Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

Drug liberalization

Drug liberalization encompasses regulatory reforms that decriminalize personal possession and use of prohibited substances or legalize their production, sale, and consumption under controlled frameworks, aiming to supplant prohibitionist approaches with alternatives focused on public health and individual autonomy.^[1] These policies typically target substances like cannabis, opioids, and psychedelics, contrasting with the punitive enforcement of the mid-20th-century "War on Drugs," which expanded globally after the 1971 United Nations Convention on Psychotropic Substances.^[2] Empirical assessments of such reforms reveal mixed outcomes, including potential reductions in drug-related arrests and black market violence but also concerns over elevated usage rates and associated health burdens in some contexts.^[3] Pioneering implementations include Portugal's 2001 decriminalization of all drugs for personal amounts, which shifted resources toward treatment and correlated with declines in overdose mortality and infectious disease transmission among users, though prevalence of drug consumption remained comparable to European peers.^[4] Similarly, Uruguay's 2013 legalization of cannabis and subsequent adoptions in Canada (2018) and U.S. states like Colorado (2012) have generated substantial tax revenues and diminished illicit trade, yet studies indicate no uniform decrease in youth initiation and occasional upticks in impaired driving incidents.^[5] Proponents highlight causal links to lower opioid fatalities via cannabis substitution, while critics cite evidence of intensified commercialization driving higher-potency products and broader societal costs, underscoring the need for rigorous, context-specific evaluation amid institutional biases favoring reform narratives in academic literature.^[6]^[7] Debates surrounding drug liberalization pivot on first-principles trade-offs between liberty and collective risk, with causal analyses revealing that while incarceration rates for minor offenses plummet, net public safety gains depend on regulatory stringency and enforcement fidelity.^[8] Controversies persist over gateway effects and long-term addiction trajectories, as peer-reviewed syntheses show liberalization correlating with stable or modestly rising consumption without proportional harm escalation in mature markets, challenging assumptions of inevitable moral decay but affirming persistent vulnerabilities for at-risk populations.^[5] These developments reflect evolving recognition that prohibition's externalities—such as cartel empowerment and disparate policing—may outweigh benefits for certain substances, prompting ongoing policy experimentation despite uneven evidentiary consensus.^[3]

Overview

Definition and Distinctions

Drug liberalization refers to policies that reduce or eliminate statutory prohibitions on the production, distribution, possession, or use of psychoactive substances, shifting from punitive criminal enforcement toward regulatory or administrative frameworks.^[9] This encompasses a spectrum of reforms, from decriminalization—which removes criminal penalties for personal possession and use while retaining civil sanctions such as fines or mandatory health assessments—to full legalization, which establishes licensed markets for commercial production and sale akin to alcohol or tobacco.^[10] Unlike outright bans, liberalization typically sets quantitative thresholds to distinguish personal consumption from trafficking, such as limits based on average daily use over a short period.^[11] Decriminalization, a common initial step in liberalization, reclassifies drug possession for personal amounts as a non-criminal administrative violation rather than a felony or misdemeanor, often redirecting individuals to treatment panels instead of incarceration.^[12] For instance, Portugal's 2001 framework decriminalized all illicit drugs for quantities up to a 10-day personal supply—defined as 25 grams of cannabis herb, 2 grams of cocaine, or 1 gram of heroin—while maintaining criminal penalties for larger amounts indicative of intent to distribute.^[13] In contrast, legalization goes further by permitting regulated supply chains, taxation, and quality controls, as seen in jurisdictions legalizing cannabis for recreational use, though rarely extended to higher-risk substances like opioids or stimulants.^[14] Drug prohibition, the prevailing global paradigm, imposes comprehensive criminal sanctions on all stages of the drug trade, from cultivation to consumption, enforced through arrests, seizures, and imprisonment to deter supply and demand.^[15] Liberalization efforts often target distinctions between substances, prioritizing softer drugs like cannabis—where medical-only access serves as a limited liberalization precursor—over "hard" drugs such as cocaine or heroin, which face stricter residual controls even under reform.^[16] Partial measures, like prescription-only access for therapeutic purposes, differ from broader liberalization by confining availability to clinical oversight without addressing recreational or non-medical use.^[17]

Core Principles and Terminology

Drug liberalization encompasses policies that diminish or abolish legal prohibitions on the production, possession, sale, and use of substances classified as controlled drugs, aiming to shift from punitive enforcement to regulated frameworks. It differs from mere tolerance, involving structural reforms to integrate drug markets into legal economies with oversight on quality, taxation, and age restrictions. Decriminalization specifically entails the elimination of criminal sanctions for personal possession and use, reclassifying such acts as administrative or health violations while upholding overall prohibitions on supply; in contrast, legalization establishes licit production and commerce under state regulation.^[18]^[19] Foundational principles hinge on tensions between individual liberty—affirming adults' sovereignty over bodily autonomy and voluntary risks, provided no imposition on others, as articulated in frameworks like the harm principle—and paternalistic rationales for state intervention to avert self-inflicted harms from substances that impair rational decision-making.^[20] Paternalism justifies restrictions by invoking the foreseeable incapacity of users to weigh long-term neurochemical dependencies against immediate gratifications, extending beyond personal bounds to externalities such as impaired parenting, workplace absenteeism, and public resource burdens from addiction-related morbidity. Supply-demand dynamics form a causal core: prohibitions elevate black-market premiums, incentivizing adulteration and violence, whereas liberalization seeks to normalize pricing and purity via competition, though critics highlight amplified consumption risks from normalized access.^[21] Key terminology includes harm reduction, a pragmatic orientation treating drug use as a health phenomenon amenable to mitigation strategies—like supervised consumption sites or opioid substitution—prioritizing reduced transmission of bloodborne diseases and overdoses over eradication of use itself.^[22] The gateway theory describes observed sequences wherein initial exposure to lower-risk substances (e.g., tobacco, alcohol, or cannabis) correlates with escalated use of more potent ones, attributed to shared vulnerability factors, behavioral priming, or pharmacological cross-sensitization, though longitudinal studies reveal associations without establishing strict causation, often confounding with socioeconomic or genetic predispositions.^[23] Media and policy discourse frequently conflate decriminalization with legalization, obscuring distinctions wherein the former preserves illicit supply chains while the latter introduces regulatory externalities like fiscal incentives for expansion.^[19] These terms underscore causal realism in policy design, recognizing drugs' direct modulation of reward pathways (e.g., dopamine surges fostering tolerance and compulsion) as amplifying individual agency deficits and collective costs.^[24]

Historical Development

Origins of Global Prohibition

The roots of global drug prohibition trace to the 19th-century opium trade, which escalated into public health crises and geopolitical conflicts. Britain's export of opium from India to China, peaking at over 4,000 chests annually by the 1830s (each chest weighing about 140 pounds), induced widespread addiction affecting an estimated 10-12 million Chinese users by the late 1830s, equivalent to roughly 10-15% of the adult male population.^[25] This dependency fueled trade imbalances, prompting China's 1839 ban on imports, which Britain countered with military force in the First Opium War (1839-1842), securing legalized trade via the Treaty of Nanking. The Second Opium War (1856-1860) further entrenched foreign concessions, but the resulting societal devastation—marked by economic drain and social decay—shifted Chinese policy toward international suppression, framing prohibition as a response to colonial exploitation rather than mere moralism.^[26] International coordination emerged from these crises, culminating in the 1912 Hague Opium Convention, the first multilateral treaty targeting narcotic drugs. Convened at China's urging after the 1909 Shanghai Opium Commission highlighted unchecked trade, the convention—signed on January 23, 1912, by delegates from 13 nations including the United States, Britain, China, and Japan—obligated signatories to control raw opium production, restrict exports to medical needs, and suppress smoking practices.^[27]^[28] Compliance was uneven, with colonial powers like Britain resisting full curbs on profitable Indian cultivation, yet the treaty established precedents for supranational oversight, driven by empirical evidence of addiction epidemics over ideological purity. In Britain itself, legal opium consumption via laudanum reached 10-20 tonnes annually in the early 1800s, with per capita intake equivalent to about 1.4 grams daily for some segments by 1859, underscoring domestic familiarity before export-driven moral panics.^[29]^[30] In the United States, early controls reflected a mix of health concerns and xenophobic anxieties, formalized by the Harrison Narcotics Tax Act of 1914. Prior to regulation, opiates in patent medicines were ubiquitous, contributing to an estimated 200,000-1 million addicts by 1900 amid unregulated imports.^[31] The Act, enacted December 17, 1914, imposed taxes and registration on opium and coca derivatives to fulfill Hague obligations while ostensibly curbing abuse; however, enforcement disproportionately targeted immigrant communities, fueled by stereotypes linking opium smoking to Chinese laborers (amid post-1882 Exclusion Act hostilities) and cocaine to violent "Negro fiends" in Southern rhetoric, claims amplified despite scant evidence of racial propensity for addiction.^[31]^[32] These laws paralleled alcohol prohibition's moral fervor, prioritizing restriction over prior laissez-faire norms, with post-enactment data showing initial reductions in legal imports but rises in illicit diversion, foreshadowing enforcement challenges.^[33]

20th-Century Reform Attempts and Escalation

The 1961 United Nations Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs consolidated prior international agreements into a unified framework, requiring signatory nations to limit production, trade, and use of specified narcotics—such as opium, coca, and cannabis—to medical and scientific purposes only, while mandating criminal penalties for non-medical activities.^[34] This treaty, ratified by over 180 countries by the late 20th century, entrenched global prohibition by establishing strict controls on cultivation and distribution, aiming to curb illicit trafficking through coordinated international enforcement.^[34] In the United States, the Controlled Substances Act of 1970 categorized drugs into five schedules based on their potential for abuse, accepted medical use, and safety under medical supervision, placing substances like heroin and LSD in Schedule I (high abuse potential, no accepted medical use) and restricting others like cocaine to Schedule II.^[35] This legislation coincided with President Richard Nixon's June 17, 1971, declaration of drug abuse as "public enemy number one," launching intensified federal enforcement amid rising urban crime and a heroin epidemic that saw increased availability of Mexican-sourced brown heroin, with U.S. overdose deaths climbing from approximately 6,100 in 1970 to over 7,000 by the mid-1970s.^[36] Nixon's rhetoric framed drug use as a driver of societal decay, prompting expanded interdiction efforts and the creation of the Drug Enforcement Administration in 1973. Early reform efforts emerged but faced rejection, highlighting tensions between evidence and policy. In the United Kingdom, the 1968 Wootton Report—commissioned by the Advisory Committee on Drug Dependence—concluded that cannabis posed limited harm compared to alcohol or tobacco and recommended distinguishing it from harder drugs by reducing penalties for possession, yet the government dismissed these findings and maintained strict controls under the 1971 Misuse of Drugs Act.^[37] Similarly, the U.S. National Commission on Marihuana and Drug Abuse (Shafer Commission) reported in 1972 that marijuana use did not warrant criminalization for personal possession, advocating decriminalization to focus resources on serious crime, but Nixon administration officials ignored the recommendations, prioritizing escalation.^[38] These rebuffs contributed to tightening enforcement globally, with U.S. drug arrests surging from under 300,000 annually in the early 1970s to over 1 million by the 1990s, reflecting a shift toward mass incarceration despite persistent illicit markets.^[39]

