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Name recognition

Name recognition, in the context of politics, denotes the degree of public familiarity with a candidate's or politician's name among voters, serving as a foundational element of electoral strategy especially in low-information environments where voters lack detailed policy knowledge.^[1] This familiarity often translates into a voting heuristic, where individuals default to supporting recognized names over unfamiliar ones, thereby conferring a measurable advantage to incumbents and established figures.^[2] Empirical analyses, including natural experiments from Japanese parliamentary elections, confirm that candidates with superior name recognition secure higher vote shares independent of other factors like party affiliation or policy positions.^[2] Challengers, by contrast, must invest heavily in advertising, yard signs, and media exposure to build name recognition, as studies of U.S. congressional primaries illustrate its pivotal role in distinguishing candidates amid voter uncertainty.^[3] High name recognition underpins the incumbency advantage, with data from American elections showing it as one of several mechanisms—alongside casework and fundraising—that sustains reelection rates exceeding 90% in House races during certain periods.^[4] Experimental evidence from online ad campaigns further demonstrates causal effects, where targeted Facebook advertisements measurably boosted candidate name recall and, in some cases, favorability among exposed demographics.^[5] In local and primary contests, where information costs are high, name recognition can eclipse ideological alignment, prompting campaigns to prioritize visibility tactics over substantive messaging.^[6] While akin to brand awareness in commercial marketing, its political application emphasizes short-term voter heuristics over long-term loyalty, with peer-reviewed research underscoring its outsized influence in fragmented electorates.^[1]^[2]

Definition and Psychological Basis

Core Concept and Historical Origins

Name recognition refers to the extent to which individuals can identify or recall a specific name associated with a person, brand, or entity, often measured via surveys assessing familiarity from prior exposure. In political contexts, it quantifies voters' ability to recognize a candidate's name, which correlates with electoral viability, as incumbents typically enjoy higher rates—often exceeding 90%—due to ongoing media coverage.^[7] In marketing, it gauges consumer awareness of brand names, where high recognition (e.g., over 80% for established firms) drives preference and sales by embedding the name in memory through repeated advertising.^[8] Psychologically, name recognition stems from recognition memory processes, where a name triggers a sense of familiarity without necessitating detailed recall, rooted in associative learning in the brain's temporal lobes. This is amplified by the mere-exposure effect, in which repeated, even subconscious, encounters with a name foster positive affect; experiments from 1968 demonstrated that participants rated nonsense words more favorably after 10–25 subliminal exposures, averaging a 12–15% increase in liking compared to unexposed controls.^[9] Unlike recall, which demands active retrieval and falters for abstract proper names (success rates around 20–30% lower than for concrete words), recognition leverages perceptual fluency for quicker, more reliable identification.^[10] The historical roots of name recognition research lie in late 19th- and early 20th-century memory studies, building on Hermann Ebbinghaus's 1885 forgetting curves that distinguished recognition from recall through experimental relearning tasks. Applied to names, empirical work emerged in the 1930s, with a 1934 study finding recognition accuracy for names at 65–75% versus 85–90% for faces, attributing deficits to names' low semantic content and high interference from similar-sounding alternatives.^[10] In practical domains, the concept gained traction post-1930s with public opinion polling; Gallup's 1936 election surveys implicitly tracked candidate familiarity, revealing name visibility as a proxy for support in mass democracies.^[11] By the mid-20th century, television advertising formalized its role in campaigns, where strategies prioritized name repetition—evident in 1952 U.S. presidential ads boosting Dwight Eisenhower's recognition from 40% pre-campaign to near-universal levels—shifting focus from policy elaboration to visibility in fragmented media environments.^[12]

