Hula is a native Hawaiian dance form that interprets chants or songs through purposeful movements of the arms, hands, and hips, serving as a primary vehicle for storytelling, historical recounting, and cultural transmission among pre-contact Polynesian settlers in the Hawaiian Islands.[1][2]
Originating centuries before European arrival in 1778, hula evolved as a sacred practice tied to religious ceremonies, chiefly praises, and knowledge preservation in an oral tradition lacking written language, with regional variations in style across islands like Hawaiʻi and Kauaʻi.[2][3]
The tradition encompasses two main categories: hula kahiko, the ancient style featuring structured rhythms, barefoot performances, and accompaniment by percussion like the ipu gourd or pahu drum alongside chants; and hula 'auana, a post-contact adaptation incorporating fluid motions, Western string instruments such as ukulele and guitar, and themes influenced by 19th-century global exchanges.[1][3]
Following suppression in 1830 under Christian regent Kaʻahumanu, who viewed it as pagan, hula persisted covertly in rural hālau schools before public revival under King Kalākaua in the 1880s and resurgence during the 1970s Hawaiian Renaissance, which emphasized cultural reclamation amid demographic shifts.[2][3][1]
In contemporary practice, hula underscores Hawaiian identity through rigorous training under kumu hula teachers, annual competitions like the Merrie Monarch Festival established in 1964, and integration into lūʻau events, maintaining its role as a dynamic repository of indigenous lore despite historical commodification for tourism.[2][1]
Fundamentals
Definition and Etymology
Hula is a traditional Hawaiian dance form developed by Native Hawaiians in the islands, employing rhythmic and gestural movements of the body—particularly the hands, arms, hips, and feet—to interpret and convey chants (oli) or songs (mele), thereby narrating histories, genealogies, spiritual beliefs, and natural phenomena.[1][4] These performances, integral to pre-contact Hawaiian society, functioned as a primary vehicle for oral transmission of cultural knowledge, often in ceremonial or communal contexts to honor deities, chiefs, or the environment.[5][6]The word hula originates from the Hawaiian language, where it denotes this indigenousdance practice and its associated traditions, with English adoption occurring by 1825 to describe the form observed by early Western visitors.[7][8] Etymological roots likely connect to Proto-Eastern Polynesian fula, implying "to dance" or oscillatory motion, reflecting the dance's foundational emphasis on fluid, mimetic expressions akin to early Polynesian performance arts.[7] In Hawaiian usage, hula broadly applies to localized or island-wide folk dances, underscoring its embedded role in cultural identity rather than a singular style.[9] King Kalākaua, monarch from 1874 to 1891, characterized it as "the language of the heart and therefore the heartbeat of the Hawaiian people," highlighting its enduring symbolic depth.[5]
Cultural and Spiritual Role
Hula functions as a sacred medium for connecting with Hawaiian deities and ancestral spirits, embodying spiritual practices integral to pre-contact Native Hawaiian religion.[10] Central to this role is Laka, the goddess of hula, revered as the patroness who inspires dancers and symbolizes forest vitality and reproductive energy; rituals invoking Laka, including chants and offerings, were performed in hālau hula (dance schools) to invoke divine presence and ensure performance efficacy.[11][12] Hula kahiko, the ancient form, served ceremonial purposes such as honoring gods like Pele through dedicated chants and dances, facilitating communication between humans and the divine.Culturally, hula preserves oral histories, genealogies, mythologies, and ecological knowledge, transmitting these across generations via embodied narratives that reinforce communal identity and values.[13] In traditional society, performances in hālau hula—structured learning environments dating back centuries—integrated physical discipline with spiritual cultivation, taming the body, mind, and spirit to align with cultural protocols.[11] This practice fostered social cohesion, with hula events marking rites of passage, chiefly ceremonies, and seasonal observances, thereby embedding ethical and cosmological teachings into daily life.[14]Following the 1820s arrival of Christian missionaries, who condemned hula as pagan, the dance faced suppression, diminishing its overt spiritual expressions until a 19th-century revival under King David Kalākaua, who restored it as a symbol of Hawaiian sovereignty and cultural resilience.[15] Today, hula continues to link practitioners to ancestral traditions, with kumu hula emphasizing its role in maintaining spiritual health and cultural integrity amid modernization.[14]
Hula Kahiko
Chants (Oli) and Oral Elements
Oli, or chants, constitute the verbal and poetic foundation of hula kahiko, recited without instrumental accompaniment to narrate stories, preserve genealogies, and invoke spiritual or historical significance through rhythmic, vocal delivery in the Hawaiian language.[16] These compositions, often led by a principal chanter such as the kumu hula, guide dancers in interpreting the content visually, with the oli's cadence dictating movements that embody the mele's—poetic verses—meaning.[17] In performance, oli emphasize precise enunciation and tonal variation to convey emotion and context, distinguishing mele hula (chants composed for dance) from mele oli (standalone chants without hula).[18]Hawaiian oral traditions rely heavily on oli to transmit knowledge, as pre-contact society (before European arrival in 1778) depended on memorization and recitation for recording cosmology, chiefly lineages, daily practices, and interactions with deities like Pele or Lono.[19] Functional types include mele pule (prayers for protection or wisdom), koʻihonua (genealogical chants tracing ancestry from gods to humans), kanikau (laments for the deceased), and mele inoa (honorific name chants for chiefs or places), each adapted to hula kahiko to praise aliʻi (chiefs) or honor akua (gods).[20] Styles vary by delivery, such as oli kū (standing solo chant with minimal body movement) or oli hoʻi (call-and-response format involving group participation), enhancing communal recitation and mnemonic retention.[19]The credibility of oli as historical records stems from their role in hālau hula (dance schools), where kumu rigorously train practitioners in accurate transmission, countering potential distortions from post-contact influences like missionary suppression of native practices in the 19th century.[18] Archaeological and linguistic evidence supports oli's antiquity, with motifs aligning to Polynesian migration patterns dated to approximately 300–800 CE via oral accounts corroborated by radiocarbon findings on early Hawaiian sites.[16] In modern revivals since the 1970s Hawaiian Renaissance, oli maintain fidelity to pre-1778 forms, prioritizing empirical recitation over interpretive liberties.[21]