21st-Century Shifts and Reversals

In 2001, Portugal became the first nation to decriminalize the personal possession and use of all illicit drugs, enacting Law 30/2000 which shifted such offenses from criminal to administrative proceedings while maintaining prohibitions on trafficking and production.^[13] This health-oriented approach referred users to dissuasion commissions rather than courts, marking an early pivot toward treating drug use as a public health issue.^[40] Cannabis-specific reforms accelerated in the 2010s, with Uruguay enacting the first national legalization of recreational marijuana production, sale, and use in December 2013 under President José Mujica, allowing regulated home cultivation, pharmacies, and cannabis clubs to curb black market activity.^[41] In the United States, Colorado voters approved Amendment 64 on November 6, 2012, legalizing recreational cannabis possession, cultivation, and sales for adults 21 and older, effective December 10, 2012, following a similar initiative in Washington state.^[42] Canada federalized recreational cannabis legalization via the Cannabis Act on October 17, 2018, permitting up to 30 grams of possession and regulated commercial markets.^[43] Mexico's Supreme Court decriminalized recreational cannabis use on June 29, 2021, invalidating prior bans amid efforts to undermine cartel dominance through regulated supply, though full market implementation has lagged.^[44] Reversals emerged as evidence of unintended consequences prompted policy adjustments, exemplified by Oregon's Measure 110, approved in November 2020, which decriminalized small amounts of all drugs and redirected cannabis tax revenue to treatment but was partially repealed by House Bill 4002 in March 2024—signed into law April 1, 2024, and effective September 1, 2024—reinstating misdemeanor possession penalties after overdose deaths surged from 280 in 2019 to over 1,000 annually by 2023.^[45] At the U.S. federal level, the Drug Enforcement Administration proposed rescheduling marijuana from Schedule I to Schedule III in May 2024, acknowledging moderate abuse potential and accepted medical uses, with public hearings commencing December 2, 2024, though finalization remains pending as of 2025.^[46] The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime's World Drug Report notes mixed global trends post-reforms, with overall drug use rising to 292 million people aged 15-64 in 2022—a 20% increase over the prior decade—despite localized shifts.^[47] The DEA's 2025 National Drug Threat Assessment reports a 20% decline in U.S. overdose deaths in 2024 alongside falling fentanyl purity levels (averaging 11.36% in seized powder), signaling potential stabilization amid ongoing liberalizations.^[48]

Theoretical Debates

Arguments Favoring Liberalization

Proponents of drug liberalization emphasize individual liberty, arguing that adults possess the right to bodily autonomy and self-ownership, which overrides state prohibitions on consensual ingestion of substances. This view, rooted in libertarian philosophy, posits that criminalization represents unjust coercion, as the primary harms of drug use are self-inflicted and do not inherently violate others' rights absent externalities like impaired driving, which can be addressed through targeted regulations rather than blanket bans.^[49] Legalization would undermine black markets, which fuel violence and organized crime; for instance, the U.S. illicit drug trade, estimated at around $100 billion annually in earlier assessments, sustains trafficking networks responsible for thousands of homicides. Economically, liberalization promises substantial savings from reduced enforcement expenditures and new revenue streams. In the United States, federal drug control budgets alone exceed $30 billion yearly, encompassing law enforcement, adjudication, and incarceration, while total societal costs including state and local efforts approach $50 billion or more when factoring in prisons and policing. Regulated markets could generate taxes; Colorado, since initiating recreational marijuana sales in 2014, has collected nearly $3 billion in combined sales, excise, and licensing fees by mid-2025. These arguments assume rational market participants will prefer legal, quality-controlled products, displacing illicit suppliers and enabling fiscal redirection toward education or treatment.^[50]^[51] Harm reduction perspectives favor liberalization by prioritizing health interventions over punitive measures, contending that decriminalization facilitates access to sterile equipment and treatment, curbing infectious disease transmission. Needle exchange programs, permitted under liberalized frameworks, correlate with approximately 50% reductions in HIV and hepatitis C incidence among injectors by providing clean syringes and linkage to care. Portugal's 2001 decriminalization, which treats possession as administrative rather than criminal, saw overdose deaths plummet by over 80% in the ensuing years, from 369 in 2000 to far lower rates amid expanded dissuasion commissions and services—though such outcomes presuppose users responding to incentives without escalating consumption.^[52]^[53] These claims hinge on behavioral assumptions, including that regulated availability mitigates adulterated products and overdose risks more effectively than prohibition, without inducing widespread irrational escalation in use.

Arguments Opposing Liberalization

Opponents of drug liberalization invoke paternalistic concerns, arguing that psychoactive substances impair rational decision-making and impose uninternalized costs on users and society. Drugs disrupt dopamine signaling in reward pathways, fostering dependency that erodes self-control and leads to behaviors prioritizing immediate gratification over long-term welfare.^[54] This impairment contributes to externalities such as family disruption, where substance use disorders correlate with higher rates of marital dissolution and child neglect.^[55] Productivity losses from addiction, estimated in billions annually through absenteeism and reduced output, further burden economies reliant on functional labor markets.^[56] The gateway hypothesis posits that initial exposure to milder substances reinforces dopaminergic circuits, increasing vulnerability to harder drugs via shared neurobiological mechanisms.^[57] Empirical patterns show sequential escalation, where early cannabis or nicotine use predicts later opioid or cocaine involvement, not merely due to common risk factors but through sensitized reward processing.^[58] Liberalization risks amplifying this by normalizing entry points, as users underestimate progression risks amid impaired judgment. Normalization under liberalization erodes public order by signaling societal tolerance, particularly influencing youth initiation rates. Surveys indicate that perceived risks of regular cannabis use among high school seniors fell from 58% in 2000 to 36% in 2024, coinciding with legalization expansions and correlating with lowered deterrence.^[59] This drop in perceived harm fosters earlier experimentation, as adolescents interpret policy shifts as endorsement, bypassing natural caution against mind-altering substances. Critics contend liberalization underestimates demand inelasticity, where price and availability changes yield minimal consumption reductions but expand total use through broader access.^[60] Post-legalization, black markets endure for high-potency variants unregulated by legal frameworks, sustaining cartel revenues and enforcement challenges.^[61] In jurisdictions like Canada, illicit sales persist at scale, with consumers favoring unregulated potency over taxed alternatives, perpetuating violence-prone supply chains.^[62] Such vacuums highlight how partial reforms fail to displace entrenched networks, instead hybridizing legal and illegal economies with compounded risks.

Empirical Assessments

Public Health and Usage Trends

In Portugal, following the 2001 decriminalization of drug possession and use, drug-induced overdose deaths initially declined sharply, dropping from 369 in 1999 to 152 in 2003, before rising to 314 by 2007 amid broader European trends in opioid use.^[63] Per capita rates remained among Europe's lowest, at approximately 6 deaths per million population aged 15-64 as of recent assessments, compared to the EU average of 23.7, though subsequent increases to over 20 per million in some years have been linked to synthetic opioids rather than decriminalization alone.^[64] The system's Dissuasion Commissions, which mandate administrative referrals for caught users, have facilitated early interventions, with a noted decline in the proportion of dependent individuals among referrals and emphasis on tailored treatment access, contributing to reduced HIV transmission among injectors.^[65] ^[66] In the United States, state-level cannabis legalization has correlated with increased adult usage prevalence, with past-year use rising from 11.0% in 2002 to approximately 25% (62 million people aged 12+) by 2022 per National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) data, reflecting a near doubling over two decades and accelerated post-legalization shifts such as past-month adult use increasing from 6.6% in 2012-2013 to 10.6% by 2018-2019.^[67] ^[68] Daily or near-daily adult use has also grown, while youth past-year prevalence showed no sustained surge—remaining stable around 15% for ages 12-17 post-2013 legalizations—though periodic upticks occurred amid broader factors like the COVID-19 pandemic.^[69] ^[70] Oregon's 2021 drug decriminalization under Measure 110 coincided with overdose deaths surging from 712 in 2020 to 1,833 by 2023—a roughly 80% to 157% increase depending on baseline metrics—prompting partial recriminalization in 2024, with studies attributing much of the rise to fentanyl's infiltration of illicit markets rather than policy alone, as similar spikes occurred nationally. ^[71] Treatment uptake faltered due to implementation delays and underfunding, with state audits revealing that over $260 million in allocated funds were slow to deploy, some counties providing no services for months, and overall referral and engagement rates remaining low—exacerbated by administrative hurdles rather than the decriminalization framework itself.^[72] ^[73] Similar challenges emerged in British Columbia's 2023 pilot decriminalization, where overdose rates escalated amid fentanyl adulteration, compounded by chronic underfunding of recovery beds and services, leading to gaps in mandated treatment pathways.^[74] These cases underscore causal complexities, including illicit supply contamination, where fentanyl's potency has driven fatalities independently of possession penalties.^[75]

Crime, Enforcement, and Societal Costs

In the United States, cannabis legalization in multiple states has led to substantial reductions in marijuana-related arrests, with FBI Uniform Crime Reporting data indicating a decline from over 600,000 cannabis possession arrests annually in the early 2010s to approximately 187,000 in 2024, though total drug arrests remained high at over 800,000 that year, predominantly for possession offenses.^[76]^[77] Despite these shifts, enforcement challenges persist for harder drugs, as evidenced by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration's 2025 National Drug Threat Assessment, which documents Mexican cartels' adaptation to state-level cannabis reforms by pivoting toward synthetic opioids like fentanyl and methamphetamine, sustaining high trafficking volumes and violence associated with cross-border operations.^[78] This redirection has not yielded uniform enforcement savings, with black markets for unregulated synthetics expanding due to legal cannabis markets' inability to displace illicit supply chains for more potent substances.^[48] Empirical data on crime rates post-liberalization present mixed results, challenging claims of broad reductions. In Colorado, following recreational marijuana legalization in 2012, violent crime rates rose 26% from 2012 to 2019, while property crime rates remained stable but showed initial increases of 8.3% overall since 2013, according to state analyses; no consistent drop in violent offenses materialized, contrasting with expectations of diminished underground market violence.^[79]^[80] Peer-reviewed studies from the 2020s similarly identify localized upticks, such as a 6.5% increase in injury crash rates linked to impaired driving after legalization, driven by higher THC-positive incidents among motorists.^[81]^[82] These patterns suggest that while cannabis-specific crimes decline, externalities like traffic safety risks and property offenses may rise, particularly where legal markets fail to fully supplant illicit ones, as black market persistence for untaxed or adulterated products continues in legalized jurisdictions.^[83] Societal costs extend beyond direct enforcement to broader fabric disruptions, including heightened visibility of drug use and associated welfare strains in decriminalized settings. Oregon's Measure 110, enacted in 2020 to decriminalize small amounts of all drugs, correlated with anecdotal and policy-driven concerns over increased public drug use and homelessness, prompting partial recriminalization of hard drugs like fentanyl by 2024 amid reports of elevated child welfare interventions tied to parental substance exposure.^[84] Reduced legal stigma from liberalization may causally diminish quitting incentives, as normalization erodes social pressures against dependency, evidenced by sustained or rising treatment avoidance in reformed areas despite expanded access.^[85]^[86] These dynamics underscore persistent externalities, where policy shifts alleviate some enforcement burdens but amplify unregulated harms, including family disruptions and community disorder, without proportionally mitigating underlying trafficking networks.^[87]