Underlying Cognitive Mechanisms

The mere-exposure effect constitutes a primary cognitive mechanism driving name recognition, wherein repeated, incidental exposure to a name fosters increased familiarity and affinity without deliberate evaluation or awareness of the exposure's influence. This phenomenon, empirically established through experiments by Robert Zajonc in 1968 involving repeated presentations of neutral stimuli like Chinese ideographs and nonsense words, results in heightened liking proportional to exposure frequency, as familiarity reduces cognitive effort and evokes positive affect.^[9] In contexts such as elections or branding, frequent media or advertising encounters with a name thus amplify recognition, conferring electoral or market advantages to incumbents and established entities over lesser-known alternatives, independent of substantive merits.^[13] Complementing mere exposure, the recognition heuristic enables rapid inferences from memory accessibility, whereby individuals preferentially select recognized names over unrecognized ones, presuming the former's superiority in quality, competence, or relevance when full information is unavailable. Originating from research by Goldstein and Gigerenzer (1999, 2002), this "fast-and-frugal" strategy yields accurate judgments in environments where recognition correlates with objective attributes, as validated in cross-national studies comparing city populations or stock performances.^[14] Applied to voting, experimental evidence from simulated German elections demonstrates voters' reliance on recognition—bolstered by episodic cues like recent visibility—to predict outcomes, particularly under time constraints or low motivation, thereby explaining incumbency biases where name familiarity proxies for viability.^[15] Processing fluency further reinforces name recognition by linking perceptual ease in retrieving or identifying a name to metacognitive signals of truth, familiarity, or value, as fluent cognition triggers illusory positivity. Neurocognitive studies indicate that fluent names elicit faster recognition judgments and reduced error rates compared to disfluent ones, with fluency arising from prior exposures that streamline semantic and phonological access.^[16] In brand contexts, this manifests as preferences for easily processed names, with laboratory manipulations showing fluent non-words outperforming disfluent counterparts in recognition tasks and affective ratings, a pattern extensible to political names where ballot fluency subtly sways undecided voters.^[17] These mechanisms operate largely automatically via associative memory networks, underscoring name recognition's roots in heuristic efficiency rather than analytical deliberation.

Applications in Marketing and Consumer Behavior

Brand Building and Loyalty

Brand recognition forms a cornerstone of brand building in marketing by leveraging psychological principles of familiarity to cultivate consumer preference and equity. Through repeated exposure via advertising, packaging, and media, a brand name becomes more salient, reducing cognitive effort in recall and evaluation during purchase decisions. This process aligns with the mere exposure effect, where increased familiarity without adverse experiences enhances liking and positions the brand favorably against competitors.^[18]^[13] Empirical research underscores how name recognition transitions into loyalty by mitigating perceived risks and bolstering trust. A study on consumer apparel purchases found that higher brand familiarity directly lowers financial, performance, and social risks, leading to more positive attitudes and elevated purchase intentions, with statistical significance confirmed via structural equation modeling (β = -0.32 for risk reduction, p < 0.01).^[19] Similarly, analysis of brand awareness effects revealed it positively impacts loyalty through brand commitment as a mediator, explaining up to 45% of variance in repurchase behavior among surveyed consumers. In practice, marketers exploit name recognition for loyalty by prioritizing top-of-mind positioning, as evidenced in sectors like food and banking where recall correlates with retention rates exceeding 70% for highly familiar brands.^[20] Concept recall tied to brand names further strengthens attitudinal loyalty, with consumers exhibiting repurchase intentions 1.5 times higher when associating abstract brand ideals over product features.^[21] However, loyalty accrues most reliably when recognition pairs with consistent quality, as isolated familiarity alone yields superficial adherence vulnerable to competitive disruption.^[22]

