage likely occurred shortly before this, as it produced multiple children soon after.^[2] With Eudokia, he fathered five sons—Christopher, Nikephoros, Niketas, Anthimos, and Eudocimos—and at least one daughter, Anthousa, who was reportedly a twin to one of the sons and later venerated as a saint.^[2] In 769, Constantine designated Christopher and Nikephoros as Caesars, while Niketas and Anthimos received the rank of nobilissimus, positioning them as potential successors alongside Leo IV.^[2] However, following Constantine's death in 775, political instability and iconophile restoration under Leo IV and his widow Irene led to the sidelining or death of most of these younger sons, with only Leo IV initially securing the throne.^[2]

Final Years, Death, and Imperial Transition

In the later phase of his reign, Constantine V maintained aggressive military policies, including preparations for a major offensive against the Bulgar Khanate under Telerig in 775, prompted by the khan's demand for the revelation of Byzantine spies operating in Bulgarian territory.^[52] This campaign reflected Constantine's ongoing commitment to securing the northern frontiers, building on prior victories such as the decisive defeat of the Bulgars at Anchialus in 763, though iconophile chroniclers like Theophanes the Confessor, writing from an opposing religious perspective, later framed his militarism and iconoclastic policies as warranting divine retribution.^[2] Despite such biased portrayals in post-iconoclastic sources, Constantine retained strong support among the Byzantine army and Constantinople's populace, evidenced by the absence of immediate revolts following his major policy impositions.^[20] Constantine died on September 14, 775, from a fever—possibly exacerbated by carbuncles or infection—while en route back to Constantinople during the Bulgar campaign, before achieving a conclusive engagement. ^[53] His death marked the end of a period of relative Byzantine stabilization under his rule, with no evidence of foul play or contested legitimacy in primary accounts, though iconophile traditions subsequently interpreted it as providential judgment for his destruction of icons and persecution of monastic communities.^[2] The imperial transition proceeded smoothly to his son Leo IV, who had been elevated as co-emperor around 751 and thus held established precedence over Constantine's younger sons from subsequent marriages.^[20] Leo IV, aged approximately 26 at the time, assumed sole senior emperorship without factional upheaval, leveraging his father's military prestige and the thematic armies' loyalty to maintain continuity in administrative and defensive structures.^[53] This handover underscored Constantine's success in securing dynastic stability amid prior usurpations, such as that of Artabasdos in 742, though Leo's reign soon shifted toward moderated iconoclasm under influence from his mother Tzitzak's Khazar heritage and emerging court dynamics.^[2]

Assessment and Legacy

Byzantine Contemporary Perspectives

Surviving accounts of Constantine V from Byzantine contemporaries are predominantly hostile, originating from iconophile authors who viewed his iconoclastic policies as heretical. These sources, composed amid or shortly after the Iconoclastic Controversy, systematically demonize him to underscore the perceived righteousness of icon veneration, often prioritizing theological condemnation over balanced evaluation of his governance or campaigns. The bias inherent in these texts—written by victors in the post-787 restoration of icons—results in exaggerated portrayals of impiety, with pro-iconoclast perspectives largely suppressed or lost.^[20]^[54] Theophanes the Confessor's Chronographia, covering events up to 813, exemplifies this animus, depicting Constantine as a "ferocious beast" and "monster athirst for blood" who defiled churches, persecuted monks, and engaged in pagan rituals like consulting demons and staging theatrical spectacles in the Hippodrome. Theophanes attributes to him the epithet Copronymus (dung-named), alleging he soiled the baptismal font during his infancy as a portent of depravity, and blames natural disasters and military setbacks on divine retribution for iconoclasm. Such rhetoric frames Constantine's 754 iconoclastic council at Hieria as a synod of heresy, ignoring its theological arguments against image worship as idolatrous.^[55] Patriarch Nikephoros's Breviarium echoes this condemnation, portraying Constantine's reign as marked by ecclesiastical violence, including the exile of iconophile clergy and forced laicizations, while briefly noting his administrative reorganizations only to contrast them with moral failings. Hagiographical texts, such as the Miracles of St. Theodore the Recruit, attribute protective interventions by saints against Constantine's armies, interpreting battlefield failures—like the 740 ambush at Akroinon—as miraculous judgments, though these narratives conflate military tactics with supernatural causation.^[4] Even amid vituperation, these chroniclers concede Constantine's martial efficacy, recording victories over Arab forces in 742, 745, and 750, and against Bulgars in 756 and 768, with Theophanes noting the resettlement of over 200,000 Slavs from Bulgarian territories into Byzantine Anatolia around 760 as a strategic gain. This reluctant acknowledgment highlights a tension: religious orthodoxy trumped empirical successes in shaping narratives, yet the persistence of his thematic army reforms and fiscal measures implies underlying respect among secular administrators, undocumented in surviving texts.