Economic and Market Dynamics

Legal cannabis markets in the United States generated more than $25 billion in cumulative state tax revenue through 2024, with over $4.4 billion collected in 2024 alone from recreational sales across 24 states.^[88]^[88] These figures, while substantial, represent a fraction of the broader annual societal costs associated with drug use, estimated at $193 billion for illegal drugs alone in recent assessments, encompassing lost productivity, healthcare expenditures, and other economic burdens that liberalization does not eliminate and may exacerbate through expanded consumption.^[89] Proponents often highlight tax revenues as a primary benefit, yet empirical data indicate net fiscal impacts are overstated when accounting for these persistent hidden costs, as regulated markets do not fully internalize externalities like reduced workforce participation.^[56] Black markets endure post-liberalization due to consumers' preference for unregulated products offering lower prices and higher potency, sustained by the inelastic nature of demand for cannabis and other drugs. In Canada following 2018 nationwide legalization, the legal market captured approximately 75-78% of expenditures by 2023-2024, leaving 22-25% in illicit channels where products remain cheaper and more concentrated in THC content.^[90]^[91] Price elasticity estimates for cannabis demand range from -0.2 to -0.5, indicating limited responsiveness to legal price hikes, which perpetuates underground trade and undermines projected revenue gains from regulation.^[60] Enforcement cost savings from liberalization are typically marginal and short-term, with long-term budget pressures arising from heightened treatment demands. Portugal's 2001 decriminalization reduced drug-related arrests by over 60% and the share of prisoners sentenced for drug offenses from 40% to 15%, yielding modest reductions in incarceration expenditures.^[92]^[93] However, the overall economic calculus remains challenged by enduring illicit trade dynamics and the need for expanded public spending on addiction services, as treatment costs—estimated at $12 billion annually in the U.S. for substance use disorders—can rise with normalized access and usage.^[94]

Policy Models and Implementations

Decriminalization Approaches

Decriminalization approaches eliminate criminal penalties for personal possession of small quantities of drugs, reclassifying such offenses as administrative violations subject to civil sanctions like citations, fines, or mandatory evaluations rather than arrests, prosecutions, or criminal records. These models typically define "personal use" through quantity thresholds—often equivalent to a 10-day supply—to differentiate from intent to distribute, with exceeding limits triggering trafficking charges. For instance, thresholds might permit up to 1 gram of heroin or cocaine, 5 grams of cannabis, or 2 grams of methamphetamine, though exact amounts vary by jurisdiction and substance to reflect potency and typical consumption patterns.^[12]^[95] A core feature is the referral mechanism for treatment, contrasting voluntary options with structured mandatory assessments. In voluntary models, individuals receive information on health services but face no compulsion to engage, potentially leading to low uptake if access barriers persist or motivation is absent. Mandatory approaches, such as evaluation panels, require users to appear before multidisciplinary commissions that diagnose dependency and impose sanctions for non-compliance, like fines up to €150 or professional bans, while prioritizing treatment over punishment. Empirical data indicate that mandatory referrals yield higher compliance—around 90% in structured systems—correlating with sustained reductions in minor arrests and diversion to health pathways, whereas purely voluntary systems risk underutilization without enforcement incentives.^[96]^[97] Portugal's 2001 framework exemplifies a mandatory model, decriminalizing possession of all drugs up to a 10-day supply and routing cases to regional dissuasion commissions for individualized interventions, which emphasize voluntary treatment but enforce attendance and follow-up. This has reduced possession arrests by over 60% since implementation, with associated declines in HIV transmission among injectors from 1,400 cases in 2000 to under 100 by 2019, though causal attribution requires caution given concurrent expansions in harm reduction like needle exchanges. In contrast, Oregon's Measure 110, effective January 2021, adopted a no-penalty variant for amounts under 1 gram of hard drugs or 40 pills of fentanyl equivalents, replacing misdemeanors with a rarely enforced $100 citation and optional treatment funded by cannabis revenue, resulting in a 90% drop in possession convictions but minimal treatment engagement—fewer than 3% of funds reached services initially—and prompting recriminalization to misdemeanors with treatment mandates by September 2024 amid public health concerns. Success in these approaches hinges on consistent enforcement of administrative processes; lax implementation correlates with persistent open drug use and non-compliance, underscoring that decriminalization alone does not substitute for robust referral infrastructure.^[98]^[99]^[100]

Legalization Frameworks

Legalization frameworks for drugs, particularly cannabis, typically establish regulated systems for production, distribution, and sale to adults, incorporating age restrictions, taxation mechanisms, and controls on product potency and form. These models aim to shift markets from illicit channels to licensed ones while mitigating risks through oversight, though empirical evidence indicates persistent regulatory hurdles.^[101] One primary structure is the state monopoly or heavily state-controlled system, as implemented in Uruguay for cannabis following its 2013 legalization law, which took effect in 2017 under the Institute for the Regulation and Control of Cannabis (IRCCA). In this approach, the government authorizes production through licensed entities under direct state supervision, limits individual purchases to registered users via pharmacies or cannabis clubs, and enforces potency standards while prohibiting advertising. Home cultivation is capped at six plants per household for registered adults, with sales taxed to generate revenue for public health programs. This model prioritizes supply control to undercut black markets but has faced implementation delays and low participation rates due to bureaucratic registration requirements.^[102]^[103] In contrast, private licensing frameworks predominate in U.S. states like Colorado and California, where legalization since 2012 and 2016, respectively, permits for-profit entities to produce, test, and sell cannabis under state agency oversight, such as the California Bureau of Cannabis Control. Age gates mandate verification of 21-and-over status at point of sale, with potency controls including THC limits for certain products (e.g., 10 mg per serving for edibles in California) and mandatory lab testing for contaminants. Taxation often combines excise rates—such as Colorado's 15% on sales plus a potency-based weight tax—with local levies, yielding over $2.5 billion in state revenue in 2023 across legalized jurisdictions. Home grows are restricted to four to six plants per household in most states to prevent unlicensed proliferation.^[104]^[105] Regulatory challenges include youth access evasion, where edibles packaged to resemble candy or gummies circumvent visual deterrents, contributing to a rise in adolescent THC ingestions reported at 1,094 cases in Colorado from 2017 to 2022. High taxes, averaging 20-30% effective rates in states like Washington, incentivize diversion to untaxed black markets, with estimates showing 30-50% of consumption remaining illicit post-legalization due to price competition. Potency controls struggle against market innovations like high-THC concentrates (up to 90% THC versus 10-20% in flower), where lax enforcement allows circumvention, exacerbating health risks without proportionally curbing demand driven by habitual use.^[106]^[101]^[107] Recent developments, such as the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration's May 2024 proposal to reschedule cannabis from Schedule I to III, highlight ongoing tensions in federal-state frameworks, potentially easing banking and research barriers but preserving prohibitions on interstate commerce and maintaining Schedule I status for non-medical use. This rescheduling debate underscores causal realities: while legalization expands legal supply chains, underlying demand factors like psychological dependence persist, limiting reductions in overall prevalence absent complementary interventions.^[108]^[109]

Regional and National Examples

Europe

Portugal implemented a nationwide decriminalization of all drugs for personal possession and use in July 2001, reclassifying such acts as administrative offenses handled by dissuasion commissions that refer individuals to treatment or education rather than criminal penalties. This policy shift prioritized public health responses, including expanded access to opioid substitution therapy and needle exchange programs. Drug-induced mortality rates declined sharply in the initial years, falling from 369 deaths in 1999 to 152 in 2003, though they rose to 314 by 2007, reflecting challenges in addressing evolving opioid markets.^[110] New HIV diagnoses among people who inject drugs also decreased significantly post-reform, from peaks in the 1990s to lower levels by the 2010s, attributed in part to harm reduction integration.^[111] Despite these gains, overdose rates have increased in the 2020s alongside synthetic opioid proliferation, underscoring limitations in decriminalization without robust supply controls.^[112] The Netherlands has maintained a tolerance policy (gedoogbeleid) toward cannabis since the 1970s, permitting licensed coffee shops to sell up to 5 grams per person to adults, while production remains technically illegal. This approach has attracted substantial drug tourism, particularly to Amsterdam, prompting measures like resident-only entry rules in cities such as Maastricht since 2012 to curb nuisance and prioritize local users. Domestic cannabis prevalence rates have stayed stable, with lifetime use among adults around 25-30% in recent surveys, comparable to or below European averages, and no significant uptick attributable to the policy.^[113] Enforcement focuses on hard drugs and large-scale trafficking, yielding lower overall drug-related harms relative to stricter regimes, though backdoor supply issues persist.^[114] Other European nations have pursued targeted cannabis reforms. In 2010, the Czech Republic decriminalized possession of up to 10 grams of cannabis and home cultivation of up to five plants for personal use, treating excesses as administrative rather than criminal matters; this has coincided with high domestic production estimates (around 400 tons annually) but no evident surge in youth initiation or broader drug use.^[115] Germany enacted the Cannabis Act (CanG) effective April 1, 2024, legalizing possession of up to 25 grams in public for adults, home cultivation of up to three plants, and membership in non-profit cultivation associations (capped at 500 members each) distributing up to 25 grams monthly per person starting July 1, 2024, with strict youth protections and location bans near schools.^[116] These steps aim to undermine illicit markets while maintaining prohibitions on commercial sales. In contrast, the United Kingdom and Nordic countries like Sweden have witnessed policy inertia or reinforcement amid escalating harms, highlighting reversals from liberalization pressures. England and Wales registered 5,448 drug poisoning deaths in 2023, a record high driven by opioids and synthetics, fueling debates over decriminalization pilots versus intensified enforcement, as treatment access lags despite policy reviews.^[117] Sweden's zero-tolerance framework, emphasizing abstinence and criminal sanctions for any use, correlates with lower cannabis prevalence (lifetime use ~8-10% among young adults) than in Portugal or the Netherlands, but higher per capita overdose deaths and elevated enforcement expenditures, estimated at significant shares of policing budgets without proportionally reducing supply-side incentives.^[118] Such models demonstrate usage stability under prohibition but at costs exceeding €1 billion annually in Nordic contexts for policing and incarceration, versus health-focused alternatives.^[119]

North America

In the United States, recreational cannabis legalization began with Colorado and Washington in 2012, expanding to 24 states plus the District of Columbia by 2025, creating regulated markets that generated billions in tax revenue while reducing arrests for possession.^[120]^[121] These state-level implementations have shown mixed outcomes, with decreased black market activity in legal states but persistent federal prohibitions limiting interstate commerce and banking access.^[122] Federally, the Drug Enforcement Administration proposed rescheduling cannabis from Schedule I to Schedule III in May 2024, acknowledging lower abuse potential and accepted medical use, though the process remained ongoing with hearings delayed into late 2025.^[123]^[124] Oregon's 2020 Measure 110 decriminalized possession of small amounts of hard drugs like heroin and methamphetamine, replacing criminal penalties with civil fines and funding treatment via cannabis taxes.^[125] However, amid a surge in fentanyl-related overdoses—rising over 50% in 2022—the state legislature recriminalized possession as a misdemeanor in March 2024, effective September 2024, citing failures in treatment uptake and public disorder.^[71]^[126] Studies attribute the overdose spike primarily to fentanyl's proliferation rather than decriminalization itself, yet the policy reversal reflected empirical concerns over increased visible drug use and inadequate harm reduction.^[127] Canada legalized recreational cannabis nationally on October 17, 2018, under the Cannabis Act, aiming to regulate production, distribution, and sales while undermining illicit markets.^[43] Post-legalization, youth cannabis use rates remained stable or slightly declined, but concerns arose over high-potency edibles appealing to minors and incomplete displacement of illegal supply chains. Illicit opioid markets persisted, fueling an ongoing crisis with over 40,000 opioid-related deaths since 2016, as legalization did not extend to harder substances and diversion risks lingered.^[128] Nationally in the US, provisional data indicated a significant decline in drug overdose deaths, dropping approximately 24% from October 2023 to September 2024 compared to the prior year, per Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimates, amid varied state policies and fentanyl supply disruptions.^[129] This downturn, confirmed by DEA reports showing a 14.5% reduction through mid-2024, raises questions about causation, as it coincided with enforcement actions against cartels rather than uniform liberalization, underscoring the role of supply-side factors over demand-focused reforms.^[130]^[131]