Instruments and Implements
The primary percussion instruments in hula kahiko performances are crafted from natural materials, reflecting pre-contact Hawaiian resourcefulness and spiritual attunement to the land. The ipu heke, a double gourd drum formed by lashing two dried gourds together, is struck with open palms or fingers to generate complex rhythms that complement the oli chants, embodying the earth's vitality through its resonant tones.[22] Single-gourd variants, known as ipu heke 'ole, offer similar but lighter percussion for less formal contexts.[23] The pahu, a tall bass drum with a head of sharkskin stretched over a wooden cylinder, delivers deep, booming beats in sacred hula pahu dances, where its construction—often involving ritual incantations—infuses it with mana, or spiritual power, distinguishing it from secular uses.[24][25]Dancers enhance the sonic texture with handheld implements, primarily idiophones that produce sharp, ancillary sounds synchronized to hand and foot movements. The 'uli'uli, a small gourd rattle adorned with feathers and filled with seeds or pebbles, is shaken to mimic natural sounds like rain or bird calls, held in each hand by performers to accentuate narrative gestures.[26][27]Pu'ili consist of split bamboo tubes clapped or struck against the body and each other, evoking the rustle of foliage and adding layered percussion that propels group formations.[22]'Ili'ili, smooth water-worn pebbles gripped in the fists and clicked together like castanets, simulate the clatter of waves or stones, while kāla'au—paired wooden sticks—provide crisp beats when struck, often in seated or standing routines to mark tempo.[22][28]Less common but traditional elements include the ka'eke'eke, bamboo stamping tubes pounded on the ground for earthy thuds, and the pū, a conch shell trumpet blown for ceremonial calls, though vocal oli remains dominant over melodic winds in kahiko.[29][30] These tools, absent Western strings or winds, prioritize rhythmic pulse over harmony, ensuring the focus stays on chant-driven storytelling and bodily expression rooted in oral histories dating to at least the 14th century Polynesian settlement of Hawaii.[31]
Attire and Symbolism
In Hula Kahiko, female performers wear the paʻū, a skirt constructed from kapa (bark cloth beaten from the inner bark of the wauke tree or hibiscus), ti leaves, banana fiber, or rushes, typically wrapped several times around the waist and secured with folds or cords to form a layered garment.[32] Male performers don the malo, a rectangular loincloth of similar kapa material tied around the hips, though bulky versions extending to skirt-like proportions may be used for ceremonial emphasis.[33][32] These garments prioritize natural, locally sourced materials, often undyed but occasionally tinted or stamped with patterns derived from plant dyes.[32]Accessories enhance functionality and aesthetics while adhering to tradition. Kupeʻe (anklets and wristlets) consist of strands of seeds, shells, whale teeth, bone, dog hair, or braided fibers, fastened around the ankles and wrists to produce rhythmic sounds during movement.[32][33] Leis—garlands for the head (lei poʻo), neck, and shoulders—employ native flora such as ilima flowers, lehua blossoms, maile vines, or ieie pandanus, selected to complement the oli (chant) being performed.[32] The donning of attire follows a ritual sequence: kupeʻe applied first amid chants invoking protection, followed by the paʻū or malo, and culminating with leis as offerings, ensuring spiritual preparation.[32]Symbolism infuses every element, reinforcing Hula Kahiko's narrative and sacred purpose. The paʻū symbolizes a protective mountain pali (cliff), embodying resilience and enclosure akin to a taboo boundary.[32] Leis represent tributes to deities and ancestors, with specific plants evoking divine attributes—such as vitality from lehua or unity from maile—directly tied to the story's themes.[32][34] Colors in tinted fabrics or feathers denote emotions, natural forces, or godly essences, for example yellow signifying divine radiance.[35] This attire, minimalist yet laden with meaning, facilitates the dancer's embodiment of history, genealogy, and cosmology without extraneous ornamentation.[33]
Performance Techniques
Hula kahiko performances adhere to a formal structure comprising an entrance dance (kaʻi), a chanted oli, the principal hula enactment, and an exit dance (hoʻi), which collectively frame the narrative conveyed through movement and voice.[36] This sequence underscores the ceremonial nature of the dance, originating from pre-contact Hawaiian traditions where hula served ritualistic and storytelling functions.[37]Dancers adopt a foundational posture termed haʻa, characterized by bent knees, an erect torso, and weight primarily on the balls of the feet to enable fluid hip sways and grounded footwork.[38] Essential foot techniques include the kāholo, a rhythmic four-count lateral step—extending one foot, drawing the other alongside, and repeating—which facilitates side-to-side progression while maintaining balance.[38] The ʻuwehe involves lifting one heel, shifting weight to accentuate hip undulation, often combined with steps like lele ʻuwehe for dynamic traversal.[38] Other maneuvers, such as holo (running sideways without full foot closure) and kaʻapuni (pivoting in a circle), add spatial variety, with origins traced to specific cultural figures like Hiʻiaka in documented chants recorded by scholars Mary Kawena Pukui and Samuel Elbert.[38]Upper body expressions emphasize mimetic hand gestures synchronized to the oli's phrasing, visualizing textual elements such as natural phenomena or mythological actions; for instance, in the hula "Kaulilua," arms depict rain through sweeping motions paired with an extend-tap-return lower body step.