Long-Term Religious and Political Impact

Constantine V's iconoclastic policies, intensified through the Council of Hieria in 754, which gathered 338 bishops to denounce icons as idolatrous and pagan remnants, resulted in systematic persecution of monks, clergy, and laity, including exiles, mutilations, and forced secularizations of monasteries.^[56] This deepened internal ecclesiastical divisions, polarizing Byzantine society between imperial-backed iconoclasts and iconophile traditionalists, while suppressing theological dissent and limiting monastic intellectual contributions to broader Christian scholarship.^[56] Although reversed by the Second Council of Nicaea in 787 under Irene, the policy's theological framework influenced the Second Iconoclasm from 815 to 843, when iconoclasts invoked Constantine's precedents, demonstrating its enduring doctrinal appeal among military and administrative elites despite ultimate failure to institutionalize icon rejection.^[56] Post-843 orthodox sources, such as those by Theophanes, systematically vilified him—earning the epithet Copronymus amid fabricated personal scandals—reflecting iconodule bias that obscured his era's prosperity and administrative efficacy, as later iconophile narratives attributed his successes to demonic aid rather than policy merits.^[56] Religiously, Constantine's enforcement of iconoclasm bolstered caesaropapism, embedding imperial authority over ecclesiastical hierarchy and doctrine, a dynamic that persisted for nearly five centuries and shaped Byzantine church-state relations by prioritizing state unity over popular devotional practices.^[56] This approach, rooted in rejecting intercessory veneration of saints and the Virgin Mary as superstitious, alienated Western churches; papal opposition under Gregory II and III culminated in the 731 excommunication of iconoclasts, eroding Byzantine influence in Italy and fostering Rome's autonomy.^[56] ^[57] The resulting strains contributed to the 751 loss of Ravenna to the Lombards and the 800 papal coronation of Charlemagne, accelerating the East-West divergence that presaged the 1054 schism, though iconoclasm itself was not the sole causal factor amid concurrent disputes over papal primacy and filioque.^[57] Politically and militarily, Constantine's administrative innovations, including the centralization of tagmata elite units and restructuring of thematic provinces for integrated civil-military governance, fortified Byzantine defenses and fiscal resilience, enabling a revival that sustained the empire against Arab, Bulgar, and Slavic pressures into the 10th-12th centuries.^[56] ^[58] These reforms, building on Leo III's foundations, separated civil and military authorities to curb corruption, resettled populations for strategic depopulation of frontiers, and established frontier fortresses that later emperors like Nicephorus I repurposed for sustained campaigns.^[56] His victories, such as the 746 reconquest of Germanicia and multiple Bulgar expeditions culminating in the 773-775 offensives, temporarily secured Anatolia and Thrace, deferring existential threats and allowing economic recovery evidenced by reduced inflation and agricultural resettlement of up to 200,000 Slavs in Bithynia.^[56] However, iconoclasm's domestic unpopularity among monastic networks and Western alienation undermined long-term cohesion, contributing to dynastic instability after his 775 death—his son Leo IV's brief rule ended in Irene's 797 coup—and facilitating the empire's vulnerability to internal revolts, though structural legacies endured until the 1204 Latin sack.^[57]

Modern Historiographical Debates

Modern historiography on Constantine V has increasingly emphasized the biases inherent in primary sources, which were predominantly composed by iconophile authors after the Triumph of Orthodoxy in 843. Chroniclers such as Theophanes the Confessor portrayed him as a tyrannical heretic, dubbing him Copronymus (dung-named) and accusing him of desecrating icons, persecuting monks, and even engaging in pagan rituals, reflections of post-iconoclastic theological condemnation rather than objective reporting.^[2] These accounts, while detailed on his religious policies, systematically downplay his administrative and military record, a distortion modern scholars attribute to the victors' narrative in the icon controversy.^[59] Scholars like Romilly J. H. Jenkins and Warren Treadgold have countered this by highlighting empirical evidence of Constantine's effectiveness as a ruler, including his reorganization of thematic armies, which enhanced Byzantine defenses against Arab and Bulgar incursions, and his infrastructure projects, such as the restoration of the Aqueduct of Valens in 758, which supported Constantinople's water supply amid earthquakes and sieges.^[2] Military campaigns under his command, such as the victory at Anchialos in 763 against the Bulgars—where Byzantine forces routed a larger coalition—and repeated Arab defeats in the 740s, resulted in territorial gains in Armenia and Cyprus, stabilizing the empire's eastern frontiers until his death in 775.^[2] Treadgold, in particular, assesses him as one of the most capable eighth-century emperors, arguing that his fiscal policies, including redirecting monastic lands to military use, averted economic collapse post-Arab sieges.^[59] A central debate concerns the motivations and consequences of Constantine's iconoclasm, formalized at the Council of Hieria in 754, which condemned icons as idolatrous. Earlier views, influenced by Edward Gibbon's rationalist critique, framed it as superstitious fanaticism exacerbating Byzantine decline, while John B. Bury saw it as a pragmatic assault on monastic corruption to bolster state authority.^[59] Revisionist works by Leslie Brubaker and John Haldon argue that iconoclasm was less a theological rupture than a state-driven reform to centralize power, with archaeological evidence—like the substitution of crosses for icons in Hagia Irene without wholesale destruction—suggesting measured implementation rather than the wholesale vandalism alleged by later sources.^[59] They contend that separating religious policy from secular governance reveals a ruler whose campaigns and repopulation efforts (e.g., resettling 20,000 families in Thrace) strengthened imperial resilience, though his anti-monastic measures alienated key institutions, contributing to iconophile backlash.^[2]^[59] Controversy persists over whether Constantine's successes justify viewing him as a "rehabilitated" figure or if iconoclasm's long-term cultural costs—such as the erosion of artistic traditions and alienation of Western allies—outweigh them. George Ostrogorsky acknowledged his military prowess but criticized neglect of Italy, linking it to Byzantine losses there, while recent analyses prioritize causal factors like demographic recovery under his rule over ideological framing.^[59] Overall, contemporary scholarship privileges quantifiable outcomes, such as the empire's expanded tax base and reduced Bulgar threats, to argue that iconophile historiography inflated religious deviance to obscure a period of relative stabilization.^[2]

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