Advertising Techniques and Strategies

Repetition serves as a foundational advertising technique for building name recognition, leveraging the mere exposure effect where increased familiarity with a brand name through repeated presentations enhances consumer preference and recall.^[23] Empirical research confirms that frequent ad exposures strengthen memory traces for brand names, as repetition rehearses recognition and reduces cognitive effort in retrieval.^[24] For example, campaigns employing high-frequency rotations—such as airing the same ad multiple times weekly across television or digital platforms—can elevate unaided recall rates by reinforcing neural pathways associated with the name.^[25] Advertisers optimize repetition strategies by balancing frequency to avoid wearout, where excessive exposure leads to irritation rather than affinity; studies indicate an optimal threshold of 3–7 exposures per consumer before diminishing returns set in for low-familiarity brands.^[26] Brand familiarity moderates these effects, with novel names requiring more repetitions to achieve parity with established ones, as demonstrated in experiments comparing TV and internet ads.^[27] Multi-channel approaches, including programmatic digital targeting, amplify this by ensuring consistent name exposure across search, social media, and video formats, thereby compounding cumulative familiarity.^[28] Associative techniques further enhance name recognition by linking the brand name to salient cues, such as slogans or visual motifs that prompt spontaneous recall.^[29] Semantic repetition within ad copy—reiterating the name in varied contexts—boosts both immediate recognition and long-term associations, outperforming dispersed messaging in controlled recall tests.^[30] Jingles and auditory mnemonics, which embed the name in rhythmic patterns, exploit phonological processing to improve retention, with evidence from consumer product studies showing heightened liking for names paired with familiar tunes.^[31] Strategic partnerships and co-branding extend name recognition by borrowing equity from high-visibility entities, as seen in collaborations where a lesser-known name gains traction through joint campaigns.^[32] However, effectiveness hinges on alignment, with mismatched associations risking dilution; data from brand equity models underscore that sustained, coherent exposure yields measurable lifts in top-of-mind awareness metrics.^[33] Overall, these techniques prioritize empirical metrics like aided/unaided recall surveys to quantify gains, ensuring campaigns drive verifiable increases in name salience amid competitive clutter.^[34]

Applications in Politics and Public Perception

Electoral Advantages and Disadvantages

Name recognition confers a substantial electoral advantage to incumbents, who typically enjoy widespread familiarity among voters, contributing to U.S. House re-election rates often exceeding 90% across cycles from 1964 to 2024.^[35] This edge arises particularly in low-information contests, such as congressional primaries or local races, where voters use recognition as a heuristic for candidate viability and competence, leading to increased support for familiar names over unknowns.^[3] Empirical field experiments, including yard sign placements in county elections, confirm that even modest boosts in visibility enhance vote shares by fostering familiarity without requiring deep policy engagement.^[3] For challengers, achieving comparable recognition demands significant resources, such as advertising or endorsements, but can level the playing field against incumbents when paired with positive associations; however, in 2018 polls, about one-third of registered voters in both parties reported unfamiliarity with candidates, underscoring how low recognition disadvantages lesser-known contenders in general elections.^[36] Conversely, high name recognition poses disadvantages when linked to unfavorable perceptions, as widespread familiarity amplifies the salience of scandals, policy failures, or personal controversies, eroding support more severely than obscurity would.^[5] Digital advertising experiments demonstrate that while exposure elevates recall, it frequently fails to improve favorability, potentially mobilizing opposition voters who recognize the candidate negatively.^[5] In such cases, incumbents or high-profile challengers face heightened scrutiny, where national mood shifts—evident in wave elections like 1980 or 2010—can override recognition, unseating even well-known figures despite their visibility advantage.^[35] This dynamic is pronounced for candidates with polarized or declining net favorability, as recognition facilitates rapid dissemination of critiques via media, reducing the protective buffer of anonymity available to low-profile rivals.