[37] Techniques like ʻaui position one hand pointing downward while the opposite rises, evoking directional or oppositional themes, whereas kīʻi integrates foot pointing (side, front, return) with corresponding arm extensions to mimic pursuit or exploration.[38] Hip rotations, termed ʻami or ʻami kāhela, involve weight transfer and heel lifts to revolve the pelvis, embodying rhythmic propulsion integral to kahiko's austere vigor.[38] Facial cues and directed gaze further interpret kaona (hidden meanings), with subtle expressions—such as focused eyes or restrained smiles—revealing layered narratives, as emphasized by practitioners like kumu hula Māpuana de Silva who prioritize textual comprehension for authentic embodiment.[37]These techniques demand whole-body coordination, where lower extremities provide propulsion and stability, while upper gestures and expressions enact character portrayal, as seen in specialized hula like the "Kalaupapa Dog Hula" employing crouched postures and paw-like motions to anthropomorphize animals.[37] Authenticity derives from ancestral protocols, with movements calibrated to percussion like the ipu or pahu, ensuring precision over embellishment in halau training.[38]
Hula Auana
Songs and Musical Structure
In hula 'auana, the accompanying mele (songs) represent a departure from the unaccompanied or traditionally instrumented chants of hula kahiko, incorporating Western musical conventions such as major scales, lead vocals, and occasional harmonic parts to support fluid, expressive dance movements.[39] These songs typically employ a verse-chorus form derived from 19th- and early 20th-century hula ku'i compositions, which blended indigenous poetic traditions with imported popular song structures, enabling rhythmic synchronization between melody and choreography. Lyrically, mele often evoke themes of romance, nature, or island locales, with Hawaiian-language verses that prioritize melodic flow over narrative density, allowing dancers to interpret imagery through undulating hip and hand gestures.[40]Musically, the structure emphasizes steady tempos and strict metric rhythms to facilitate continuous motion, with vocal ranges spanning from low registers to high falsetto for emotional emphasis, as exemplified in recordings like Kuini's "Ke Aloha" (2012), where a lead singer navigates broad pitch variations over guitar and ukulele accompaniment.[39] Early 20th-century examples, such as those by Andrew Aiona’s Novelty Four in 1929, illustrate the integration of verse-repeating formats tailored for ensemble vocals and stringed instruments, reflecting adaptations for broader audiences including tourists and military personnel.[40] This form prioritizes accessibility and repetition, contrasting with the variable phrasing of pre-contact chants, and has sustained hula 'auana's evolution into a performative art form compatible with modern venues.
Instruments and Accompaniment
Hula auana is accompanied by ensembles drawing from Western musical traditions, primarily featuring string instruments such as the ukulele, acoustic guitar, and double bass, which provide melodic harmony and rhythmic support for the sung verses known as mele.[39][40] The ukulele, designated Hawaii's official state modern musical instrument in 2015, serves as a core element due to its portability and bright tone, often leading the chord progressions in performances.[41]Steel guitar, introduced to Hawaiian music around 1915 by musicians like Joseph Kekuku, adds a signature glissando effect that enhances the fluid, expressive quality of auana accompaniment.[42][43]Vocalists typically sing in Hawaiian or English, with lead melodies supported by harmony from the instrumental group, diverging from the unaccompanied chants of hula kahiko.[39]Piano or keyboard may supplement in larger ensembles for fuller chordal textures, while bass lines anchor the rhythm, reflecting adaptations from mainland American popular music influences post-1893.[43] Percussive elements, such as light drumming or dancer-held pū'ili (split bamboo sticks), occasionally reinforce tempo but remain secondary to the string-dominated sound.[44]This accompaniment style solidified in the late 19th and early 20th centuries amid cultural exchanges, including the spread of string instruments via Portuguese immigrants (who introduced early guitar forms around 1879) and American vaudeville tours, enabling hula 'auana to evolve as a more accessible, entertainment-oriented form.[45][46] Ensembles vary by context—smaller groups for intimate hālau practices versus amplified bands at luaus—but prioritize smooth, waltz-like or 4/4 rhythms suited to the dance's graceful movements.[42]
Regalia and Presentation
In hula auana, female dancers typically wear flowing mu‘umu‘u dresses or colorful pa‘u skirts paired with matching blouses, often featuring vibrant patterns influenced by Western fabrics such as aloha prints, raffia, or cellophane, reflecting the style's evolution in the late 19th and 20th centuries.[40][47] Male performers don trousers, frequently black pants with shirts and sashes, sometimes layered with skirts made from ti leaves, lauhala, or ‘ilihau for added visual effect.[47][48] These garments prioritize modesty and fluidity over the earth-toned, plant-based materials of hula kahiko, adapting to missionary-era influences while embracing modern aesthetics for stage presentation.[40]Accessories in hula auana emphasize adornment that complements the narrative of the accompanying mele, including lei po‘o for the head, neck leis crafted from flowers, shells, or feathers, and kupe‘e bands for wrists and ankles to accentuate movements and incorporate sensory elements like fragrance from laua‘e ferns.[48] Unlike the restrained, symbolic regalia of kahiko, auana attire avoids excessive jewelry or heavy makeup, maintaining a balance between cultural authenticity and performative appeal, with colors and patterns selected to evoke themes such as water or deities.[47][48]Presentation of hula auana features soft, lyrical, and floating hand and hip movements, designed for accompaniment by sung melodies with Western instruments like ukulele and guitar, differing from the structured, chant-driven precision of kahiko.[40][47] Performances occur in contemporary venues such as luaus, tourist hotels, or festivals like the Merrie Monarch, where dancers may perform barefoot or in shoes, emphasizing entertainment and storytelling through graceful, undulating motions that engage audiences in a more accessible, narrative-focused manner.[40][47] This style, popularized in the 20th century for military and visitor shows, prioritizes visual harmony and emotional expression over ritual solemnity.[40]
