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Jim Cooper

James Hayes Shofner Cooper (born June 19, 1954), commonly known as Jim Cooper, is an American attorney, professor, and retired politician who served as a Democratic U.S. Representative from Tennessee for two nonconsecutive periods totaling 20 years. Born in Nashville, Tennessee, Cooper graduated from Groton School in 1972, earned a B.A. in history and economics from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill as a Morehead Scholar in 1975, obtained an M.A. in philosophy, politics, and economics from Oxford University as a Rhodes Scholar in 1977, and received a J.D. from Harvard Law School in 1980. After law school, he worked as a lawyer and investment banker before entering politics. Elected to the House in 1982 at age 28 as the youngest member of that Congress, he represented Tennessee's 4th district until 1995, when he declined reelection to pursue a unsuccessful U.S. Senate campaign. He returned to Congress in 2003 representing the 5th district, centered on Nashville, and served until declining to run again in 2022 following Republican-led redistricting that diluted Democratic strength in the area. A member of the moderate , Cooper was recognized for his bipartisan voting record and emphasis on fiscal conservatism within the , including efforts to promote balanced budgets and market-based approaches to environmental policy such as cap-and-trade systems for greenhouse gases. His long tenure in a politically conservative state highlighted his centrist positions, though he faced primary challenges from progressive activists and criticism for insufficient alignment with party orthodoxy on issues like healthcare expansion. Following retirement, he joined the faculty at as an .

Early life and education

Family and upbringing

James Hayes Shofner Cooper was born on June 19, 1954, in , to , who served as from 1939 to 1945, and Hortense Hayes Powell Cooper (1919–2017). The family resided primarily in , where Cooper was raised amid a prominent political lineage; his paternal grandfather, , had been mayor of Shelbyville and Speaker of the . Cooper grew up as the middle of three sons, with older brother William Prentice Cooper III (born 1952) and younger brother John N. Powell Cooper; the family environment emphasized , reflecting their father's three-term governorship and their mother's background as an early employee and daughter of a women's suffrage activist. Hortense Cooper, who lived to 98, maintained strong ties to Shelbyville and actively supported historical and civic organizations in . The brothers later pursued careers in and , with John serving as of Nashville from 2019 to 2023, underscoring the enduring familial influence of governance and community leadership.

Academic background

Cooper graduated from Groton School in , in 1972. He then attended the at Chapel Hill as a Morehead Scholar, earning a B.A. in history and economics in 1975. As a Rhodes Scholar at Oriel College, Oxford University, Cooper pursued studies in politics and economics from 1975 to 1977, obtaining both a B.A. and an M.A. He completed his legal education with a J.D. from Harvard Law School in 1980.

Pre-congressional career

Legal training and practice

Cooper earned a degree from in 1980. Following graduation, he joined the Nashville-based Waller Lansden Dortch & Davis, LLP, where he practiced for approximately two years. This period marked his entry into professional legal work prior to entering politics, focusing on in a prominent Tennessee firm known for corporate and litigation matters. Cooper's legal career was brief, ending in 1982 when he launched his successful campaign for the U.S. at age 28, forgoing extended practice in favor of . No public records indicate bar admissions or specific cases handled during this interval, consistent with the short duration of his firm tenure.

Initial congressional service (1983–1995)

Elections and entry to Congress

In the 1982 United States House of Representatives elections, Jim Cooper, then a 28-year-old , defeated one-term Robin Beard to secure the Democratic nomination and victory for Tennessee's newly configured 4th , which encompassed parts of Nashville and surrounding areas. The contest drew national interest as an upset of a Republican holdover from the 1980 midterm wave, highlighting Cooper's appeal as a young, fiscally emphasizing Tennessee common sense over partisan extremes. Cooper was sworn into office on , 1983, at the start of the 98th , becoming the youngest member of the . He maintained the seat through subsequent elections in 1984, 1986, 1988, 1990, and 1992, facing minimal opposition in the Democratic-leaning district during a period of national partisan realignment. These victories solidified his position until his decision to pursue a bid in 1994.