Media Influence and Candidate Visibility

Media coverage significantly enhances candidate name recognition by repeatedly exposing voters to candidates' names, often through news reports, debates, and interviews, which aligns with the mere exposure effect where familiarity breeds preference regardless of content valence.^[37] Empirical analyses indicate that disruptions in political TV coverage, such as Italy's 1990s shift under Silvio Berlusconi, altered voters' information sources and influenced vote shares, underscoring media's role in visibility and recognition.^[38] In preferential-list proportional representation systems, higher candidate visibility via media correlates with increased voter knowledge and incumbency advantages, as incumbents receive more coverage due to their office-holding status.^[39] Even predominantly negative media attention can elevate name recognition, as the volume of exposure prioritizes recall over sentiment. For instance, during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, Donald Trump garnered 23% of total news coverage in the general election—five times that of Hillary Clinton—much of it unfavorable, yet this propelled his name recognition to tie with Clinton's at over 90% among national adults by December 2015.^[40] ^[41] Pre-primary coverage in 2015 further illustrates this: Trump's share of Republican primary news rose from minimal to dominant, predicting his polling surge through heightened public interest and familiarity, independent of coverage tone.^[42] Mainstream outlets, often exhibiting left-leaning biases in story selection and framing, contributed to this visibility; however, the sheer quantity of airtime and print mentions drove recognition gains, demonstrating causal realism in media's amplifying effect beyond ideological slant.^[43] Paid media, including online advertisements, provides campaigns with targeted tools to boost recognition. A field experiment during a 2010 U.S. gubernatorial election found that intensive Facebook ad exposure increased candidate name recall by approximately 2-3 percentage points in treatment areas, measured via post-campaign surveys, though it had limited impact on favorability.^[44] Incumbents leverage "free media" advantages, such as taxpayer-funded communications and routine coverage of official actions, which sustain high baseline recognition and deter challengers lacking equivalent access.^[45] This dynamic is evident in congressional races, where incumbents' reelection rates exceed 90% partly due to entrenched visibility, though challengers can counter via strategic media buys or viral moments.^[46] While media amplifies visibility, its influence on name recognition varies by platform and audience; traditional outlets dominate for older voters, but digital media accelerates recognition in primaries where initial obscurity is common.^[12] Studies confirm that recognition gains from media do not uniformly translate to votes, as voters may default to familiar names without deeper evaluation, highlighting superficiality risks in low-information environments.^[47] Overall, media's causal role in candidate visibility underscores its power in shaping electoral perceptions, often favoring those with resources or controversy to secure airtime.

Empirical Evidence

Classic Studies and Experiments

One foundational experiment on long-term name recognition was conducted by Harry P. Bahrick, Patricia O. Bahrick, and Carol Wittlinger in 1975, involving 392 high school graduates who were tested on their memory for classmates' names and faces using yearbook photographs from intervals up to 48 years after graduation. Participants performed name-face matching and identification tasks, achieving approximately 90% accuracy for both names and faces retained over 15 years, with gradual decline thereafter but persistent recognition even after decades, indicating robust very long-term memory for personally significant names despite minimal rehearsal.^[48]^[49] Robert B. Zajonc's 1968 experiments on the mere-exposure effect demonstrated how repeated exposure to novel stimuli, such as nonsense words or ideographs, enhances familiarity and positive evaluation without conscious recognition, using subliminal presentations (e.g., 0.05-second exposures) to 60-100 trials across groups. In one study, subjects rated Turkish words more favorably after 10-25 exposures compared to novel ones, establishing that name-like stimuli gain recognition and affective preference through passive repetition, a mechanism underlying incidental name familiarity in social and marketing contexts.^[50] Gillian Cohen and Dorothy Faulkner's 1986 studies highlighted retrieval challenges for proper names, presenting participants with biographical vignettes pairing fictitious names with semantic details (e.g., occupations), then testing free recall and cued recall. Proper names were recalled significantly less often (around 20-30% accuracy) than comparable common nouns or occupational terms, attributed to names' arbitrary, non-semantic nature lacking associative cues, though recognition tasks showed higher performance, underscoring a dissociation between name recall deficits and preserved recognition.^[51] These experiments collectively illustrate name recognition's reliance on exposure frequency, personal relevance, and task type, with recognition often outperforming recall due to familiarity-based processes rather than deep encoding.^[52]