Key Differences from Hula Kahiko
Hula auana emerged after European contact in 1778, incorporating Western musical influences, in contrast to hula kahiko, which predates this period and adheres to pre-contact traditions.[46] This evolution reflects adaptations to missionary suppression in the 19th century and tourism-driven changes in the 20th century.[49]The primary musical distinction lies in accompaniment: hula auana employs melodic songs supported by string instruments such as the ukulele, guitar, and upright bass, whereas hula kahiko uses chants (oli) and percussion like the ipu (gourd drum), pū'ili (split bamboo), and uliuli (feathered rattles).[49][50] These modern elements in auana allow for harmonious vocals in Hawaiian or English, diverging from the rhythmic, narrative chants of kahiko.[44]Stylistically, hula auana features fluid, undulating hip movements and graceful, interpretive arm gestures that emphasize storytelling through emotion and sensuality, differing from the structured, powerful footwork and precise hand signals in hula kahiko that convey mythological or historical narratives.[51][52] Performances of auana often permit greater improvisation and audience interaction, reflecting its entertainment-oriented role in luaus and festivals, unlike the formal, spiritual protocols of kahiko.[42]Attire for hula auana typically includes colorful, flowing dresses for women and aloha shirts for men, adorned with lei and modern accessories, contrasting the kahiko's use of natural materials like ti-leaf skirts (pa'u) and malo loincloths to symbolize cultural authenticity.[44][53] While both styles are performed barefoot traditionally, auana may incorporate shoes in some contemporary settings, further highlighting its adaptive nature.[52]
Training and Transmission
Hālau Hula System
The hālau hula functions as the primary institution for hula instruction and cultural transmission in Hawaiian tradition, originally signifying a long house or workshop dedicated to specialized learning such as canoe construction or dance training.[54] In ancient practice, these structures served as temporary temples consecrated to the deity Laka, constructed through communal labor with poles, beams, and thatch, and sited according to omens to ensure auspiciousness.[55] The internal hierarchy places the kumu hula, or master teacher, at the apex, supported by deputies (kumu kokua), dance leaders (alakaʻi), and administrative roles like treasurer (poʻo pūʻā) and herald (hoʻoulu).[54]Haumāna, or students, enter the hālau through a commitment to rigorous apprenticeship, residing under kapu systems that enforce discipline, prohibiting rudeness, impurity, or distractions like carnal indulgence to maintain spiritual purity.[55]Training emphasizes oral pedagogy, with the kumu demonstrating chants (oli), movements, and implements while haumāna memorize and replicate through repetition, fostering proficiency as ʻolapa (dancers) or hoʻopaʻa (chanters who lead performances).[54] Consecration rituals involve purifying the site with seawater and turmeric, adorning the kuahu altar with native ferns, maile vines, and ilima leis symbolizing Laka's forms, accompanied by prayers and offerings such as a black boar to the god Kāne.[55] Breaches of protocol required cleansing rites, like saltwater baths, to restore sanctity.[55]Advancement culminates in the ʻūniki rite, an oral "graduation" transitioning haumāna to expert ʻolapa or kumu hula status, witnessed by other kumus in private and public ceremonies.[56] Requirements include 2–5 years minimum of intensive study, mastery of traditional repertoires, crafting implements like feathered ʻuliʻuli rattles or ipu drums, and interpreting mele's layered meanings (kaona), with demonstrations assessing readiness.[56] This system perpetuates hula's genealogical lineages, varying by hālau while prioritizing direct knowledge transfer from kumu to haumāna.[56] Modern hālau preserve these protocols amid post-1970s revivals, adapting for community access while upholding hierarchical respect and cultural depth.[54]
Protocols and Modern Adaptations
In traditional hālau hula, protocols emphasize spiritual purity, hierarchical respect, and ritual observance to honor the sacred nature of hula. Students, known as haumāna, adhere to kapu—strict taboos or restrictions—that include purification rites such as hiʻuwai, a pre-dawn immersion in ocean waters, particularly before significant events like the ʻūniki graduation ceremony marking a dancer's advancement.[57][58] Kapu also governs daily conduct, prohibiting activities like consuming food or drink (except water or ritual beverages) while in performance attire such as the paʻu skirt, and forbidding its use for non-dance purposes to preserve its symbolic integrity.[59] Pule, or invocatory prayers, initiate classes and ceremonies, reinforcing the connection to Hawaiian deities and ancestors, while etiquette demands unquestioned obedience to the kumu hula (master teacher), whose authority derives from their own lineage and rigorous training.[60][61]These protocols extend to communal practices, where new students undergo orientation to learn hālau structure, including the sequence of oli (chants), hula genres, and presentation formats that maintain cultural continuity.[60][61] Violations of kapu historically risked spiritual or physical repercussions, reflecting hula's roots as a vocation intertwined with mana (spiritual power), though enforcement relies on the kumu's discretion and the haumāna's commitment to self-discipline.[62]Modern adaptations preserve core protocols while accommodating contemporary life, such as integrating hula into community health initiatives where kumu hula collaborate with peer educators to deliver group sessions focused on physical alignment, breathing, and stretching alongside cultural teachings.[14][63] Many hālau now offer flexible schedules for working adults and co-educational classes, diverging from pre-contact gender separations, yet retain kapu periods—especially for competitions like the Merrie Monarch Festival, held annually since 1963—where participants abstain from distractions to achieve mental clarity.[58] Credential verification for kumu has gained emphasis amid commercialization, ensuring lineages trace to authentic practitioners rather than self-proclaimed teachers.[64] This evolution balances accessibility with fidelity, as seen in workshops that teach protocols via structured formats while allowing innovations like documented new compositions rooted in traditional oli.[65]