Latin America

Uruguay became the first nation to fully legalize and regulate the cannabis production, distribution, and consumption cycle for non-medical purposes with the passage of Law 19/003 on December 20, 2013, establishing a state-monopoly system involving home cultivation, cannabis clubs, and licensed pharmacies for sales beginning in 2017.^[132] Empirical data indicate a modest increase in cannabis use post-legalization, with past-year prevalence among adults rising from approximately 8% pre-2013 to around 10% by the early 2020s, though rates remain lower than in many comparator countries and perceptions of harm have declined without corresponding spikes in heavy use or dependence. Overdose deaths linked to cannabis remain negligible, as the substance's low acute toxicity precludes fatal respiratory depression even at high doses, contrasting with opioids; however, the regulatory framework has incurred high administrative costs, including enforcement of user registries and production quotas, yielding limited tax revenue due to subdued market participation—only about 70,000 registered users by 2020 against a potential adult population exceeding 2 million.^[133] This model has not demonstrably reduced illicit trafficking, as black-market prices persist at levels competitive with legal channels, underscoring causal limits of supply-side regulation absent demand shifts in export markets. In Mexico, the Supreme Court issued a binding ruling on June 28, 2021, declaring the prohibition on recreational cannabis unconstitutional and mandating legalization for personal use and cultivation, though legislative implementation has lagged, with commercial sales stalled amid disputes over production licensing as of 2025.^[134] Partial decriminalization thresholds—up to 5 grams for possession—precede this, but ongoing bans on large-scale production and export have failed to disrupt cartel operations, as marijuana constitutes a diminishing share of revenues amid shifts to higher-margin synthetics like fentanyl; homicide rates exceeded 30,000 annually in the 2020s, driven by turf wars over smuggling routes rather than cannabis-specific markets.^[135]^[136] Causal analysis reveals that domestic reforms alone cannot undermine transnational cartels sustained by U.S. demand, with violence metrics showing no inflection post-ruling—over 150,000 drug-related killings since 2006, half attributable to organized crime fragmentation rather than supply scarcity.^[137] Colombia decriminalized personal possession of small quantities, including up to 20 grams of cannabis, via a 1994 Constitutional Court ruling (C-221), emphasizing harm reduction over incarceration, yet export prohibitions perpetuate conflict by incentivizing illicit cultivation in remote areas.^[138] Crop substitution programs, such as the 2017 National Integral Crop Substitution Program (PNIS), have faltered empirically: announcements correlated with a 791-hectare average increase in coca acreage per municipality due to anticipatory planting, while implementation reached only 40% of targeted farmers by 2021, undermined by inadequate funding, coercion from armed groups, and coca's superior yields—up to six times those of legal alternatives like coffee.^[139]^[140] Similar dynamics in Ecuador, where personal use decriminalization efforts since 2008 have coexisted with strict anti-trafficking enforcement, highlight substitution failures; aerial eradication and incentives have not curbed expansion, as growers revert amid economic pressures and weak state presence, sustaining violence without eroding cartel incentives tied to global prohibition.^[141] These partial reforms illustrate that decriminalizing consumption yields marginal public health gains but does little to dismantle production-driven conflicts when international bans preserve black-market premiums.

Asia and Oceania

In much of Asia, rigorous enforcement of drug prohibition, including capital punishment for trafficking in nations such as China, Singapore, and Malaysia, correlates with subdued illicit drug prevalence rates relative to global averages; for instance, past-year amphetamine-type stimulant use in Southeast Asia averages below 1% in high-penforcement jurisdictions like Indonesia.^[142]^[143] These policies prioritize deterrence through severe penalties, yielding lower reported usage amid cultural and legal stigma against narcotics.^[144] The Philippines exemplifies Asia's punitive approach, with President Rodrigo Duterte's 2016–2022 campaign targeting methamphetamine (shabu) networks through extrajudicial operations that killed over 6,000 suspects, alongside efforts to dismantle production labs; while official claims highlighted supply disruptions, street prices declined, indicating resilient importation from sources like China.^[145]^[146] Under Republic Act 9165, harsh penalties persist post-Duterte, including life imprisonment for possession exceeding 10 grams of methamphetamine, even as President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. introduced modest reforms in 2022 emphasizing rehabilitation over killings.^[147]^[148] Thailand's 2022 decriminalization of cannabis marked a regional outlier, removing it from narcotic classification and spurring over 10,000 dispensaries by 2024, alongside a $1 billion industry boom and documented rises in healthcare visits for cannabis-related issues from 2022 to 2023.^[149]^[150] Usage surged, with surveys showing 62% interest in consumption pre-boom, prompting 2025 government proposals to recriminalize recreational applications and confine access to medical uses, citing youth exposure and smuggling spikes.^[151]^[152]^[153] In Oceania, Australia has pursued medicinal cannabis access since 2016 via the Therapeutic Goods Administration's Special Access Scheme, with the Australian Capital Territory decriminalizing personal possession and cultivation in 2020; past-year use hovers at 11–15% nationally, bolstered by imports (primarily from Canada) amid federal prohibition on recreational markets, though traveler exemptions cap imports at three-month supplies to curb tourism-related inflows.^[154]^[155] New Zealand, following a 2020 referendum rejecting recreational legalization, expanded medicinal provisions in 2020, yielding prescription rates for therapeutic users rising to 37% by 2024 from 9% in 2022–2023; overall prevalence remains high at 15% past-year use, with self-reported therapeutic benefits for pain and mental health but persistent illicit sourcing.^[156]^[157] These frameworks show post-reform upticks in regulated access and reported usage, contrasting Asia's enforcement-driven suppression.^[158]

Advocacy, Opposition, and Political Dynamics

Pro-Liberalization Movements and Groups

The Drug Policy Alliance (DPA), formed in 2000 by merging the Soros-funded Lindesmith Center—established in 1994 as the first U.S. project of George Soros's Open Society Institute—with the Drug Policy Foundation, campaigns for replacing drug prohibition with regulated systems emphasizing public health, harm reduction, and racial equity in enforcement disparities.^[159]^[160] Open Society Foundations contributed at least $80 million to such reform efforts from 1994 to 2014, supporting DPA's advocacy for decriminalizing personal possession across drug classes while prioritizing cannabis legalization to address disproportionate arrests in minority communities.^[160] The organization backed Oregon's Measure 110, voter-approved on November 3, 2020, which reclassified small-quantity possession of substances like heroin and methamphetamine as civil violations rather than crimes, redirecting cannabis tax revenue to treatment services.^[100] In the United Kingdom, Transform Drug Policy Foundation, registered as a charity in 2002, advances legal regulation models for all drugs, framing prohibition as fueling organized crime and black-market violence rather than curbing use.^[161] Independent of direct government funding and reliant on private donations, it produces policy analyses promoting Portugal's 2001 decriminalization framework—where personal possession triggers health referrals via dissuasion commissions—as a template for reducing HIV transmission and overdose rates without expanding markets.^[65] Transform critiques UN conventions for perpetuating punitive approaches, urging evidence-based shifts toward regulated production and sales to undermine illicit economies.^[162] Internationally, the Global Commission on Drug Policy, launched in 2011 with members including former presidents like Brazil's Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Switzerland's Ruth Dreifuss, as well as figures such as Richard Branson, condemns the "war on drugs" for inflating violence and incarceration without diminishing supply or demand.^[163] The commission, funded through private philanthropy including Open Society support, advocates regulated drug markets and critiques zero-tolerance policies for overlooking hard drug harms in favor of broad decriminalization narratives.^[164] Complementing this, the Law Enforcement Action Partnership (LEAP), rebranded from Law Enforcement Against Prohibition in 2017 and comprising prosecutors, judges, and officers, lobbies against prohibition's role in eroding civil liberties and straining police resources, drawing on members' frontline experiences with cartel-driven crime.^[165] These groups often collaborate on UN forum critiques, emphasizing equity in reform to rectify racially skewed enforcement data, though their models have faced scrutiny for underemphasizing empirical rises in hard drug consumption post-decriminalization in exemplar cases.^[166]

Criticisms from Conservative and Enforcement Perspectives

Law enforcement organizations, including police unions and associations like the Fraternal Order of Police, have consistently opposed drug liberalization measures, arguing that decriminalization undermines deterrence and exacerbates public safety risks by diverting resources from addressing trafficking and violent crime associated with illicit markets.^[167]^[168] These groups contend that legalization fails to eliminate black markets, as evidenced by persistent illegal sales post-cannabis reforms, leading to continued enforcement burdens without reducing overall drug-related harms.^[169] Conservative think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation criticize drug liberalization for promoting addiction epidemics and eroding social structures, including family stability, by normalizing substance use that impairs judgment and productivity.^[170] They highlight how policies emphasizing harm reduction over personal accountability foster dependency rather than recovery, with data showing legalization correlates with higher potency products—such as cannabis exceeding 20% THC—amplifying risks of psychosis and cognitive deficits, particularly among youth whose brains are still developing.^[171]^[172] Recent policy reversals underscore these concerns; Oregon recriminalized small amounts of hard drugs effective September 1, 2024, after Measure 110's decriminalization led to untreated overdoses and public disorder without commensurate treatment uptake, while British Columbia rolled back its 2023 pilot in April 2024 amid rising open drug use and overdose deaths.^[173]^[174] Studies from 2025 indicate that decriminalization has not closed treatment access gaps, as stigma reduction alone fails to address structural barriers like insufficient funding and enforcement of recovery mandates, resulting in stable or worsening overdose rates compared to treatment-focused alternatives.^[175]^[176] Critics from these perspectives advocate prioritizing individual responsibility and supply interdiction, as outlined in Office of National Drug Control Policy analyses linking unchecked demand to sustained epidemics of untreated addiction.^[177]

Unintended Consequences and Ongoing Controversies

Evidence of Increased Prevalence and Harms

In the United States, states that legalized recreational cannabis experienced higher rates of cannabis use disorder (CUD) compared to non-legalized states. Analysis of medical claims data from 2005 to 2019 showed adjusted CUD prevalence increasing from 1.38% to 2.54% in states with medical cannabis laws, versus 1.38% to 2.25% in states without such laws, indicating legalization contributed to elevated CUD burdens.^[178] Similarly, recreational cannabis legalization correlated with a 31.6% rise in cannabis poisoning diagnoses relative to non-legalized states.^[179] Epidemiological patterns link early cannabis use to elevated risks of progression to other illicit substances, with marijuana users demonstrating higher lifetime rates of subsequent hard drug involvement, including opioids and cocaine.^[180] While causation remains debated—given confounding factors like individual predispositions—longitudinal data consistently show marijuana as a common precursor in polydrug trajectories, amplifying overall substance-related harms through normalized access and reduced perceived risks.^[181] Oregon's 2020 decriminalization under Measure 110, which reclassified small-scale drug possession as a civil violation, preceded a sharp escalation in fatal overdoses, rising from 370 in 2019 to over 1,000 by 2022 amid fentanyl contamination.^[182] This prompted recriminalization in 2024, as lawmakers cited unchecked public use, treatment access shortfalls, and visible disorder—including street encampments and open dealing—as evidence of policy-induced moral hazard exacerbating the crisis.^[183] Independent evaluations, while attributing much of the overdose surge to national fentanyl trends rather than decriminalization per se, acknowledged failures in diverting users to care, with only 2% of citations leading to treatment engagement.^[184] British Columbia's 2023 decriminalization pilot similarly unraveled, with overdose deaths climbing to record levels—over 2,500 annually by 2023—fueled by public injection sites and encampments that strained urban livability.^[174] Provincial authorities recriminalized public possession in April 2024, framing the reversal as necessary to restore deterrence after the policy correlated with normalized street-level chaos and insufficient harm mitigation, despite harm-reduction advocates disputing direct causality.^[185] In San Francisco, progressive enforcement reductions post-2014—effectively decriminalizing low-level possession via diversion—coincided with a doubling of homeless deaths during 2020-2021, 82% attributable to drug overdoses, predominantly fentanyl, amid sprawling encampments.^[186] These outcomes underscore liberalization's role in amplifying visibility of harms, as lax penalties fostered unchecked use in vulnerable populations, overwhelming public health responses.^[187]