Legislative priorities and votes

During his initial tenure in Congress from 1983 to 1995, Cooper prioritized fiscal restraint and banking regulation, serving on the House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs, where he addressed issues like financial oversight amid the of the late 1980s. He advocated for balanced budgets early on, with correspondence and proposals pushing for federal deficit reduction targets, including a goal of achieving balance by June 30, 1989. As a member of the House Committee on Energy and Commerce and the House Small Business Committee, Cooper focused on and support for small enterprises, reflecting his district's economic interests in Tennessee's and service sectors. In the realm of health care, Cooper emerged as a proponent of market-oriented reforms, introducing H.R. 3222, the Managed Competition Act of 1993, on October 19, 1993, which aimed to enhance affordability and access through accountable health partnerships and among providers rather than mandates. This bill positioned him as an alternative to President Clinton's more regulatory approach, emphasizing and cost controls via purchasing cooperatives. Cooper's voting record demonstrated atypical for Democrats, including opposition to expansive federal mandates due to cost concerns. On May 22, 1990, he voted against the (H.R. 2273), one of only five Democrats to do so, citing potential burdens on small businesses and employers. He also opposed an early version of the Family and Medical Leave , prioritizing economic impacts on employers. These positions aligned with his broader emphasis on limiting growth while supporting targeted reforms.

Committee roles

Upon entering the in January 1983 as part of the 98th Congress, Jim Cooper was assigned to the House Budget Committee, where he contributed to deliberations on federal budget resolutions and fiscal policy oversight. During his early tenure, he also served on the House Committee on Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs and the House Committee, addressing issues related to , urban development, and support for small enterprises. In 1987, during the 100th Congress, Cooper obtained a seat on the influential House Committee on Energy and Commerce after four years of advocacy and competition for the position, a process described as involving strategic negotiations among freshmen Democrats. On this committee, he prioritized health care policy, advocating for expanded coverage and reforms amid ongoing debates over national health initiatives. His work there built on his prior Budget Committee experience, emphasizing fiscal discipline in health expenditures.

1994 U.S. Senate bid

Campaign dynamics

Jim Cooper, a three-term Democratic U.S. Representative from Tennessee's 4th district, won the Democratic nomination for the special U.S. Senate election to fill the remainder of Al Gore's term following Gore's selection as vice president. The primary on August 4, 1994, faced minimal opposition, allowing Cooper to focus resources on portraying himself as a fiscally conservative Democrat with legislative experience in budget reform and national security. In the general election against Republican nominee , a former Watergate counsel and actor known for roles emphasizing integrity and , campaign dynamics heavily favored Thompson amid the national anti-Democratic backlash tied to President Clinton's agenda, including failed . , entering the race late with high from his portrayal of a principled in the 1989 TV movie , adopted a low-key, strategy symbolized by his drives across in a red pickup truck to cultivate a folksy, outsider image despite his background. Cooper countered by highlighting his and questioning Thompson's substantive readiness, accusing him of relying on glamour over policy depth, but these attacks failed to erode Thompson's lead in polls that showed him ahead by double digits early on. The contest unfolded in a year of Republican momentum, with Tennessee voters expressing disillusionment toward Democratic incumbents, as evidenced by the simultaneous defeat of Senator Jim Sasser by Bill Frist. avoided traditional high-spending tactics, spending under $2 million compared to Cooper's higher outlays backed by national Democratic committees, yet his campaign's emphasis on and aligned with the GOP's , resonating in rural and suburban areas. Cooper's moderate stances, including his earlier advocacy for market-oriented alternatives to the plan, offered some insulation but could not overcome the partisan tide. On November 8, 1994, prevailed decisively, capturing 61.0% of the vote to Cooper's 39.0%.

Defeat and aftermath

In the November 8, 1994, , Cooper was defeated by Republican challenger , a political newcomer known for his roles and prior work as a , who secured 60.7% of the vote (933,028 votes) to Cooper's 37.7% (579,107 votes), with the remainder going to minor candidates. The loss occurred amid a nationwide surge in the midterm elections, driven by voter backlash against President Bill Clinton's administration, particularly its economic policies and the failed effort led by First Lady . Thompson's campaign capitalized on this sentiment with a low-key, approach emphasizing and outsider appeal, bolstered by his celebrity status, which contrasted with Cooper's established as a moderate advocating reforms. Cooper conceded early on election night, acknowledging the broad anti-Democratic tide that also ousted incumbent Senator in the state's other Senate race. Following the defeat, Cooper did not seek re-election to his U.S. House seat, concluding his initial congressional tenure in January 1995 after 12 years of service. He relocated to Nashville and co-founded Brentwood Capital Advisors LLC, an firm specializing in healthcare . This marked the start of an eight-year hiatus from elective politics, during which he focused on private sector , leveraging his policy expertise in and fiscal issues.