Recent Research and Data

A 2022 field experiment on political yard signs in local U.S. elections found that increased visibility raised candidate name recognition by up to 6 percentage points and boosted vote shares by 1.4-2.6 percentage points, with effects persisting even for a fictitious candidate included as a control, suggesting that mere exposure drives superficial support independent of policy or quality cues.^[53] In a randomized evaluation of Facebook advertising during political campaigns, exposure to online ads significantly increased candidate name recognition—by 2-5 percentage points in tested districts—but did not improve favorability ratings or alter voting intentions, indicating recognition gains without corresponding preference shifts.^[5] In consumer behavior, a 2024 empirical study of banking sector customers using Net Promoter Score metrics showed that higher brand recognition directly predicted increased purchase likelihood, with recognized brands achieving 15-20% higher loyalty scores compared to lesser-known competitors, mediated by perceived reliability.^[54] Recent surveys corroborate this, revealing that 50% of consumers are more likely to select recognized brands over unfamiliar alternatives when quality information is limited, a pattern consistent with the mere-exposure effect amplifying familiarity into preference.^[55] Cognitive psychology experiments from 2023-2025 affirm the recognition heuristic's robustness, where participants inferring quantitative attributes (e.g., city population or product quality) chose recognized items over unrecognized ones 60-70% of the time, outperforming compensatory models in low-knowledge scenarios but faltering when recognition cues conflicted with available evidence.^[56] A 2025 study on memory processes further demonstrated that pre-experimental familiarity enhances recognition accuracy for faces and names by 10-15% in source-monitoring tasks, attributing gains to fluency-based judgments rather than deliberate recall.^[57] These findings underscore name recognition's role as a fast, ecologically adaptive cue, though prone to overreliance in high-stakes decisions.

Criticisms and Limitations

Potential for Superficial Judgments

High name recognition can engender superficial judgments by capitalizing on the mere-exposure effect, in which repeated familiarity with a stimulus—such as a candidate's or brand's name—elevates preference and perceived favorability without regard for substantive qualities like policy efficacy or product performance.^[58] This heuristic shortcut prioritizes cognitive ease over deliberative evaluation, often resulting in decisions detached from empirical merit.^[13] In political arenas, voters frequently rely on name recognition as a low-information cue, leading to selections based on recall rather than informed scrutiny of records or proposals; for example, mere recognition of candidates from small, non-representative samples has forecasted U.S. presidential election outcomes with accuracy rivaling traditional polls, indicating widespread deference to familiarity over detailed knowledge.^[59] Experimental evidence further reveals that contrived exposure to fictitious news headlines mentioning a candidate boosts vote shares by up to 6.5 percentage points in mock elections, even absent any policy content, thereby illustrating how superficial visibility trumps substantive deliberation.^[37] Such dynamics disproportionately advantage incumbents or high-profile figures, potentially perpetuating leadership by recognition alone, as seen in analyses where name ID correlates with electoral success independent of voter issue alignment.^[60] Analogous patterns manifest in consumer behavior, where brand name familiarity drives purchasing intent via the same exposure mechanism, often bypassing assessments of utility or value; studies confirm that increased ad-driven recognition enhances choice probabilities without necessitating product trials or quality verification.^[44] This superficiality risks inefficient allocations, as consumers may favor known entities over superior but lesser-known alternatives, mirroring electoral pitfalls where uninformed heuristics yield suboptimal governance outcomes.^[61] Critics argue this vulnerability underscores the need for mechanisms promoting deeper engagement, though empirical data affirm the robustness of recognition's sway across domains.^[62]