Equity, Youth Impact, and Reversal Trends

Drug liberalization has reduced possession-related arrests, particularly alleviating burdens on minority communities historically targeted by enforcement, yet it has not equitably mitigated addiction and overdose disparities. American Indian and Alaska Native populations, for instance, recorded the highest drug overdose death rates in the United States, with a 13.7 per 100,000 rate exceeding the national average prior to widespread reforms, and the largest percent increase in age-adjusted rates from 2021 to 2022 amid ongoing legalization expansions. ^[188] ^[189] Black Americans have similarly faced disproportionate overdose fatalities, with increases outpacing other groups since 2015, suggesting that policy shifts prioritizing decriminalization over treatment access exacerbate vulnerabilities in these communities rather than resolving them. ^[190] Youth exposure presents distinct challenges, as legalization correlates with heightened perceived availability of cannabis, per Monitoring the Future surveys tracking adolescent attitudes, even as overall past-30-day usage has declined nationally—from 23.1% in 2011 to 15.8% in 2021 among teens. ^[191] High-potency THC products, including edibles, amplify risks for developing brains, associating with up to 8-point IQ reductions, increased dependence severity, and elevated psychosis incidence when use begins young. ^[192] ^[193] Pediatric poisonings from ingestible forms have surged, with symptoms including seizures, tachycardia, and respiratory depression reported in rising cases among children under 6, often due to appealing packaging and delayed onset effects. ^[194] ^[195] Policy reversals accelerated in 2024–2025, driven by empirical fallout from liberalization experiments. Oregon's Measure 110 decriminalization, enacted in 2020, faced rollback via House Bill 4002, recriminalizing small-quantity possession effective September 1, 2024, after overdose deaths climbed and public disorder—manifest in open use and related crime—prompted widespread backlash exceeding projected savings from reduced arrests. ^[173] ^[196] Thailand, Asia's first to broadly legalize cannabis in 2022, restricted it to medical use by June 26, 2025, citing unregulated recreational proliferation, smuggling surges (over 800 arrests and 9 metric tons seized from October 2024 to March 2025), and societal disruptions that undermined initial economic aims. ^[152] ^[197] These shifts underscore causal dynamics where visible harms and enforcement vacuums provoke reevaluation, prioritizing public safety over decriminalization's theoretical equity gains.