Private sector period (1995–2003)

Professional activities

Following his unsuccessful 1994 U.S. Senate campaign, Cooper relocated to , and joined Equitable Securities (later known as SunTrust Equitable Securities) as a managing director, where he worked as an investment banker from 1995 to 1999. In 1999, Cooper co-founded Brentwood Capital Advisors, a boutique investment bank in Nashville (later Franklin, Tennessee) that provided advisory services, capital raising, and strategic advice primarily to middle-market companies in the healthcare and business services sectors. Parallel to his finance career, Cooper began serving as an adjunct professor at University's Owen Graduate School of Management in 1995, teaching policy to MBA candidates until his return to .

Political reflections

During his time away from , Cooper engaged with political ideas through academia, serving as an at University's Owen Graduate School of Management beginning in 1995, where he instructed on congressional operations and lawmaking. This position provided an outlet for analyzing legislative dysfunction and policy formulation independent of partisan pressures. As he weighed a political comeback in 2002, Cooper articulated a centrist , identifying as "a fiscal conservative and a social liberal." He characterized himself as a moderate within the , having aligned with President Bill Clinton's agenda approximately 75 percent of the time while maintaining independence on budgetary matters. Cooper highlighted his history of supporting measures to reduce deficits, including votes for increases in the 1980s and the 1993 Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act, which contributed to subsequent fiscal surpluses. In contrast, he opposed President George W. Bush's proposed cuts, arguing they would undermine deficit control efforts amid rising expenditures. These views underscored his emphasis on fiscal discipline as a prerequisite for effective , distinct from prevailing partisan orthodoxies.

Return to Congress (2003–2023)

Re-elections and district changes

Cooper won re-election to represent in 2004 against Republican challenger Eric Silverman by a margin of 66% to 34%. He secured subsequent victories in 2006, defeating independent candidate with 69% of the vote amid a wave election favoring Democrats nationally. In 2008, Cooper prevailed over Republican Roscoe Gandy III, capturing 62% in a district centered on urban Nashville and its Democratic-leaning suburbs. The 's boundaries, following after the 2000 , had shifted to emphasize Nashville but remained a reliable Democratic seat, enabling Cooper's continued dominance. Post-2010 in 2012 preserved much of the 's urban core in Davidson County while adding adjacent areas, without materially altering its partisan balance, as evidenced by Cooper's 75% win over challenger Scott Spicer that year. He maintained strong general election performances through 2018, routinely exceeding 65% against opponents in a rated as safely Democratic by analysts. Primary challenges emerged in later cycles from critics questioning Cooper's moderate record. In , he defeated Keeda Haynes in the Democratic primary 77.6% to 22.4%, before winning the general election unopposed. Similar intra-party pressure reflected tensions within Democrats but did not threaten his renomination until external factors intervened. After the census, 's -majority legislature enacted a congressional map on January 24, 2022, that fragmented Davidson County—previously largely intact in the 5th—across three districts, diluting its Democratic voting power by pairing Nashville portions with rural, -leaning counties such as Maury and parts of Williamson to the south and east. The redrawn 5th became more competitive, with modeling showing it leaning in a midterm . Cooper announced the next day, January 25, 2022, that he would retire at the end of his term rather than contest the altered district, stating the map had "savaged Nashville" by prioritizing partisan advantage over community cohesion. This marked the end of his House tenure, with the seat flipping to in November 2022.