Biases, Errors, and Ethical Concerns

The mere exposure effect, a cognitive bias where repeated familiarity with a stimulus enhances liking or preference without regard to its intrinsic qualities, significantly influences judgments based on name recognition. In experimental settings, mere exposure to candidates' names or images via fictitious news headlines shifted voting intentions toward those stimuli, even when participants could not recall specifics of the exposure. This effect persists in real-world analogs, such as the Eurovision Song Contest, where pre-final familiarity from semi-finals predicted higher vote shares, suggesting voters favor recognized names over superior performance metrics. Similarly, exposure to candidates' tweets in South Korea's 2018 local elections increased vote shares by approximately 2-3 percentage points per additional exposure, independent of message content.^[37]^[61]^[63] Such biases foster errors in candidate evaluation, where name recognition serves as a heuristic proxy for competence or endorsement, leading to superficial rather than substantive assessments. In Japanese House of Representatives elections, a natural experiment revealed that candidates with higher pre-existing name recognition—unrelated to policy or performance—received 1-2% more votes, amplifying incumbency advantages without evidence of superior qualifications. Political signage experiments further demonstrate this error: displaying signs for fictitious candidates boosted their perceived viability and hypothetical vote shares by up to 5%, as voters conflated visibility with legitimacy. These patterns align with the familiarity heuristic, where low-information voters prioritize recognizable names, mistaking media saturation for merit and disadvantaging novices or underfunded challengers.^[64]^[53] Ethically, reliance on name recognition raises concerns about democratic integrity, as it enables resource disparities to dominate outcomes over policy deliberation. Campaigns investing heavily in advertising—often exceeding $10 billion in U.S. presidential cycles—can manufacture familiarity to sway undecided voters, prioritizing visibility over issue-based discourse and potentially eroding informed consent. This dynamic favors established figures or those with media access, perpetuating elite entrenchment; for instance, incumbents leverage ongoing recognition to secure 85-90% reelection rates in U.S. House races, partly attributable to non-policy heuristics rather than constituent alignment. Critics argue this undermines causal accountability, as voters may retrospectively rationalize choices post-exposure, but empirical data indicate the bias operates pre-consciously, complicating mitigation without structural reforms like spending caps or information mandates.^[60]^[13]

Measurement and Real-World Impact

Assessment Methods

Public opinion surveys represent the standard empirical approach to measuring name recognition, typically involving questions that gauge voter familiarity with a candidate's name. In aided recognition formats, respondents are directly prompted with the name and asked if they have heard of the individual, yielding percentages such as the 34% of Republican voters unfamiliar with certain House candidates in a 2018 Reuters/Ipsos poll.^[65] Unaided recognition tests, by contrast, require respondents to spontaneously recall candidates for a specific office without cues, often revealing lower baseline awareness in low-information races; for instance, experimental surveys have shown incumbents benefiting from higher unaided recall due to prior exposure.^[66] Pollsters like Monmouth University employ telephone and online methodologies to track these metrics longitudinally, adjusting for sampling frames to estimate district-level name ID, as seen in analyses where candidates with under 20% recognition face structural disadvantages.^[12] Survey experiments provide a controlled complement, isolating name recognition's causal effects by randomizing exposure to candidate names or profiles before measuring recall or identification. In one such design, post-exposure telephone surveys assessed recognition after ad campaigns, finding incremental gains of 5-10% from targeted messaging, though results vary by voter demographics and media saturation.^[44] These methods prioritize random sampling and validated scales to minimize biases like acquiescence, where respondents overstate familiarity; margins of error typically range from 3-5% for national samples of 1,000 respondents.^[67] Alternative proxies, such as digital footprints, offer scalable but indirect assessments less reliable for voter-specific recognition. Wikipedia page views correlate with political prominence, enabling cross-national comparisons where views spike predict recognition levels, though they overlook offline exposure and undercount non-English audiences.^[68] Search volume via tools like Google Trends tracks query frequency for names, peaking during campaigns, but conflates curiosity with sustained awareness; a 2020 analysis tied trends to poll shifts yet noted lags in low-engagement regions.^[69] These data sources supplement surveys for real-time monitoring but require triangulation, as they do not capture the cognitive accessibility central to electoral behavior.