References

[1]
Exploring the impact of drug decriminalization and legalization ...
These “liberal drug policies”—commonly defined as regulatory frameworks that include decriminalization, legalization, and commercialization—aim to reduce ...<|separator|>
[2]
War on Drugs - Timeline in America, Definition & Facts | HISTORY
May 31, 2017 · In 1914, Congress passed the Harrison Act, which regulated and taxed the production, importation, and distribution of opiates and cocaine.
[3]
Effects of Drug Policy Liberalization on Public Safety: A Review of ...
Dec 6, 2022 · This review summarizes extant literature on the effect of drug policy liberalization on crime, traffic safety, law enforcement, and racial disparities.
[4]
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/344333066_Impact_evaluations_of_drug_decriminalisation_and_legal_regulation_on_drug_use_health_and_social_harms_a_systematic_review
[5]
The effects of cannabis liberalization laws on health, safety, and ...
Jan 13, 2021 · The empirical literature examining the effects of cannabis laws and policies is interdisciplinary and diverse. New research appears almost ...
[6]
[PDF] The public health effects of legalizing marijuana
Legalizing marijuana may not increase teen use, reduce young adult alcohol consumption, and has a negative relationship with opioid deaths.
[7]
Health, safety, and socioeconomic impacts of cannabis liberalization ...
Oct 30, 2023 · This EGM summarizes evidence on cannabis liberalization policies, linking them to health, safety, and socioeconomic outcomes, and identifies ...
[8]
[PDF] Criminal Justice System Impacts of Cannabis Decriminalization ...
Cannabis decriminalization/legalization leads to fewer cannabis-related arrests, but studies show no overwhelming positive or negative effects on the criminal ...
[9]
Drug Legalization?: Time for a real debate - Brookings Institution
Mar 1, 1996 · Some, for example, use legalization interchangeably with “decriminalization,” which usually refers to removing criminal sanctions for ...Missing: liberalization | Show results with:liberalization
[10]
Legalization, Decriminalization & Medicinal Use of Cannabis
Decriminalization is the act of removing criminal sanctions against an act, article, or behavior. Decriminalization of cannabis means it would remain illegal, ...Missing: liberalization | Show results with:liberalization
[11]
Decriminalization Thresholds for Drug Possession: A Multi-Criteria ...
1) a model that defines personal possession as the absence of evidence of drug trafficking; 2) a cumulative threshold of 15 grams; and 3) a cumulative ...
[12]
[PDF] Approaches to Decriminalizing Drug Use & Possession - Unodc
In 2001, Portuguese legislators enacted a comprehensive form of decriminalization of low-level possession and consumption of all illicit drugs and reclassified ...<|separator|>
[13]
20 years of Portuguese drug policy - developments, challenges and ...
Jul 17, 2021 · Portugal decriminalized the public and private use, acquisition, and possession of all drugs in 2000; adopting an approach focused on public health rather than ...
[14]
The Federal Status of Marijuana and the Policy Gap with States
May 2, 2024 · Marijuana decriminalization differs markedly from legalization. A state or municipality decriminalizes conduct by removing the accompanying ...Missing: liberalization | Show results with:liberalization
[15]
Legalisation, Decriminalisation, and Prohibition - Drug Science
Jan 21, 2022 · Drug Prohibition - The Current Status Quo ... In drug policy, prohibition means that some drug-related acts or activities, including possession, ...
[16]
Drug Legalization and Decriminalization Beliefs Among Substance ...
While much drug use remains illegal, there are growing efforts to legalize and/or decriminalize certain drug classes (such as marijuana and heroin), despite ...
[17]
[PDF] LAW 15MAR2023 Decriminalization - UConn
○ Discuss the pros and cons of drug decriminalization ... regulated “narcotics” (defined as opiates and ... Overview: Decriminalisation vs Legalisation.
[18]
[PDF] Legal and Policy Considerations on Decriminalization of Drug Use ...
Decriminalization removes criminal sanctions for personal drug use, reclassifying it as non-criminal, but it remains prohibited or contrary to law.
[19]
Overview: Decriminalisation vs legalisation
Nov 13, 2023 · The rationale behind decriminalisation is to treat drug use and dependence as a health and social issue, not a criminal justice or moral issue.Missing: sources | Show results with:sources
[20]
Paternalism - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Nov 6, 2002 · Paternalism is the interference of a state or an individual with another person, against their will, and defended or motivated by a claim ...Introduction · Conceptual Issues · Normative Issues · Libertarian Paternalism
[21]
Drug Policy, Paternalism and the Limits of Government Intervention
Aug 10, 2025 · In conclusion, this paper argues drug policy makers should remain committed to the harm principle as applied to criminal law whereby a person ...
[22]
[PDF] The role of harm reduction in drug strategies
Harm reduction approaches include policies, programs and practices that aim to diminish the negative consequences associated with the use of psychoactive drugs ...
[23]
Testing the Gateway Hypothesis - PMC - NIH
Jan 18, 2017 · The gateway drug hypothesis refers to the pattern of substance use during adolescence whereby legal substances, such as nicotine and alcohol ...
[24]
The philosophy of pharmaceutical regulation—Paternalism or ...
Oct 27, 2023 · The Hegelian tradition has resulted in a paternalism of authorities and leaves less room for individual choices.
[25]
[PDF] A Century of International Drug Control - Unodc
While opium used to be produced in a huge belt, stretching from China to Indochina, Burma, India, Persia, Turkey and the Balkan countries, the illegal ...
[26]
Drug Policy History, Design and Practice: Introduction
Feb 13, 2024 · From the Opium Wars to modern-day illegal drug trafficking networks, the evolution of drug policies reflects a convergence of global trade, ...
[27]
The 1912 Hague International Opium Convention - Unodc
Jan 23, 2009 · On 23 January 1912, the International Opium Convention was signed in the Hague by representatives from China, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, ...
[28]
International Opium Convention. The Hague, 23 January 1912 - UNTC
"The functions conferred upon the Netherlands Government under articles 21 and 25 of the International Opium Convention signed at The Hague on 23 January 1912, ...
[29]
Out of our minds: opium's part in imperial history - The Guardian
May 23, 2023 · Opium was legal in Britain in the early 1800s, with British people consuming between 10 and 20 tonnes of the stuff every year. Powdered opium ...<|separator|>
[30]
Opium and the British | SpringerLink
By 1859, consumption had risen to 61 0001b per year, equivalent to an individual daily dose of 1410mg.Missing: rates era
[31]
A Century of American Narcotic Policy - Treating Drug Problems
The key change was the growing use of heroin by black men. Blacks were not considered heavy drug users early in the century.
[32]
How the Myth of the 'Negro Cocaine Fiend' Helped Shape American ...
Jan 29, 2014 · In 1914, a racist fiction helped sell one of the nation's first drug laws; 100 years later, it's still with us.Missing: 20th century
[33]
The Drug War at 100 - Legal Aggregate - Stanford Law School
Dec 19, 2014 · The Harrison Act became law only after thirty-five states and territories had banned opium and forty-six had banned cocaine.
[34]
Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs 1961 - Unodc
This Convention aims to combat drug abuse by coordinated international action. There are two forms of intervention and control that work together.
[35]
The Controlled Substances Act - DEA.gov
The Controlled Substances Act (CSA) places all substances which were in some manner regulated under existing federal law into one of five schedules.
[36]
[PDF] The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) Years 1970-1975
By 1972, the quantity of brown heroin from Mexico available in the U.S. had risen 40 percent higher than the quantity of white heroin from Europe.
[37]
The Wootton Report - Main Menu - Drug Library
The Wootton Report. Cannabis. Report by the Advisory Committee on Drug Dependence. ADVISORY COMMITTEE ON DRUG DEPENDENCE, United Kingdom.
[38]
Marihuana, A Signal of Misunderstanding - Drug Library
The Report of the National Commission on Marihuana and Drug Abuse, Marihuana: A Signal of Misunderstanding, Commissioned by President Richard M. Nixon, March, ...
[39]
[PDF] The Costly and Ill-Advised War on Drugs in the United States
Drug offenses have been among the largest categories of arrests since the 1980s, and from 1980 to 2000, the number of arrests for drug offenses more than ...
[40]
Report: Drug Decriminalization Works in Portugal | Cato Institute
Report: Drug Decriminalization Works in Portugal. In 2001, Portugal took the dramatic step of decriminalizing all drugs, including heroin and cocaine.
[41]
Uruguay becomes first country to legalize marijuana trade | Reuters
Dec 11, 2013 · Uruguay became the first country to legalize the growing, sale and smoking of marijuana on Tuesday, a pioneering social experiment that will ...
[42]
Colorado Amendment 64, Regulation of Marijuana Initiative (2012)
Colorado Amendment 64 was on the ballot as an initiated constitutional amendment in Colorado on November 6, 2012. It was approved. A “yes” vote supported ...Support · Campaign finance · Analysis and studies · Polls
[43]
Taking stock of progress: Cannabis legalization and regulation in ...
Oct 20, 2022 · The Cannabis Act and its regulations came into force on October 17, 2018, marking a new era in the Government of Canada's approach to cannabis ...
[44]
Mexico decriminalizes recreational use of cannabis - CNN
Jun 29, 2021 · Mexico's Supreme Court struck down laws which criminalized the recreational use of cannabis on Monday evening.
[45]
Oregon governor signs drug re-criminalization bill, reversing voter ...
Apr 1, 2024 · Oregon Gov. Tina Kotek signed legislation on Monday re-criminalizing the possession of certain drugs, roughly three years after the state became the first in ...
[46]
Schedules of Controlled Substances: Rescheduling of Marijuana
Aug 29, 2024 · The Drug Enforcement Administration will hold a hearing with respect to the proposed rescheduling of marijuana into schedule III of the Controlled Substances ...
[47]
World Drug Report 2024 - Unodc
A global reference on drug markets, trends and policy developments, the World Drug Report offers a wealth of data and analysis and in 2024 comprises several ...Drug market patterns and trends · Key findings and conclusions · Statistical Annex
[48]
DEA Releases 2025 National Drug Threat Assessment
May 15, 2025 · Drug overdose deaths decreased by more than 20% in 2024. · DEA laboratories are reporting a downward trend in fentanyl purity. · The mixing of ...
[49]
Drug Legalization - Libertarian Party
The Libertarian Party will work to bring an immediate end to the War on Drugs, reform the drug-related criminal justice system, and focus on rehabilitation for ...
[50]
[PDF] National Drug Control Strategy FY 2025 Budget Summary
The Budget increases funding for the State Opioid. Response (SOR) grant ... drug-overdose deaths in the United States annually. • Launch the Violent ...
[51]
Marijuana Sales Tax Revenue Nears $3 billion in Latest Department ...
Jul 17, 2025 · ... tax and fee revenue according to Colorado Department of Revenue (DOR) data. ... To Date Total (Since Feb. 2014), $2,992,476,904. Date ...
[52]
Strengthening Syringe Services Programs (SSPs) - CDC
Mar 20, 2024 · Linkage to treatment for substance use disorder. SSPs are associated with an estimated 50% reduction in HIV and hepatitis C incidence.
[53]
[PDF] Drug Decriminalization in Portugal
Aside from marijuana and new psychoactive substances, drug use for all other drugs has fallen below 2001 levels. ... one percent was for drug use or possession ...
[54]
The neurobiology of addiction - PMC - PubMed Central - NIH
Addictive drugs are inherently rewarding. · Since the rate of dopamine increase plays a factor in whether a drug will produce a rewarding effect, the different ...Missing: empirical | Show results with:empirical
[55]
Chapter 2—Influence of Substance Misuse on Families - NCBI
SUDs affect more than just the person who misuses substances; they can potentially affect the person's entire family as well, influencing breakdown in the ...Missing: externalities productivity
[56]
Economic impact of addiction | Research Starters - EBSCO
These estimates include the costs of crime, lost work productivity, healthcare, and property damage, among other smaller expense categories. The National ...Missing: externalities breakdown
[57]
Common liability to addiction and “gateway hypothesis”
It is an empirical fact that a substantial proportion of drug users initiate their drug involvement with illicit rather than licit drugs or use “hard” drugs ...
[58]
A Molecular Basis for Nicotine as a Gateway Drug
Sep 4, 2014 · ... drugs of abuse. This disinhibition results in the production of more dopamine and contributes to an enhanced rewarding effect of drugs of abuse.
[59]
Cannabis Use in Adolescents - PMC - PubMed Central - NIH
Sep 26, 2025 · According to MTF 2025, the perceived risk of regular cannabis use among 12th graders has declined significantly from 58% in 2000 to 36% in 2024.
[60]
Why Changes in Price Matter When Thinking About Marijuana Policy
The effect of marijuana decriminalization of hospital emergency room drug episodes: 1975-1978. ... Illicit drugs: price elasticity of demand & supply. Abt ...Missing: critiques | Show results with:critiques
[61]
Legalization of recreational cannabis: Facilitators and barriers ... - NIH
Nov 16, 2021 · Illicit markets persist in places where recreational cannabis has been legalized. This study aimed to identify perceived facilitators ...
[62]
Legalizing Harmful Drugs: Government Participation and Optimal ...
... evidence suggest that consumers may find higher potency cannabis in the black market (see Mahamad et al. 2020). The case of Canada seems to indicate that ...
[63]
[PDF] Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Challenges and Limitations
Portugal's decriminalized drug policy has been cited as proof that softening drug laws does not increase illicit drug use or the consequences of drug use. This ...
[64]
[PDF] CASE STUDY - Transform Drug Policy Foundation
terms, drug death rates in Portugal remain some of the lowest in the EU: 6 deaths per million among people aged 15-64, compared to the EU average of 23.7 per.
[65]
Drug decriminalisation in Portugal: setting the record straight.
May 13, 2021 · References. 'Personal use' is defined by set thresholds established in law, e.g. 1g for heroin, 2g for cocaine and 25g for herbal cannabis: ...
[66]
[PDF] The Impact of Drug Decriminalization in Portugal
“The evidence from Portugal since 2001 is that decriminalisation of drug use and possession has benefits and no harmful side-effects.”
[67]
Cannabis Consumption and Markets in the United States - NCBI - NIH
Overall, past-year cannabis use has nearly doubled over the last two decades. In 2002, according to the NSDUH, 11.0 percent of the noninstitutionalized U.S. ...