Key legislative initiatives

During his return to Congress from 2003 to 2023, Cooper focused on fiscal discipline, congressional reform, and district-specific infrastructure, often aligning with Blue Dog Democrat priorities for deficit reduction and bipartisan accountability. One signature initiative was the No Budget, No Pay Act, first introduced by Cooper in 2011 after a constituent about congressional delays; the measure withheld members' paychecks until regular appropriations bills or a budget resolution were passed. Enacted as part of the 2013 continuing resolution signed into law on January 15, 2013, it pressured lawmakers by suspending pay starting April 15 if no was adopted, contributing to the and passing individual budgets that year for the first time in four years. Cooper repeatedly sponsored redistricting reform legislation to curb partisan , including the John Tanner Fairness and Independence in Act, reintroduced on January 3, 2021, which aimed to establish independent commissions for drawing congressional maps based on nonpartisan criteria like compactness and community preservation. Named after former Congressman John Tanner, a fellow moderate , the bill sought to prohibit mid-decade and require advance public notice, though it did not advance beyond introduction amid partisan divides. In defense and national security, Cooper proposed establishing a dedicated space military branch, introducing H.R. 3930, the Space Corps Act, on October 3, 2017, to create a sixth armed service under the for space operations. While the standalone bill did not pass, its framework influenced subsequent debates and was echoed in language incorporated into the for Fiscal Year 2020, signed December 20, 2019, which established the U.S. . Cooper advocated for the initiative citing growing threats to U.S. space assets from adversaries like and . For local infrastructure, Cooper secured passage of provisions in the Water Resources Development Act of 2020 (H.R. 7575) to authorize levee improvements along the in Nashville, addressing vulnerabilities exposed by the 2010 floods that caused over $2 billion in damage; the House passed the bill on December 8, 2020, by , enabling federal funding for flood risk reduction projects. Additionally, Cooper co-led bipartisan budget proposals, such as the 2012 Cooper-LaTourette plan, which drew from the Simpson-Bowles Commission's recommendations for $4 trillion in deficit reduction over a decade through spending cuts, tax reforms, and entitlement adjustments, though it failed to gain sufficient support as an alternative to party-line budgets.

National security and defense contributions

Cooper served on the House Armed Services Committee from 2003 to 2023, including as and of the Subcommittee on Strategic Forces, which oversaw policy and funding for nuclear weapons programs, intercontinental ballistic missiles, strategic submarines, bombers, and military space systems. In this role, he prioritized enhancing the resilience and capabilities of U.S. strategic assets amid growing threats from adversaries like and , advocating for investments in satellite constellations and systems. A key contribution was his leadership in establishing the , the first new since 1947; Cooper co-authored the 2017 Space Corps proposal with Rep. Mike Rogers (R-AL), arguing that the had neglected space as a warfighting domain due to competing priorities. This bipartisan effort influenced the 2020 , which created the to centralize space operations, procurement, and deterrence capabilities previously fragmented across services. Cooper continued post-establishment oversight, criticizing delays in its development and pushing for rapid acquisition reforms to counter hypersonic and anti-satellite threats. His work extended to nuclear modernization, including support for the Ground Based Strategic Deterrent program to replace aging Minuteman III missiles by 2030, and efforts to reduce reliance on Russian rocket engines through domestic propulsion development authorized in the FY2016 NDAA. Cooper also contributed to and oversight reforms via concurrent service on the House Permanent Select Committee on , informing defense policy on cyber and space domains. For these efforts, the Aerospace Industries Association awarded him the Wright Stuff Award on December 2, 2022, recognizing his bipartisan advocacy for aerospace innovation and . The National Security Space Association similarly honored him in November 2022 for advancing space deterrence and partnerships.

Fiscal conservatism and Blue Dog affiliation

Cooper co-founded the in 1995 alongside Representatives John Tanner and Charlie Stenholm, forming a group of moderate Democrats committed to fiscal discipline in response to the Republican-led Congress's . The coalition prioritized balanced budgets, spending restraint, and bipartisan cooperation on , distinguishing itself from more Democratic factions by advocating for pay-as-you-go budgeting rules and opposition to unchecked deficits. As a core member, Cooper consistently aligned with these principles, earning recognition as a fiscal conservative within his party. Throughout his tenure, Cooper supported legislative measures to enforce fiscal accountability, including repeated co-sponsorship of a to the U.S. Constitution, which would require a to override spending limits. He voted against the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, Barack Obama's $787 billion stimulus package, citing concerns over its contribution to long-term debt without sufficient offsets. In 2011, he backed the Cut, Cap, and Balance Act, which aimed to cap federal spending as a of GDP and enforce balanced budgets through statutory mechanisms. Cooper also introduced and endorsed the No Budget, No Pay Act in 2012, withholding congressional paychecks until a federal budget was passed, underscoring his emphasis on budgetary timeliness. His Blue Dog affiliation positioned Cooper as a bridge between parties on fiscal matters, often collaborating with Republicans on deficit reduction while critiquing Democratic spending proposals lacking revenue matches. For instance, he advocated retiring half the public debt by 2006 through targeted surpluses and co-sponsored bills restricting reforms that could exacerbate fiscal burdens. This stance reflected a broader Blue Dog focus on "tough choices" for entitlement reforms and tax code simplification to promote without inflation. Despite occasional deviations, such as later support for certain investments, Cooper's record reinforced his reputation for prioritizing fiscal restraint over orthodoxy.