Broader Societal and Economic Effects

High incumbency reelection rates, driven in substantial part by voter reliance on name recognition rather than policy evaluation, reduce democratic accountability and electoral responsiveness in legislative bodies. In the U.S. House of Representatives, incumbents won reelection in approximately 90-98% of contested races across cycles from the 1980s to the 2010s, with the advantage persisting even amid varying economic conditions.^[70] ^[71] This pattern insulates officeholders from voter discontent, as familiarity heuristics dominate in low-information environments, allowing suboptimal performers to retain seats without demonstrating superior outcomes.^[3] The societal ramifications include diminished policy innovation and heightened risk of entrenchment, where repeated reelection fosters legislative inertia on pressing issues like entitlement reform or infrastructure decay. Empirical analyses show that incumbency advantages systematically lower the translation of vote swings into seat changes, weakening the mechanism by which public preferences influence governance and potentially amplifying partisan bias in representation.^[72] ^[73] In primary elections, local elites exploit name recognition to advance ideologically extreme candidates over median-voter-aligned ones, contributing to polarized outcomes that hinder consensus-building on societal challenges.^[6] Economically, these effects manifest in slower adaptation to fiscal or market shifts, as incumbents prioritize visibility over reforms that might alienate key constituencies. Reduced turnover correlates with persistent budgetary deficits and regulatory policies misaligned with efficiency needs, as evidenced by models linking incumbency to muted responses in economic policy pivots.^[74] While direct causation is challenging to isolate from confounding factors like gerrymandering, the incumbency premium—estimated at 2-5% in vote share—effectively raises barriers to challenger entry, sustaining status-quo economic frameworks that may retard growth in stagnant sectors.^[75] In contexts of superficial voting cues, such as ballot order or signage amplifying familiarity, resource misallocation intensifies, with voters defaulting to known names irrespective of fiscal track records.^[53]