Historical Development
Mythological Origins
In Hawaiian oral traditions, the mythological origins of hula are intertwined with the divine family of Pele, the volcano goddess, and her siblings. One prominent legend recounts that the first hula emerged when Pele, residing in her volcanic home at Kīlauea, demanded entertainment from her sisters to alleviate her restlessness. Hiʻiaka, Pele's favored younger sister and a deity associated with healing, sorcery, and dance, along with her companion Hopoe—a skilled mortal dancer from Puna—performed rhythmic movements and chants mimicking the sway of forest foliage and ocean waves, thus inventing hula as a soothing ritual. This act not only pacified Pele but established hula as a sacred expression linked to volcanic forces and familial bonds.[66][67][68]Central to hula's divine patronage is Laka, revered as the goddess of the dance, forests, and fertility, often invoked through offerings of lehua blossoms during performances to ensure grace and spiritual potency. Laka, sometimes depicted as a child of Kapo (another sister of Pele) or an independent forest spirit, embodies the ephemeral beauty of hula's movements, which emulate natural elements like wind through hala trees or rippling water. Alternative accounts credit Laka herself as the primordial dancer, teaching the art to mortals as a navigator's tool for wayfinding and invocation of natural harmony. These myths underscore hula's role in connecting performers to mana (spiritual power) and the environment, predating human settlement in oral genealogies tracing back to divine creation.[69][70][71]Other traditions invoke Kapoʻulakinaʻu, an older sister of Pele, as the inaugural patron of hula, or reference the epic of Keaomelemele, a celestial figure whose dances formed foundational chants (oli) and gestures symbolizing cosmic order. These variant narratives, preserved in moʻolelo (legendary histories) and performed in hālau (dance schools), reflect the fluidity of Polynesian mythology rather than a singular origin, with hula serving as a conduit for divine inspiration and ancestral memory. Scholars of Hawaiian culture note that such myths, while not empirically verifiable, were integral to pre-contact religious practices, where hula invoked deities for fertility, protection, and storytelling.[3][72]
Pre-Contact Era
In pre-contact Hawaiian society, prior to European arrival in 1778, hula kahiko served as a vital cultural practice intertwined with religion, genealogy, and social hierarchy.[1] This ancient form of hula functioned primarily as a performative extension of oral poetry, dramatizing chants (mele or oli) that recounted myths, historical events, and praises for gods and aliʻi (chiefs).[73] Performances occurred in sacred contexts, such as ceremonies at heiau (temples) and during rituals marking significant life events like births, deaths, harvests, or military victories, reinforcing spiritual connections and communal identity.[2]Hula kahiko was accompanied by unmelodic chants led by trained chanters and percussive instruments including the pahu (sharkskin-covered drum), ipu heke (double gourd drum), and puʻili (split bamboo rattles), which provided rhythmic structure without melodic harmony.[42] Dancers, both male and female, executed precise, narrative-driven movements that mimicked natural elements, human actions, or deities, often on purpose-built platforms (hula kuahu) near temples or chiefly residences.[74] Training took place in hālau hula, secluded schools directed by kumu hula (master teachers), where initiates underwent rigorous physical, intellectual, and spiritual preparation, including kapu (taboos) to maintain ritual purity.[3]The practice originated with Polynesian voyagers who settled the Hawaiian Islands between approximately 300 and 800 CE, adapting ancestral dance forms to local environments and cosmologies.[75] While direct archaeological evidence of hula is absent due to its ephemeral nature, petroglyphs and oral traditions preserved in post-contact records indicate its centrality to pre-1778 society, where it upheld the chiefly kapu system and transmitted knowledge across generations without written script.[52] Performances were exclusive to trained practitioners, with men frequently handling drumming and women leading dances in segregated or specialized roles, reflecting gendered divisions in religious duties.[4]
19th-Century Suppression
In the early 19th century, the arrival of American Protestant missionaries in 1820 introduced Christian doctrines that conflicted with traditional Hawaiian practices, including hula, which they condemned as immoral and idolatrous due to its associations with pre-Christian spirituality and expressive movements.[1][3] Queen Regent Kaʻahumanu, who had converted to Christianity around 1825 and wielded significant influence under the young King Kamehameha III, enacted a formal prohibition on public hula performances in 1830, framing it as a measure to eradicate "heathen" customs alongside bans on other rituals.[76][77] This edict imposed heavy fines and potential incarceration for teaching or dancing hula openly, reflecting missionary pressures to align Hawaiian society with Puritanical standards.[76][78]Despite the decree, enforcement proved inconsistent and largely ineffective, as hula persisted in private settings, remote areas, and among communities resistant to full cultural assimilation; practitioners adapted by concealing performances or integrating them into less visible contexts to evade penalties.[3][42] Following Kaʻahumanu's death in 1832, the ban's strictures weakened rapidly, allowing hula to resurface in public venues by the 1850s, though sporadic missionary-influenced restrictions and social stigma continued to limit its prominence.[42][50]Government licensing fees and fines for hula troupes, introduced as a regulatory tool, further discouraged widespread practice until partial relief in 1870 reduced these barriers, marking a gradual easing amid ongoing cultural tensions.[77] This period of suppression, while disruptive, failed to extinguish hula, preserving its transmission through oral and clandestine channels among kumu hula (teachers).[1]
Late 19th-Century Revival