Controversies and criticisms

Partisan gerrymandering dispute

In 2021, following the 2020 United States census, the Republican-controlled Tennessee General Assembly undertook congressional redistricting, approving a new map in January 2022 that split Davidson County—home to Nashville and the core of the existing 5th congressional district—across three districts: the 5th, 6th, and 7th. The revised 5th district incorporated southern and eastern portions of Nashville with Republican-leaning suburbs and rural counties, including western Wilson County, portions of Williamson County, and areas in Marshall, Maury, and Lewis counties, shifting the district from a Democratic stronghold (where Joe Biden received 64% of the vote in 2020) to one favoring Republicans (where Donald Trump would have carried it by a comfortable margin based on prior voting patterns). Jim Cooper, who had held the seat since 2003, publicly denounced the map as "brutal " designed to dismantle Democratic representation in Nashville, stating that Republicans had "dismembered" his district and "savaged" the city by prioritizing partisan advantage over community cohesion. On January 25, 2022—one day after the Tennessee House approved the plan—Cooper announced he would not seek re-election, citing the unfeasibility of victory under the new boundaries and the GOP's , which he argued lacked incentives for restraint: "What’s to restrain them? They have a ." He explored legal challenges but concluded none could alter the map in time for the 2022 cycle, opting instead to refund campaign contributions and focus on constituent services until the end of his term. Democrats, including Cooper's allies, alleged the diluted Black voting power in Nashville, prompting a federal lawsuit filed in August 2023 by civil rights groups against state officials, claiming racial in violation of the Voting Rights Act. The suit was dismissed by a three-judge federal panel in August 2024, which found insufficient evidence of intentional discrimination against communities of color, though plaintiffs declined to appeal further. In the 2022 election, Republican won the reconfigured 5th district with 63% of the vote against Democratic nominee Courtney Wolf. Cooper's experience underscored his long-standing advocacy for reform, including support for independent commissions to curb map-drawing; in 2023 and 2025, Rep. Steve Cohen introduced the John Tanner and Jim Cooper Fairness and Independence in Act, naming it in honor of Cooper and former Rep. John Tanner for their efforts to promote non processes.

Policy shifts and internal Democratic tensions

Cooper's long-standing , epitomized by his co-founding role in the in 1995, positioned him as a persistent critic of unchecked Democratic spending initiatives, fostering tensions with party progressives who prioritized expansive social programs. He frequently advocated for budget cuts and deficit reduction, warning as early as February 2009 that the U.S. faced financial collapse without fiscal restraint, a stance that drew rebuke from some Democrats for undermining party unity during economic recovery efforts. This approach manifested in resistance to aspects of major legislation, such as Blue Dog pushback against costlier elements of the 2009 draft, where Cooper and colleagues demanded trims to offset projected $1 trillion-plus deficits. Intra-party frictions intensified over leadership, with Cooper opposing Nancy Pelosi's speakership bids six consecutive times, including a "present" vote on January 3, 2019, citing her management style as overly partisan and ineffective for bipartisan governance. In November 2010, following Democratic midterm losses, he publicly called for "new leadership" to replace entrenched figures, arguing it was essential to restore institutional functionality amid rising . These actions highlighted broader rifts between moderate Blue Dogs and the party's leftward trajectory, as Cooper decried "partisan extremism" in July 2009 for alienating centrist voters. Progressive factions amplified tensions by launching primary challenges against Cooper, viewing his moderation—such as support for incremental health reforms over single-payer systems—as a betrayal of core Democratic goals. In April 2021, endorsed Odessa Kelly to unseat him in 's 7th District, targeting his votes against expanding to cover dental and vision and his fiscal vetoes on ambitious and social spending packages. Cooper's February 2022 retirement announcement, after 32 years in , was framed by observers as emblematic of Democratic disarray, with his exit underscoring the shrinking space for fiscal hawks in a increasingly dominated by urban progressives. Despite these conflicts, Cooper maintained that his "Tennessee common sense" approach—favoring market-oriented alternatives like the 1994 "managed competition" health plan—better served long-term party viability than ideological purity.