[68]
Current Cannabis Use in the United States: Implications for Public ...
Oct 23, 2024 · In 2022, an estimated 62 million people aged 12 years and older (25% of the population) reported using cannabis in the past year.
[69]
Prevalence of and trends in current cannabis use among US youth ...
Jun 28, 2024 · Cannabis use increased from 7.59 % to 11.48 % in 2013–2019, was 11.54 % in 2020, and increased again from 13.13 % to 15.11 % in 2021–2022.
[70]
[PDF] Cannabis Use Across the States in the Early Legalization Era
From 2012-2013 to 2018-2019, the percentage of U.S. adults who reported using cannabis in the past 30 days increased from 6.6% to 10.6%, a statistically ...
[71]
Fentanyl's Arrival, Not Oregon's Drug Law, Likely Explains State's ...
Sep 27, 2024 · That same year, the rate of fatal overdoses increased by around 50%, leading the state to recriminalize drug possession starting in September ...
[72]
Audit: Oregon needs more clarity on Measure 110 funding outcomes
Dec 20, 2023 · Oregon's Measure 110 has distributed more than $260 million to drug treatment providers, according to a newly released audit, but lacks data ...
[73]
Treatment providers slow to spend Measure 110 dollars, some ...
Dec 21, 2023 · The audit found that networks in a dozen Oregon counties failed to provide Measure 110 services during a three-month period last spring. Another ...
[74]
Concerns raised over B.C. funding for addiction treatment in facilities ...
Mar 27, 2021 · Concerns raised over B.C. funding for addiction treatment ... As overdose deaths spike, families ask why B.C. has failed to fully regulate ...
[75]
Study Shows Fentanyl's Role in Oregon Overdose Spike After Policy ...
Sep 10, 2024 · They found that across all states, an increase of fentanyl in the illicit drug supply was strongly correlated with an increase in drug overdose ...
[76]
Marijuana Possession Comprised Over 20% of All 2024 Drug Arrests
Oct 15, 2025 · Overall, the FBI reported 831,446 arrests nationwide for drug-related offenses in 2024. 2024's marijuana arrest totals are lower than in prior ...Missing: UCR | Show results with:UCR
[77]
More Than 200000 People Were Arrested For Marijuana In The U.S. ...
Oct 15, 2025 · This latest data does show that cannabis-related offenses fell slightly compared to 2023, dropping from 200,306 possession busts to 187,792 in ...
[78]
[PDF] 2025 National Drug Threat Assessment - DEA.gov
Fentanyl and other synthetic drugs, including methamphetamine, are the primary drivers of fatal drug overdose deaths nationwide, while other illicit drugs, such ...
[79]
[PDF] Impacts of Marijuana Legalization in Colorado: A Report Pursuant to ...
Overall Crime in Colorado. Property offense rates remained relatively stable from 2012 to 2019, but the violent crime rate increased 26% from 2012 to 2019 ...
[80]
[PDF] The Legalization of Marijuana in Colorado: The Impact
Violent crime increased 18.6 percent and property crime increased 8.3 percent in. Colorado since 2013. • 65 percent of local jurisdictions in Colorado have ...
[81]
Changes in Traffic Crash Rates After Legalization of Marijuana
Legalization of the recreational use of marijuana was associated with a 6.5% increase in injury crash rates and a 2.3% increase in fatal crash rates.
[82]
Impaired driving and legalization of recreational cannabis - PMC - NIH
Apr 6, 2021 · We found that legalization was associated with increased rates of fatal motor vehicle collisions (incidence rate ratio [IRR] 1.15, 95% CI 1.06– ...
[83]
[PDF] Does legalization reduce black market activity? Evidence from a ...
Further, if legalization reduces stigma associated with consumption of the banned good, perhaps be- cause legal status or the visibility of peer consumption ...Missing: liberalization quitting
[84]
Oregon pioneered a radical drug policy. Now it's reconsidering. - NPR
Feb 7, 2024 · Under Ballot Measure 110, instead of arresting drug users, police now give them a citation and point them towards treatment. The law passed with ...
[85]
Human Rights, Stigma, and Substance Use - PMC - NIH
This paper discusses the implications of stigma for a human-rights based approach to improving mental health among those with drug dependence.
[86]
Substance Use Related Stigma: What we Know and the Way Forward
Results suggest that stigma has a detrimental effect on psychological well-being among individuals who use drugs.
[87]
New study finds Oregon's Measure 110 not linked to overdose deaths
Aug 14, 2025 · Among other things, this final study concluded that decriminalization had little to do with rising crime and overdose deaths. Instead, the study ...Missing: homelessness family welfare
[88]
Analysis: Legal Cannabis Markets Have Generated $25 Billion in ...
Jun 5, 2025 · Taxes derived from the sale of state-legal cannabis totaled more than $4.4 billion in 2024.
[89]
NCDAS: Substance Abuse and Addiction Statistics [2025]
$$193 billion was incurred in overall costs for illegal drugs in addition to $78.5 billion for prescription opioids.
[90]
Transitions to legal cannabis markets: Legal market capture of ...
In October 2018, Canada legalized non-medical or 'recreational' cannabis at the federal level (Armstrong, 2021). Major changes in the legal retail market have ...
[91]
Association of recreational cannabis legalization with changes in ...
At five years post-RCL implementation, medical cannabis decreased to 3.7 %, illegal cannabis decreased to 24.3 %, and licensed cannabis took over 72.0 % of the ...
[92]
[PDF] Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: A Health-Centered Approach
Fewer people arrested and incarcerated for drugs. The number of people arrested and sent to criminal courts for drug offenses declined by more than 60.
[93]
Drug Decriminalisation in Portugal: Setting the Record Straight
Drug-related deaths have remained below the EU average since 2001, the proportion of prisoners sentenced for drugs has fallen from 40% to 15%, ...
[94]
[PDF] The cost of addiction: Opioid use disorder in the United States
Health insurance and uninsured costs were $111 billion, criminal justice costs are $52 billion, and other substance use treatment costs are $12 billion. 4.
[95]
Policy Analysis Decriminalization thresholds for drug possession
The approved decriminalization model for the Province of BC, Canada, uses a cumulative threshold of 2.5 grams to define personal possession. It does not allow ...
[96]
[PDF] A Model Path for Decriminalizing Simple Possession of All Drugs
Aug 2, 2022 · Portugal found several reasons drug trafficking decreased as a result of drug decriminalization, including increased thresholds for personal.
[97]
[PDF] DEPENALIZING AND DECRIMINALIZING DRUG POSSESSION IN ...
Jun 1, 2023 · Decisions around thresholds were based upon the assumed distinction between possession for personal use and possession with the intent to ...
[98]
Oregon Measure 110, Drug Decriminalization and Addiction ...
Ballot Measure 110 mandates the establishment of at least one addiction recovery center in each existing coordinated care organization service area in the state ...Missing: welfare | Show results with:welfare<|separator|>
[99]
PSU Researchers Release Final Report in Landmark Project ...
Aug 11, 2025 · Perhaps most notably, the researchers found little evidence that Measure 110 was responsible for rising crime or overdose deaths. Instead, their ...Missing: homelessness family welfare
[100]
Oregon's Measure 110: What Really Happened. - Drug Policy Alliance
Feb 28, 2024 · But in 2024, drug possession was recriminalized after an intense disinformation campaign by drug war defenders and by Oregon leaders who ...Missing: reversal | Show results with:reversal
[101]
The supply-side effects of cannabis legalization - PMC - NIH
Jul 22, 2022 · This is plausible because unlike most recreational drugs, cannabis has a large variety of psychoactive molecules, not just one—which ...
[102]
[PDF] Effective Public Management - Brookings Institution
Mar 30, 2018 · Uruguay is the first country to legalize and regulate its domestic non-medical cannabis market. In light of this pioneering role, ...
[103]
[PDF] Getting-Regulation-Right-WOLA-Uruguay.pdf
After the measure was signed into law, the government issued a decree fleshing out regulations on legal cannabis, which authorize the IRCCA to issue licenses ...
[104]
Which States Allow You to Grow Your Own Recreational or Medical ...
Sep 2, 2025 · Adults who live 25 miles or more from a licensed Nevada dispensary may grow up to six plants per person or 12 per household for recreational use ...
[105]
In What States is Growing Weed Legal: Complete 2025 Cannabis ...
Jul 5, 2025 · California pioneered recreational legalization and permits adults to grow up to six plants per residence, regardless of household size. This ...
[106]
Cannabis Regulations Inadequate Given Rising Health Risks of ...
Jul 18, 2022 · A new USC Schaeffer Center white paper shows how state-level cannabis regulations have weak public health parameters compared to other countries, leaving ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[107]
Recreational cannabis excise taxation in the USA: Constructing a ...
We create a measure of cannabis excise taxes, enabling empirical comparisons across states despite the variations and evolving nature of state-specific ...
[108]
Public Attitudes Toward the Drug Enforcement Administration's ... - NIH
On May 21, 2024, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) published a proposed rule to reschedule marijuana from schedule I to III under the Controlled ...
[109]
DEA to Hold Hearing on the Rescheduling of Marijuana
Nov 26, 2024 · Formal hearing proceedings regarding the proposed rescheduling of marijuana will begin on December 2, 2024 at 9:30 AM ET in the North Courtroom at DEA ...
[110]
Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Challenges and Limitations
In July 2001, Portugal decriminalized the personal use and possession of all illicit drugs. Now, following passage of Law 30/2000, Portugal refers cases of ...Missing: threshold | Show results with:threshold
[111]
Portugal and It's Drugs Policy - What Changed? - PMC - NIH
Jun 23, 2022 · Of note, new HIV diagnoses due to injecting and overdose rates dropped significantly in the XXI century and decriminalization did not lead to an ...<|separator|>
[112]
Is Portugal's Drug Decriminalization a Failure or Success? The ...
Sep 5, 2023 · Wharton's Gregory Shea says Portugal's ongoing struggles with drug addiction are more about organizational change than decriminalization.Missing: liberalization | Show results with:liberalization
[113]
Tightening the Dutch coffee shop policy: Evaluation of the private ...
Drugs tourism to coffee shops swiftly declined in 2012. The coffee shops also lost a large portion of their local customers, since users did not want to ...Missing: domestic | Show results with:domestic
[114]
[PDF] European Drug Policy: The Cases of Portugal, Germany, and The ...
Portugal in the year 2000 decriminalized all drug possession and put its focus on treating addiction. The Netherlands are famous for their tolerance of cannabis ...
[115]
[PDF] Interpreting the Czech drug decriminalization
In 2010, the criminal penalty for personal possession of “greater than small amount” of cannabis was reduced and personal cultivation of cannabis (as well as ...
[116]
Frequently asked questions on the Cannabis Act | BMG
Cultivation associations may have no more than 500 members, who must all have reached the age of 18 and have had their residence or habitual abode in Germany ...
[117]
[PDF] Debate on prevention of drugs deaths - UK Parliament
Mar 26, 2025 · According to ONS data, in 2023, there were 5,448 deaths related to drug poisoning registered in England and Wales. This is the highest number ...
[118]
[PDF] Sweden's successful drug policy: A review of the evidence
So far, the two main drug policy measures in Sweden were the introduction of prescription requirements and the issuance of warnings on health-related ...
[119]
[PDF] COSTS AND UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES OF DRUG ...
To estimate the share of costs attributable to spending on police action against illicit drugs, the ratio is multi- plied by the total expenditure of the law ...Missing: Nordic | Show results with:Nordic
[120]
Marijuana Legality by State 2025 | Where Is Weed Legal? - DISA
See where marijuana is legal in 2025. Interactive map shows state-by-state weed laws, medical and recreational use, and answers “can I smoke weed in…?”Pre-Employment Drug Testing · Random Drug Testing
[121]
Marijuana Laws by State for 2025. Where is Marijuana Legal?
Mar 5, 2025 · What Changed in 2025? · No new states joined the adult-use column, so the total remains 24 states plus Washington, D.C. · Florida's 2024 measure ...What Changed in 2025? · Where Is Recreational... · What States Could Flip Next?
[122]
Where is Cannabis Legal in North America in 2025? - Cova Software
Jun 6, 2025 · As of May 2025, 24 US states and Washington, DC have fully legalized cannabis for recreational use, and 38 states have legalized it in some form, including for ...
[123]
[PDF] Proposed Rescheduling of Marijuana - DEA.gov
Dec 4, 2024 · Reg. 44597 (2024). The NPRM seeks to move marijuana from Schedule I of the Controlled Substances Act (CSA) to Schedule III. Id.
[124]
DEA gives cannabis rescheduling update (Newsletter: October 8 ...
Oct 8, 2025 · DEA gives cannabis rescheduling update (Newsletter: October 8, 2025) · California Gov. Gavin Newsom (D) signed a bill to enact restrictions on ...
[125]
Drug Decriminalization, Fentanyl, and Fatal Overdoses in Oregon
In response to these initial outcomes, Oregon's legislature recriminalized drug possession in March 2024, to take effect in September 2024. As other ...
[126]
Drug Decriminalization, Fentanyl, and Fatal Overdoses in Oregon
Nov 6, 2024 · Our research finds a positive association between decriminalization and fatal overdose rates in Oregon before accounting for the introduction of ...Missing: adulteration post
[127]
Study shows fentanyl's role in Oregon overdose spike after policy ...
Sep 5, 2024 · The change in Oregon's drug policies that reversed Measure 110 and recriminalized drug possession took place on Sept. 1, 2024. The study ...Missing: recriminalization | Show results with:recriminalization
[128]
Opioid- and Stimulant-related Harms in Canada: Key findings
Sep 23, 2025 · There was a total of 53,821 apparent opioid toxicity deaths reported between January 2016 and March 2025. A total of 1,377 apparent opioid ...
[129]
CDC Reports Nearly 24% Decline in U.S. Drug Overdose Deaths
Feb 25, 2025 · Provisional data shows about 87,000 drug overdose deaths from October 2023 to September 2024, down from around 114,000 the previous year. This ...
[130]
Overdose Deaths Decline, Fentanyl Threat Looms - DEA.gov
Dec 16, 2024 · The United States has seen a decrease in drug overdose deaths and poisonings, with the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention noting a 14.5 percent ...
[131]
US Drug Overdose Deaths Dropped Nearly 27% Last Year
Jun 6, 2025 · Drug overdose deaths decreased almost 27% in the US, from approximately 110 000 deaths in 2023 to 80 400 in 2024.
[132]
Uruguay's Middle-Ground Approach to Cannabis Legalization - PMC
In 2013, Uruguay's President José Mujica ratified a legalization bill that is noteworthy for at least three reasons. Most importantly, it made Uruguay the ...