King David Kalākaua ascended to the Hawaiian throne on February 12, 1874, initiating a deliberate revival of indigenous cultural practices, including hula, which had been publicly suppressed since the 1830s under missionary influence viewing it as immoral and incompatible with Christianity.[3]Kalākaua, often called the Merrie Monarch for his patronage of the arts, integrated hula performances into royal court life at ʻIolani Palace, commissioning new compositions and encouraging kumu hula (teachers) to train performers in both ancient and evolving styles.[12][79]A key innovation during this period was hula kuʻi, a "joined" or hybrid form emerging around 1865 but popularized under Kalākaua's reign, which blended traditional Hawaiian chants and movements with Western musical elements like brass bands and string instruments, including the ukulele, which the king himself played and promoted.[3][80] This style reflected urban Hawaiian society's adaptation to global influences while preserving narrative storytelling through dance, often performed at public events to assert cultural sovereignty amid growing foreign encroachment.[3]Kalākaua's efforts peaked in grand spectacles, such as the February 1883 royal celebration marking the completion of palace renovations, where hula troupes performed alongside feasts and music, drawing hundreds and symbolizing a nationalist push against missionary-era prohibitions.[79] He composed over 200 mele (songs) tailored for hula accompaniment, fostering halau (schools) that transmitted knowledge orally from elders, though documentation remained limited due to the oral tradition's emphasis.[12] By his death on January 20, 1891, hula had regained prominence in elite and public spheres, setting the stage for its persistence despite the 1893 overthrow of the monarchy.[81]
20th-Century Evolution
In the early 20th century, following Hawaii's annexation by the United States in 1898, hula evolved amid increasing American influence and the rise of tourism promotion efforts. The Hawaiian Promotion Committee, established in 1903 and later reorganized as the Hawaii Tourist Bureau, actively marketed hula performances to attract visitors, portraying the dance as an exotic emblem of island allure. This period saw the continued prominence of hula ku'i, a style blending indigenous and Western elements that had emerged around 1865, now adapted with string instruments like the ukulele and guitar, fostering the development of hula 'auana—characterized by smoother, more interpretive movements to accompany melodic songs often in English or mixed languages. A 1919 private hula trial in Honolulu, organized by David and Lydia Bray, evaluated the dance's suitability for public venues, reflecting ongoing debates over its propriety under shifting cultural norms.[82][3][83]Mid-century advancements in transportation and media further propelled hula's commercialization. Hula troupes toured U.S. mainland nightclubs in the 1930s and 1940s, such as the Hawaiian Room in New York City, which opened in 1937 and generated over $1 million in its first two years, standardizing costumes with shorter skirts and cellophane materials for visual appeal. The 1938 Inter-Island Hula Contest, sponsored by MGM and local interests, drew nearly 500 participants and crowned Alice Kealoha Pauole Holt as "Hula Queen," institutionalizing competitive formats. Post-World War II, exposure to servicemen boosted visitor numbers from 25,000 in 1940 to 50,000 by 1950, with Hollywood films like Blue Hawaii in 1961 reinforcing hula's image in popular culture through hapa-haole tunes. Hawaii's statehood in 1959 accelerated this trend, integrating hula into luau spectacles tailored for tourists.[83][82][3]By the 1960s, formalized events like the Merrie Monarch Festival, initiated in 1963 in Hilo to stimulate the local economy, began emphasizing hula competitions—expanding to include both kahiko and 'auana categories by 1971—drawing nine hālau in its inaugural contest and honoring King David Kalākaua's 19th-century revival legacy. These developments shifted hula from courtly or communal practice to a structured, audience-oriented art form, with tourism driving adaptations that prioritized accessibility and spectacle over ritual depth, though core expressive elements persisted.[84][3][85]
Contemporary Developments (1970s–2025)
The Hawaiian Renaissance of the 1970s catalyzed a profound revival of hula, integrating it into broader efforts to reclaim Native Hawaiian language, music, and traditions amid growing cultural pride.[86] This movement, emerging from late-1960s activism, emphasized hula kahiko as a vehicle for historical storytelling and identity preservation, countering decades of suppression.[65] By the decade's end, hula schools (hālau) proliferated, with kumu hula training practitioners in authentic protocols, fostering intergenerational transmission.[87]The Merrie Monarch Festival, initiated in 1964 to honor King David Kalākaua, expanded significantly during the 1970s renaissance, becoming the world's premier hula competition by attracting over 20,000 attendees annually to Hilo, Hawaiʻi.[84] Competitions feature both kahiko and ʻauana styles, judged on technique, cultural accuracy, and choreography, with group and solo divisions; winners, such as Hālau o Kekuhi in multiple years, exemplify rigorous standards.[88] The event, held post-Easter each spring, has documented over 50 years of evolution by 2013, promoting crafts and perpetuating oral histories through performance.[89] Complementary festivals, like the World Invitational Hula Festival at Waikiki Shell, further elevated standards into the 2000s.Preservation initiatives intensified with the founding of the Hula Preservation Society in 2000, archiving oral histories, costumes, and implements from masters to safeguard lineages against erosion.[90] Digital dissemination accelerated hula's global reach, with platforms enabling workshops and performances; Japan hosts the largest non-Hawaiian community, with an estimated 2 million practitioners fueling a multimillion-dollar industry by 2014.[91] Innovators like Patrick Makuakāne advanced "hula mua" by 2015, blending traditional forms with contemporary music and themes, such as urban narratives, while maintaining esoteric roots.[92]Into the 2020s, hula adapted to challenges like the COVID-19 pandemic through virtual competitions, sustaining momentum; the 2025 Merrie Monarch and Queen Liliʻuokalani Keiki Hula events underscored youth involvement, with keiki (children) divisions emphasizing early transmission.[93] Resorts now support authentic classes, shifting from commodification to cultural investment, though debates persist on balancing tourism with integrity.[2] By 2025, hula's primal, evolving nature—rooted in archetypal movements—continues influencing global dance, with over 300 hālau worldwide.[87]