Accusations of moderation versus party loyalty

Throughout his congressional tenure, Jim Cooper, a founding member of the conservative-leaning , faced repeated accusations from and activist groups of insufficient party loyalty due to his emphasis on fiscal restraint and bipartisan compromise over ideological purity. Critics, particularly from Nashville's growing progressive activist community, argued that his moderation hindered bold Democratic agendas, such as expansive social spending and restrictions on programs. For instance, in a 2013 interview, Cooper was characterized as a "punching bag of hardcore liberals" for votes that deviated from party consensus, including opposition to the second $30 billion tranche of relief aid in January 2013, which he supported only if offset by spending cuts elsewhere to maintain fiscal discipline. Similarly, his 2013 vote against a bill to restrict data collection was decried by left-wing advocates as enabling unchecked government overreach, despite his broader support for reforms. These tensions manifested in multiple primary challenges from candidates aligned with progressive organizations, who portrayed Cooper as emblematic of an outdated centrist Democratic establishment unwilling to confront Republican obstructionism aggressively. In November 2019, local activist announced a bid against him, criticizing Cooper's record as too accommodating to conservative priorities in a district shifting leftward. This was followed in January 2020 by Keeda Haynes, a former , who joined efforts by groups like to unseat incumbents deemed excessively moderate. The most prominent challenge came in April 2021 from community organizer Odessa Kelly, endorsed by —a group that had successfully primaried figures like Rep. in 2018 for similar moderation charges—accusing Cooper of failing to champion progressive causes like Medicare for All and aggressive with sufficient vigor. Cooper's occasional breaks from Democratic leadership further fueled perceptions of disloyalty among partisans seeking unified opposition to Republicans. He voted "present" in the January House Speaker election, withholding support from amid concerns over her leadership style and the speakership's consolidation of power, a stance that drew ire from party loyalists despite his prior backing of her in and 2017. Progressives contended that such , while yielding an overall party score of approximately 80%—higher than many Blue Dogs but below the near-100% expected by ideologues—undermined collective Democratic leverage on issues like healthcare reform, where Cooper had critiqued the Affordable Care Act's structure as fiscally unsustainable without bipartisan buy-in. These accusations persisted even as Cooper defended his approach as essential for enacting durable legislation in a polarized , arguing that rigid partisanship had eroded institutional functionality since the 1980s.

Post-congressional career

Academic and advisory roles

Following his departure from in 2023, Cooper joined Law School as Distinguished Scholar in Residence, where he teaches a course on , delivers guest lectures in other classes, provides mentorship to students, and participates in activities related to the Policy Accelerator for and Regulation. This role leverages his four decades of legislative experience, building on his prior teaching of at 's Owen Graduate School of Management for two decades until 2015. In August 2023, Cooper was appointed Global Fellow at the International Center for Scholars, a position he holds through August 2025, focusing on analysis drawing from his congressional tenure in areas such as and fiscal responsibility. He also serves as an advisor to , a firm, contributing expertise from his work on the House Armed Services Committee's Strategic Forces Subcommittee and his role in establishing the U.S. via the National Defense Authorization Act. Cooper maintains involvement with the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget as a director, advising on federal fiscal policy and debt reduction strategies consistent with his long-standing Blue Dog Coalition advocacy for balanced budgets. These roles position him at the intersection of academia, policy research, and private-sector advisory on defense and economic issues.

Ongoing public commentary

Since leaving Congress in January 2023, Jim Cooper has maintained an active voice in public discourse, focusing on congressional dysfunction, the erosion of bipartisanship, electoral integrity, and policy reforms through academic engagements, panels, and interviews. As a Distinguished Scholar in Residence at Vanderbilt University Law School starting in spring 2024, he teaches courses on health policy, fiscal responsibility, and national security while critiquing systemic failures in U.S. governance. In September 2023, Cooper spoke at Middle Tennessee State University's annual Constitution Week event alongside former Senator , urging attendees to "bring back" amid rising partisanship and telling students, "You are our only hope … you are our future." He highlighted the need for cross-aisle collaboration, drawing from his 40 years in elected office, including seven presidents and multiple national crises. Cooper participated in the Tennessee World Affairs Council's Election 2024 , analyzing the campaign dynamics of Vice President and former President , including their strengths as candidates and priorities in domestic and . The discussion underscored his consistent advocacy for pragmatic, evidence-based approaches over ideological extremes. In 2024, he joined a congressional with former members to address oversight challenges in intelligence and , leveraging his prior ranking membership on the committee to advocate for reforms enhancing accountability without compromising effectiveness. Cooper has also reflected critically on Democratic leadership, expressing in a January 2023 interview his opposition to former Speaker Nancy Pelosi's top-down management style, which he argued exacerbated internal party tensions, though he acknowledged her role in securing his key committee assignments. These commentaries align with his longstanding Blue Dog emphasis on fiscal discipline and institutional repair, often attributing congressional gridlock to and media polarization rather than policy disagreements alone.