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[PDF] The Media and Candidate Popularity During the 2012 and 2016 ...
Dec 16, 2016 · Name recognition also serves as the main cue at the polls for voters who are unfamiliar with names of the candidates when voting (Burden, 2002; ...
[48]
Fifty Years of Memory for Names and Faces: A Cross-Sectional ...
SUMMARY. Three hundred and ninety two high school graduates were tested for memory of names and portraits of classmates selected from yearbooks.
[49]
[PDF] Fifty years of memory for names and faces: A cross-sectional ...
Mar 1, 1975 · SUMMARY Three hundred and ninety two high school graduates were tested for memory of names and portraits of classmates selected from ...
[50]
[PDF] THE ATTITUDINAL EFFECTS OF MERE EXPOSURE by Robert B ...
This paper examines the general hypotheaio that mora repeated exposure of the individual to a stimulus is a sufficient condition for the enhancement of his ...<|separator|>
[51]
(PDF) Memory for proper names: Age differences in retrieval
Aug 6, 2025 · In memory-based tasks, PN are typically associated with greater difficulty and higher cognitive costs compared to CN (Cohen & Faulkner, 1986; ...
[52]
Fifty years of memory for names and faces: A cross-sectional ...
Results show that identification and matching of names and faces remained approximately 90% correct for at least 15 yrs, even for members of very large classes.
[53]
Campaign signs influence how we vote more than you might realize
Oct 1, 2022 · Especially in local races, political signs can drive name recognition in important ways. In one study, they even helped elevate a fictitious ...Missing: empirical | Show results with:empirical<|separator|>
[54]
(PDF) Brand Recognition and Consumer Choices - ResearchGate
Dec 13, 2024 · This study investigates the influence of brand awareness on consumer purchase decisions in the banking sector, utilizing the Net Promoter Score (NPS) method.
[55]
BEST BRAND AWARENESS STATISTICS 2025 - Amra & Elma
Jul 16, 2025 · Recognition leads to trust and purchasing decisions. Wiser Notify states that 50% of consumers are more likely to buy from brands they recognize ...Missing: empirical 2020-2025
[56]
The recognition heuristic: A decade of research
Jan 1, 2023 · The recognition heuristic exploits the basic psychological capacity for recognition in order to make inferences about unknown quantities in the world.
[57]
The Role of Familiarity in Recognition and Source Memory - NIH
Jan 9, 2025 · Across two experiments, we compared the effect of experimental and pre-experimental familiarity on recognition and source memory. Pre- ...
[58]
Mere exposure to fictitious news media alters voting behavior
Aug 1, 2023 · Repeatedly encountering a stimulus biases the observer's affective response and evaluation of the stimuli. Here we provide evidence for a ...<|separator|>
[59]
Forecasting elections with mere recognition from small, lousy samples
Jan 1, 2023 · They usually rely on intention-based election forecasts, generated by interviewing large representative samples of citizens about their voting ...
[60]
The 3 Worst Ways That People Pick a Political Candidate - Forbes
Sep 27, 2018 · These three biases may be influencing your ability to make a rational voting decision, without you even knowing it.
[61]
Evidence for the influence of the mere-exposure effect on voting in ...
The Eurovision Song Contest is a two-stage event, in which some contestants in the final will be more familiar to viewers than others. Thus, viewers' voting is ...
[62]
An angry voter is an ignorant voter
An angry voter is an ignorant voter. March 3, 2010. Tags: Anxiety · Emotional ... In the real world, that means things like basic name recognition, party ...
[63]
Full article: The mere exposure effect of tweets on vote choice
Mar 17, 2021 · This study investigates the effects of exposure to political candidates' tweets on vote choice in the context of the 2018 local election in South Korea.Missing: behavior | Show results with:behavior
[64]
A Natural Experiment of Name Recognition | The Journal of Politics
Do candidates garner more votes simply because their names are better recognized? To answer this question, we use elections to the Japanese House of ...
[65]
What's in a name? One-third of US voters don't know candidates
Oct 3, 2018 · The level of congressional candidate name recognition is about in line with recent elections, said Marc Hetherington, a professor of political ...
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Name Recognition and Candidate Support - Kam - 2013
May 2, 2013 · The majority of electoral contests feature candidates who are relative unknowns. In such situations, does name recognition breed contempt, ...Missing: earliest | Show results with:earliest
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Glossary of Terms | Roper Center for Public Opinion Research
This occurs when an interviewer attempts to reach a potential survey respondent by phone after failing to reach them previously. Most telephone surveys will set ...
[68]
Measuring the name recognition of politicians through Wikipedia
Dec 5, 2021 · We examine how Wikipedia data can be useful for political analysis. Our primary aim is to determine whether Wikipedia page views can be used ...
[69]
How To Read Polls In 2020 | FiveThirtyEight - Politics News
Jun 15, 2020 · It doesn't take an advanced degree in statistics to interpret polling in a smart way. So the next time you come across a poll and are wondering what to make of ...
[70]
[PDF] Assessing the Rise and Development of the Incumbency Advantage ...
Our results raise new issues about democratic accountability and representation in the context of congressional elections. Paper prepared for presentation at ...
[71]
[PDF] Estimating Incumbency Advantage and Its Variation, as an Example ...
We then present our preferred model in Section 3 and fit it to congressional elections in Section 4. Andrew Gelman is Professor, Department of Statistics and ...
[72]
[PDF] Systemic Consequences of Incumbency Advantage in US House ...
We examine the influence of the incumbency advantage on two features of the electoral system in U.S. House elections: electoral responsiveness and partisan bias ...Missing: rates | Show results with:rates
[73]
Systemic Consequences of Incumbency Advantage - jstor
We examine the influence of the incumbency advantage on two features of the electoral system in U.S. House elections: electoral responsiveness and partisan ...
[74]
Do the Advantages of Incumbency Advantage Incumbents?
“Incumbency advantage” typically refers to the electoral margin a candidate enjoys because of her status as an incumbent running for reelection. An extensive ...
[75]
Shifts in Incumbency Advantage in the US House - FairVote
our measure of the strength of congressional incumbents — rebounded from a 20-year low of 2.55% in 2014 to 3.2 ...