Controversies and Debates
Authenticity and Tradition
Authenticity in hula centers on the distinction between hula kahiko, the ancient form characterized by chanted narratives (oli), percussion instruments like the ipu and pahu, and structured movements depicting historical, mythological, or natural themes, and hula 'auana, the modern variant incorporating Western instruments such as ukulele and guitar with more fluid, interpretive gestures.[44][52] Practitioners and scholars emphasize that hula kahiko embodies pre-contact traditions reconstructed through oral lineages and hālau (schools) protocols, including rigorous physical discipline, humility (aiha'a), and responsibility (kuleana) to convey cultural knowledge accurately.[94][34]Debates over tradition arise from historical suppressions and revivals, where foreign influences from the 19th century onward altered practices, leading to concerns that deviations undermine hula's role in preserving Hawaiian identity and language.[6][95] In hālau systems, kumu hula (teachers) enforce kapu (sacred restrictions) on performers, such as dietary and behavioral rules during training, to maintain spiritual integrity, viewing hula as a vital conduit for cultural retention post-language bans.[96][97] Purists argue for strict adherence to documented mele (songs) and movements from Native Hawaiian sources, critiquing adaptations that prioritize entertainment over narrative depth, though others contend evolution reflects adaptive resilience without negating core storytelling functions.[95][52]Competitions like the Merrie Monarch Festival, established in 1963 and formalized in 1971, reinforce authenticity by segregating kahiko and 'auana categories, requiring kahiko entries to use period-appropriate attire like kapa cloth and ti-leaf skirts, and to draw from verified historical repertoires.[87] Preservation efforts since the 1970s Hawaiian Renaissance have prioritized empirical reconstruction from elder testimonies and artifacts, countering earlier colonial distortions while acknowledging that no practice remains entirely unchanged by contact.[98][6] This meta-awareness of source lineages—favoring kanaka maoli oral traditions over external interpretations—guides contemporary hālau in balancing fidelity to origins with living transmission.[95]
Commercialization and Tourism
Commercialization of hula intensified in the early 20th century alongside Hawaii's burgeoning tourism industry, as steamship companies like Matson Lines promoted island visits with live performances to attract mainland American visitors.[83] Tourists paid fees to witness hula as an exotic spectacle, transforming the dance from a primarily communal and ritualistic practice into a commodified entertainment form often detached from its original spiritual context.[99] This shift was evident in coarser, audience-oriented variants that emerged during King Kalakaua's era and persisted in tourist venues, prioritizing visual appeal over traditional depth.[100]Luau dinners featuring hula shows became a staple of Hawaiian tourism by the mid-20th century, particularly after statehood in 1959, which spurred mass visitor influxes. These events, priced between $115 and $275 per person as of recent data, combine feasts with performances blending kahiko and auana styles to cater to broad audiences.[101] Performers, including hula dancers, typically earn $20 to $35 per hour, often part-time, supporting local economies though constituting a minor fraction of the state's $19.3 billion annual visitor spending in 2024.[102][103] The Hawaii Tourism Authority allocates funds, such as $400,000 in 2025 grants, to free public hula demonstrations at high-traffic sites, aiming to integrate cultural elements into visitor experiences while generating indirect revenue.[104]While commercialization has sustained hula's visibility and provided livelihoods for kumu hula and halau, critics argue it dilutes authenticity by reducing sacred narratives to simplified, crowd-pleasing routines, as seen in hotel and cruise ship adaptations.[105][106] Proponents counter that tourism revenue enables preservation efforts, funding competitions like the Merrie Monarch Festival and training programs that maintain lineages amid economic pressures.[107] This duality underscores hula's adaptation to modern demands, balancing economic viability with cultural integrity.[2]
Political and Social Interpretations
Hula has been interpreted as a form of cultural and political resistance against colonial imposition, particularly following its 19th-century suppression by missionary-influenced Hawaiian rulers and later American authorities. The 1830 ban on hula, enacted by regent Kaʻahumanu under Christian moral pressures, is viewed by some scholars as an internalized mechanism of cultural control that eroded native spiritual and political autonomy, facilitating the 1893 overthrow of the monarchy.[108] This suppression extended post-annexation, with U.S. governance discouraging Hawaiian practices to enforce assimilation, including bans on the language in schools by 1896, which diminished hula's transmission as a repository of oral history and genealogy.[109]The late-19th-century revival under King Kalākaua (r. 1874–1891) carried explicit nationalist connotations, positioning hula as a state-sponsored spectacle to reaffirm Hawaiian sovereignty amid U.S. economic and political encroachment. Kalākaua's court performances of ancient chants and dances countered perceptions of Hawaiʻi as backward, instead framing indigenous traditions as integral to modern nation-building, though critics at the time decried it as decadent resistance to Western progress.[110] This revival prefigured broader patterns where hula symbolized defiance, as seen in the 1970s Hawaiian Renaissance, a cultural movement intertwined with sovereigntyactivism that used dance to protest land loss and cultural dilution following statehood in 1959.[111]In modern social interpretations, hula functions as a conduit for identity preservation and community resilience, embodying Hawaiian cosmology through gestural storytelling of myths, genealogies, and environmental stewardship. Kumu hula Vicky Holt Takamine has characterized it as active resistance to imperialism, aiding retention of language and traditions while organizing Native Hawaiians around issues like land rights and health disparities.