Political positions

Economic and fiscal views

Cooper identified taming the federal deficit as the most important issue facing the , earning him the nickname "Mr. Fiscal Responsibility" among supporters of spending restraint. As a founding member of the , he prioritized , advocating controls on spending over tax increases or expansive economic stimulus programs deemed inefficient. He consistently warned of the need to rein in expenditures to avoid unsustainable debt levels, arguing that bipartisan commissions offered the best path to structural reforms. In 2011, Cooper introduced the No Budget, No Pay Act (H.R. 364), which proposed withholding congressional salaries until a was adopted, aiming to enforce fiscal discipline by linking lawmakers' compensation to timely budgeting; the measure garnered Blue Dog endorsement and highlighted his push for accountability in federal finance. He co-sponsored bipartisan efforts for , including support for the Simpson-Bowles Commission recommendations, which proposed $4 trillion in savings over a decade through a mix of spending cuts, broadening, and entitlement reforms; in 2012, Cooper and Rep. (R-OH) forced a House vote on these principles, though it failed. Earlier, he urged the Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction to pursue at least $4 trillion in cuts over ten years, criticizing partisan gridlock for blocking comprehensive solutions. Cooper's voting record reflected selective support for economic interventions tied to fiscal prudence. In January 2009, he voted against the House-passed version of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, citing excessive non-stimulative spending as "pork" that undermined its purpose. He later backed the conference committee's revised $787 billion package after negotiations reduced some provisions, describing the process as flawed but necessary amid economic crisis, while decrying the rushed final vote as an "abomination." On , he favored to simplify the code and close loopholes rather than broad rate hikes, aligning with Blue Dog goals for revenue-neutral changes that promoted growth without expanding deficits.

Foreign policy and security

Cooper served on the House Armed Services Committee throughout much of his congressional tenure, including as ranking Democratic member of the Strategic Forces Subcommittee from 2017 onward, which oversaw nuclear deterrence, , and capabilities. In this role, he advocated for modernization of strategic assets amid competition from and , co-authoring reports on establishment in 2018 alongside Republican counterpart Mike Rogers. He emphasized integrating commercial technologies into frameworks, viewing as a contested domain requiring bipartisan investment. On military engagements, Cooper consistently supported funding for operations in and , voting yes on the $78 billion emergency supplemental appropriation in April 2003 to cover combat costs, troop support, and reconstruction. In April 2004, amid concerns over potential shortfalls, he introduced legislation for an immediate $50 billion war supplemental, arguing it was essential to avoid disrupting troop pay and operations during summer fighting seasons. He participated in oversight hearings on war expenditures, such as those in 2007 examining the rising budgetary toll of and , where he pressed for accurate without endorsing rapid withdrawal. As a Blue Dog Democrat, he balanced hawkish instincts with fiscal scrutiny, voting against full adoption of the recommendations in October 2004 due to their projected long-term costs. Cooper backed targeted foreign aid and alliances to counter and proliferation. He voted yes on the Pakistan Enduring Assistance and Cooperation Enhancement (PEACE) Act in June 2009, authorizing up to $1.5 billion annually for democratic institutions, economic aid, and in . On nuclear nonproliferation, he supported the U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Agreement via H.R. 7081 in September 2008, enabling civilian nuclear trade while integrating into global safeguards. To address , he endorsed the East Asia Security Act (H.R. 3100) in July 2005, imposing sanctions on entities facilitating arms transfers to . His voting record earned a -2 from the Arab American Institute in 2012, reflecting opposition to measures perceived as overly accommodating to Palestinian positions in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In multilateral institutions, Cooper opposed restrictions on U.S. contributions, voting no on the UN Reform Act (H.R. 2745) in June 2005, which sought to cap funding pending structural changes, prioritizing steady support for international stability efforts. He also voted yes on the to block imports linked to abuses, signaling concerns over China's human rights practices. Overall, his positions aligned with a realist approach favoring readiness, selective alliances, and deterrence against peer competitors, tempered by demands for cost efficiency in defense budgeting.