[133]
[PDF] Uruguay's Drug Policy: Major Innovations, Major Challenges
state-facilitated monopoly on commercial cannabis has a twentieth century precedent. In 1931, the coun- try established a state liquor-distilling monopoly that.Missing: details | Show results with:details
[134]
Mexican Supreme Court rules government should legalize ... - Reuters
Jun 30, 2021 · The declaration issued on Monday removes a legal obstacle for the health ministry to authorize activities related to consuming cannabis for ...
[135]
Criminal Violence in Mexico | Global Conflict Tracker
Sep 15, 2025 · Though homicide rates have dropped marginally, the country still reports over thirty thousand crime-related deaths per year. Mexico's 2024 ...Missing: cannabis 2020s
[136]
The End of (Illegal) Marijuana: What It Means for Criminal Dynamics ...
The shift from plant-based to synthetic drugs has upended the relationship between small farmers and crime groups in Mexico's Golden Triangle. 6 Dec 2022 19 Oct ...
[137]
The Impact of Mexican Cannabis Legalization - Stratfor
Apr 20, 2021 · Mexican marijuana legalization will not lessen crime, rampant corruption and cartel violence, disappointing advocates who hoped legalization ...
[138]
Colombia's Attempt to End the War on Drugs - The Dial
Mar 21, 2024 · In 1994, Colombia's Constitutional Court made history when it established the right to carry a “personal dose” of up to 20 grams of cannabis and ...Missing: outcomes | Show results with:outcomes
[139]
The Consequences of Announcing a Substitution Policy on Coca ...
Feb 6, 2024 · Our empirical findings show that the announcement of this program led to a substantial average increase of 791 ha of illicit crops per ...Missing: decriminalization | Show results with:decriminalization
[140]
Colombia's drug problem is worse than ever. But it has a radical ...
Nov 22, 2022 · Colombia has tried crop replacement in the past, but failed to overcome the appeal of coca. The coca bush can produce a harvest up to six times ...<|separator|>
[141]
Failed drug policies in Latin America: the impact on prisons and ...
Apr 24, 2015 · Failed drug policies in Latin America: the impact on prisons and human rights ... Ecuador has taken several measures to limit the criminal ...
[142]
[PDF] Contemporary Asian Drug Policy: Insights and Opportunities ... - RAND
Indonesia reported the lowest rate of past- year opiate use, at 0.014 percent. 2 The amphetamine market in the region is significantly limited based on data on ...
[143]
[PDF] drug monitoring report 2023 - ASEAN.org
The ASEAN Drug Monitoring Report 2023 is the ninth publication of the ASEAN Drug. Monitoring Network (ADMN) since the first publication of ADM Report of ...
[144]
Asia is still just saying no to drugs - The Economist
Jan 14, 2017 · Asia's harsh anti-drug policies are falling out of step with the rest of the world. Marijuana for recreational use is now legal in eight ...
[145]
https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/philippines-drugs-china/
[146]
Philippine Drug War: President Duterte's Crackdown Marks a Year
Jun 26, 2017 · President Rodrigo Duterte's brutal war on drugs has resulted in thousands of deaths, yet the street price of crystal methamphetamine in Manila has fallen.Missing: reduction 2016-2022
[147]
Drug Possession Penalties RA 9165 Philippines
May 15, 2025 · Section 11 of RA 9165 imposes graduated, quantity-based penalties that remain among the harshest in Philippine criminal law.
[148]
Penalties for Drug Offenses Under RA 9165 in the Philippines
May 17, 2025 · Penalties for drug offenses under RA 9165 range from fines to life imprisonment, but the death penalty was abolished in 2006 by RA 9346.
[149]
Thailand moves to recriminalise cannabis, shaking $1 billion industry
Jun 25, 2025 · Thailand's government is moving to recriminalise cannabis, plunging into limbo an industry estimated to be worth over $1 billion that has boomed since the ...
[150]
Everything you need to know about Thailand's cannabis rule change
Jun 16, 2025 · Growing use has also taken a toll on public health.Between 2022 and 2023, the universal healthcare scheme recorded a hike in the number of ...
[151]
https://www.statista.com/topics/12062/cannabis-industry-in-thailand/
[152]
Thailand was the first country in Asia to legalize marijuana ... - CNN
Jun 28, 2025 · Thailand's public health minister told CNN on Wednesday he hopes to eventually recriminalize cannabis as a narcotic, in what would be a major ...
[153]
Thailand Moves to De-Legalize Weed in Major Drug-Policy U-Turn
Jun 27, 2025 · In a major policy U-turn, the Thai government is tightening restrictions on the sale of cannabis just three years after loosening them.
[154]
Medicinal cannabis: Importation and the traveller's exemption
Jan 29, 2025 · The Therapeutic Goods Regulations 1990 limit the amount of medicinal cannabis that a traveller may import to a 3-month supply, unless the ...Missing: trials prevalence
[155]
[PDF] Cannabis in Australia 2022: Technical Report | Penington Institute
95 Consultations suggested that around 90% of medicinal cannabis products in Australia are imported. ... State medicinal cannabis laws. 12 See: https://www.
[156]
Survey shows one-third of medical cannabis users now have a ...
Jan 14, 2025 · The proportion of medicinal cannabis users who had a prescription for cannabis increased sharply from only 9 per cent in 2022/2023 to 37 per cent in 2024.
[157]
Exploring the medical cannabis prescribing behaviours of New ... - NIH
May 23, 2022 · New Zealand has one of the highest cannabis use rates in the Western world (15% reported past‐year cannabis use) [6]. Cannabis usage in the New ...
[158]
[PDF] Implementation of the Medicinal Cannabis Scheme in New Zealand
Oct 18, 2024 · aim: To evaluate the implementation of the New Zealand Medicinal Cannabis Scheme (MCS), including how products, prices, prescribing.
[159]
Drug War History - Drug Policy Alliance
From the first U.S. anti-drug law targeting Chinese immigrants, to Nixon starting the drug war, to the first U.S. drug decriminalization law.
[160]
Soros Declares War on the War on Drugs - Philanthropy Roundtable
From 1994 to 2014, George Soros poured at least $80 million into efforts to undo drug prohibitions, prompting Joseph Califano of Columbia University's National ...Missing: history | Show results with:history
[161]
About us - Transform Drug Policy Foundation
We are an independent, UK-based charity working nationally and internationally towards a just and effective system of legal regulation for all drugs.
[162]
Transform Drug Policy Foundation
We educate the public and policymakers that drug use is a matter of health, not a criminal issue. We want to get drugs under government control.UK drug policy · UK drug timeline · Global drug policy · About us
[163]
Commissioners - Global Commission on Drug Policy
Current Commissioners · Louise Arbour · Pavel Bém · Richard Branson · Fernando Henrique Cardoso · Maria Livanos Cattaui · Helen Clark · Nicholas Clegg · Ruth Dreifuss.
[164]
War on Drugs: Report of the Global Commission on Drug Policy
A groundbreaking report condemning the drug war as a failure and recommending major reforms to the global drug prohibition regime.
[165]
Law Enforcement Action Partnership | Advancing Justice and Public ...
LEAP Speakers - all of whom have worked in law enforcement - write, consult, and meet with advocacy groups, legislators, fellow officers, the media, ...Drug PolicyWho We AreLEAPMission and VisionMeet the Staff
[166]
Drug Policy Alliance - No More Drug War
The Drug Policy Alliance advocates that the regulation of drugs be grounded in evidence, health, equity, and human rights. Learn more.Legalize Marijuana Right · Contact Us. · Drug War History · ResourcesMissing: liberalization | Show results with:liberalization
[167]
FOP, Chiefs of Police Oppose Policy Efforts to Commercialize ...
Feb 3, 2022 · The hearing will focus primarily on law enforcement, who ironically are collectively opposed to the commercialized sale of marijuana for recreational use.
[168]
Why are the police against drug policy liberalisation? - PMC - NIH
This debate article will discuss four possible reasons for such adamant opposition, with the first perspective pertaining to the relative visibility of various ...Missing: definition | Show results with:definition
[169]
The Failure of Cannabis Legalization to Eliminate an Illicit Market
The advocates of cannabis legalization argued that the illicit market would disappear once it was legal to sell and buy the drug.
[170]
Legalizing Marijuana: Why Citizens Should Just Say No
Sep 13, 2010 · Legalization of marijuana is bad public policy because the drug is addictive and significantly impairs bodily and mental functions.
[171]
The Drug Crisis Hasn't Gone Away. The Trump Administration ...
Feb 14, 2025 · The relentless movement to legalize drug use has succeeded, largely by appealing to the goodwill and sympathies of the American public. In 1996, ...
[172]
The impact of recreational cannabis legalization on youth - NIH
Perhaps the most significant impact of recreational cannabis legalization to date is the sharp increase in cannabis potency, products, and modes of use.
[173]
Drug possession is a crime again in Oregon. Here's what you ... - OPB
Sep 1, 2024 · Oregon has ended its experiment with drug decriminalization. Starting Sept. 1, possession of small amounts of illicit substances are once again considered a ...
[174]
British Columbia drops decriminalization of drugs in public
Apr 30, 2024 · British Columbia has abruptly reversed course on its landmark experiment decriminalizing the possession of certain illicit drugs in public.Missing: calls | Show results with:calls
[175]
Decriminalization or more treatment? Comparing 2 approaches to ...
Jun 20, 2025 · We now examine outcomes from the decriminalization program and compare them to a narrower, treatment-focused approach adopted by BC's neighbouring province, ...Missing: gaps | Show results with:gaps
[176]
Why Drug Decriminalization in Oregon and British Columbia Failed
Aug 22, 2025 · The state merely gave drug users a choice between paying a $100 ticket or calling a health hotline. Because the state imposed no penalty for ...
[177]
[PDF] National Drug Control Strategy | Biden White House
Our Strategy will focus on two critical drivers of the overdose epidemic: untreated addiction and drug trafficking profits. ... harms related to substance use, ...Missing: legalization | Show results with:legalization
[178]
State Cannabis Legalization and Cannabis Use Disorder in the US ...
Apr 1, 2023 · From 2005 to 2019, adjusted CUD prevalences increased from 1.38% to 2.25% in states with no cannabis laws (no CLs), 1.38% to 2.54% in MCL-only ...
[179]
Association of State Cannabis Legalization With ... - JAMA Network
Dec 23, 2024 · States with legalized recreational cannabis experienced a 31.6% increase in cannabis poisoning compared to states without legalized recreational ...
[180]
Cannabis and Other Drugs - CDC
the idea that cannabis use leads a person to use other more dangerous drugs, like ...
[181]
Cannabis (Marijuana) | National Institute on Drug Abuse - NIDA - NIH
Sep 24, 2024 · NIDA funds research on the health effects of cannabis products, including impacts on the developing brain and on mental health. The institute ...Missing: theory | Show results with:theory
[182]
Oregon's 2020 drug policy didn't treat 'root causes' of use, attorney ...
Oct 11, 2025 · But after a surge in fatal overdoses, state lawmakers overturned much of the measure in 2024, restoring criminal penalties. Speaking to ...Missing: chaos | Show results with:chaos
[183]
Oregon Is Recriminalizing Drugs. Here's What Portland Learned.
Apr 1, 2024 · Oregon's governor has signed a measure to reimpose criminal penalties for hard drugs. Mayor Ted Wheeler of Portland talks about why the experiment “failed.”
[184]
Drug Decriminalization, Fentanyl, and Fatal Overdoses in Oregon
Sep 3, 2024 · Objective: To evaluate whether the decriminalization of drug possession in Oregon was associated with changes in fatal drug overdose rates after ...
[185]
The decriminalization of illicit drugs in British Columbia: a national ...
Oct 18, 2024 · Additionally, as of May, 2024, the BC government re-criminalized public consumption and use of drugs, making it illegal to consume or possess ...
[186]
Homeless Deaths Doubled in San Francisco During the Pandemic's ...
Mar 10, 2022 · The overwhelming majority of the deaths, or 82%, were associated with drug overdose, mostly from synthetic opioids, such as fentanyl, often used ...Missing: decriminalization outcomes
[187]
The rise and fall of drug decriminalization in the Pacific Northwest
Sep 17, 2024 · Drug decriminalization policies in San Francisco, Oregon, and British Columbia reduced drugs arrests, but spurred public concerns about safety.
[188]
[PDF] The Opioid Crisis: Impact on Native American Communities
The current opioid-related overdose death rate is 13.7 deaths per 100,000 Native Americans, which exceeds the national rate of 13.1 per 100,000.Missing: legalization | Show results with:legalization
[189]
Drug Overdose Deaths in the United States, 2002–2022 - CDC
Mar 21, 2024 · American Indian and Alaska Native people experienced the largest percent increase in the age-adjusted rate of drug overdose deaths from 2021 to ...Missing: cannabis legalization
[190]
How the war on drugs impacts social determinants of health beyond ...
Since 2015, overdose deaths have disproportionately impacted racial and ethnic minorities; Black people have had the biggest increase in overdose fatality ...Missing: liberalization equity
[191]
Dramatic Drop in Marijuana Use Among U.S. Youth Over a Decade
Oct 28, 2024 · Current marijuana use among adolescents decreased from 23.1% in 2011 to 15.8% in 2021. First-time use before age 13 also dropped from 8.1% to 4.9%.<|separator|>
[192]
Know the Effects, Risks and Side Effects of Marijuana - SAMHSA
Sep 9, 2025 · Brain health: Marijuana can cause permanent IQ loss of as much as 8 points when people start using it at a young age. These IQ points do not ...
[193]
The Problem with the Current High Potency THC Marijuana ... - NIH
A 2015 study carried out in the UK found that high-potency cannabis use is associated with increased severity of dependence, especially in young people.
[194]
Cannabis Poisonings Are Rising, Mostly Among Kids
Aug 12, 2025 · As products like weed gummies proliferate, more children and teens are suffering symptoms including seizures and life-threatening breathing ...
[195]
Toxic Tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) Dose in Pediatric Cannabis ...
Aug 28, 2023 · This study determines the ingested dose of tetrahydrocannabinol in cannabis edibles that leads to severe and prolonged signs and symptoms in children <6 years ...Missing: youth | Show results with:youth
[196]
Oregon law rolling back drug decriminalization takes effect, making ...
Sep 1, 2024 · Oregon's first-in-the-nation experiment with drug decriminalization came to an end Sunday, and possessing small amounts of hard drugs is once again a crime.
[197]
Thailand Restricts Recreational Cannabis Use, Returns to Medical ...
Jun 26, 2025 · On Wednesday, June 25, 2025, the government of Thailand changed its policy on cannabis, resulting in access to cannabis for medical use only.