[96][112] Empirical studies link hula participation to positive outcomes, such as enhanced drug resistance among rural youth via cultural pride, though such benefits are attributed to engagement rather than inherent political efficacy.[113]Debates persist over hula's political potency, with sovereignty advocates leveraging it for self-determination claims under UN frameworks, yet legal analyses contend these rest on unsubstantiated premises ignoring the Hawaiian Kingdom's historical dissolution.[114] Socially, while hula reinforces matrilineal knowledge transmission—historically performed by both genders but emphasizing female roles in some chants—its commercialization risks commodifying resistance into tourism, prompting critiques that true revival demands decoupling from economic incentives tied to U.S. oversight.[95]
Impact and Legacy
Preservation in Hawaiian Society
Hula's preservation within Hawaiian society relies primarily on hālau hula, specialized schools led by kumu hula who transmit chants, movements, and cultural knowledge through oral tradition and rigorous apprenticeship.[96][115] These institutions emphasize fluency in ʻŌlelo Hawaiʻi, with some hālau enrolling over 100 students across age groups, fostering intergenerational continuity of pre-contact practices like hula kahiko.[65] Kumu hula serve as cultural repositories, cultivating respect for hula's spiritual and historical dimensions, often drawing from 18th- and 19th-century lineages.[116][117]The Merrie Monarch Festival, established in 1963 and expanded in the 1970s, plays a central role by hosting annual competitions in hula kahiko and hula ʻauana, drawing hundreds of performers and promoting authenticity amid cultural reclamation efforts.[118][88] This event has sustained hula's vitality for over 60 years, integrating workshops and exhibits that educate on traditional protocols while countering historical suppression.[119]Non-profit organizations like the Hula Preservation Society, founded in 2000, document oral histories from hula masters, digitizing hundreds of hours of interviews to archive chants, techniques, and personal narratives for future generations.[90][120] These efforts, rooted in the 1970s Hawaiian Renaissance, extend to community workshops and online resources, ensuring hula's role in retaining language, genealogy, and environmental stewardship despite past bans.[121][1]
Global Influence and Adaptations
Hula gained prominence on the U.S. mainland in the early 20th century through touring performers and tourism promotions, with advertisements featuring hula dancers appearing in mainland media to attract visitors to Hawaii.[122] This exposure facilitated the establishment of hula instruction in American cities, blending traditional elements with Western performance styles adapted for broader audiences. Military contexts further disseminated hula, as seen in U.S. Navy events where service members learned and performed the dance, contributing to its integration into American popular culture.[81]Japan hosts the largest non-Hawaiian hula community, with estimates of 1 to 2 million practitioners as of the 2010s, surpassing the number of dancers in Hawaii itself and fueling a multi-million-dollar industry through classes, competitions, and performances.[91][123] Interest surged from the early 1980s to the mid-1990s, driven by tourism to Hawaii and cultural exchanges, leading to thousands of hula halau (schools) across the country, though adaptations often emphasize aesthetic and feminine presentations over traditional spiritual narratives.[124] Japanese practitioners participate in global events like the Merrie Monarch Festival, fostering cross-cultural dialogue while raising debates on the preservation of hula's indigenous meanings in foreign contexts.[125]In Australia, hula adaptations emerged post-World War II, particularly in the 1950s–1970s, with "exotic hula" performances influenced by Hollywood depictions, and localized versions persisting in regions like the Torres Strait where women perform stylized forms over generations.[126][127] Globally, digital platforms and international halau have enabled hula's dissemination, allowing non-Hawaiians to learn and adapt the dance, though this globalization prompts concerns among Hawaiian practitioners about authenticity and cultural dilution when core elements like oli (chant) and mele (song) storytelling are de-emphasized.[87][52] Hula's worldwide appeal underscores its evolution from a sacred Hawaiian practice to a versatile form influencing global dance expressions, yet maintaining fidelity to origins remains a point of contention.[81]
Notable Events and Figures
The Merrie Monarch Festival, co-founded in 1963 by kumu hula George Naope along with Helene Hale and others, stands as a landmark event in hula's modern history, initially aimed at bolstering Hilo's economy while countering the perceived over-modernization of hula through dedicated performances honoring King David Kalākaua.[128] The event evolved into an annual week-long celebration featuring rigorous hula kahiko and hula ʻauana competitions, with the inaugural competitive format held in 1971 at Hilo Civic Auditorium, drawing modest crowds of around 100 before expanding into a global draw for cultural preservation.[85][129]George Naope (1929–2009), a pivotal kumu hula and advocate for male hula practitioners, played a central role in reviving traditional forms and judging early competitions, earning recognition as Hawaii's "Hula Ambassador" for his efforts in embedding hula within broader Hawaiian cultural renaissance.[130][131] Among other influential kumu, Nālani Kanaka‘ole, who commenced teaching at age 14 in 1960, has sustained the rare ‘aiha‘a style through Hālau o Kekuhi, drawing from lineages including her grandmother Mary Kekuewa Kanaele Fujii, one of the final practitioners of late-19th-century hula kapu traditions.[132] Minerva K. Malakaua Pang, certified in 1945 and opening her studio in 1958, contributed as a Merrie Monarch judge in 1985 while training generations until her retirement at age 90 in 2023.[132] Puanani Alama, performing professionally from the 1940s in Waikīkī, served as one of the festival's last original judges, perpetuating family-led instruction across decades.[132]