Social and healthcare issues

Cooper supported rights, voting against a prohibition on federal health coverage that includes in May 2011 and in favor of expanding research in January 2007 and May 2005. In 2022, he criticized Tennessee's proposed ban as "radical and dangerous," advocating for federal protections post-Dobbs decision. On gun rights, Cooper voted to prohibit lawsuits against manufacturers and dealers for criminal misuse of their products in October 2005 and April 2003, earning a B- rating from the indicating a moderately pro-gun stance. Regarding and , he backed measures to reduce and mass incarceration, including expanding re-entry services for offenders, and sponsored legislation in December 2020 to abolish the federal death penalty. Cooper held a moderately pro-drug reform position, receiving a B rating from NORML in November 2016, though he voted to combat the epidemic in June 2018. His record on LGBTQ rights was mixed: he voted yes on a 2006 banning but later supported the in July 2022 and praised the Court's 2015 Obergefell decision legalizing it nationwide, stating " and win." He also voted to prohibit job discrimination based on in November 2007 and to enforce penalties for anti-gay hate crimes. The rated him 38% on gay rights issues in December 2006. In healthcare, as a Blue Dog Democrat emphasizing fiscal restraint, Cooper supported expansions like the reauthorization in January 2009 and increased funding for and . He backed the in 2010 while pushing for cost controls to avoid deficit increases, later opposing the 2017 American Health Care Act repeal as inadequate. In the , he proposed managed competition reforms to enhance affordability through accountable health partnerships.

Personal life

Family and residences

James Hayes Shofner Cooper was born on June 19, 1954, in , to William Prentice Cooper Jr., a former , and Hortense Powell Cooper. He has a brother, John Cooper, who later served as mayor of Nashville. Cooper married Martha Hays on April 6, 1985; the couple remained wed for nearly 36 years until her death. They had three children: daughters and , and son Hayes. Martha Cooper died on February 4, 2021, at the age of 66 in the family's Nashville home following a prolonged battle with . On March 12, 2022, Cooper married Mary Falls, a Nashville-based political adviser who had also been widowed, in a ceremony in Nashville. Cooper maintains his primary residence in Nashville, Tennessee, the city and district he represented in Congress for multiple terms. His hometown is Shelbyville, Tennessee, reflecting longstanding family ties in the region.

Health and legacy reflections

In January 2022, Cooper tested positive for but reported only mild symptoms, which he attributed to prior . No other significant personal health challenges have been publicly disclosed, and he has remained active professionally following his retirement from in January 2023. Cooper's early exposure to health issues shaped his policy priorities; his father died of cancer when Cooper was 14 years old, motivating his long-term focus on legislation during his congressional tenure. In public discussions, he has emphasized that personal behaviors and lifestyle choices influence health outcomes four times more than medical interventions alone. Reflecting on his 32-year congressional career upon retirement, Cooper highlighted applying "Tennessee common sense" through bipartisan moderation, including key roles in establishing the and advancing fiscally prudent health care reforms. He positioned the , which he co-chaired, as one of Congress's "bravest" groups for challenging party leadership on spending and ideology. Cooper lamented the erosion of since his 1983 entry into , blaming factors like amplification, , and a shift away from Tennessee's tradition of exemplified by figures such as and . He viewed events like the , 2021, insurrection as a dangerous departure from norms, describing them as "stated intent to murder" rather than legitimate discourse. Peers recognized him as "the conscience of the " for upholding civility amid polarization, though his moderate stance contributed to his 2022 primary vulnerability and ultimate ouster via redistricting. Post-retirement, Cooper has extended his influence through academia, joining as a distinguished scholar in residence in spring 2024 and affiliating with the . In June 2023, he publicly opposed the rumored sale of Nashville's Alive Hospice, underscoring his continued advocacy for local health institutions. He plans to author a book on his experiences and return to , advising Democrats to prioritize voter respect to counter electoral losses in red-leaning states like .

Electoral history

[Electoral history - no content]

References

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    COOPER, James Hayes Shofner | US House of Representatives
    COOPER, James Hayes Shofner, A Representative from Tennessee; born in Nashville, Davidson County, Tenn., June 19, 1954; graduated from Groton School, Groton, ...Missing: key | Show results with:key<|separator|>
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    Jim Cooper | Congress.gov
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