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Kashf-e hijab

Kashf-e hijab ("unveiling of the veil") was a decree issued by Reza Shah Pahlavi on 8 January 1936 that banned all forms of Islamic veiling, including the hijab and chador, for women in public spaces across Iran.^[1]^[2] The policy formed a core element of Reza Shah's top-down modernization drive, modeled after Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's secular reforms in Turkey, seeking to westernize Iranian society, curtail clerical influence, and integrate women into public life through mandatory adoption of European-style attire.^[3]^[4] Enforcement relied on state police who physically tore veils from non-compliant women, imposed fines, or barred veiled individuals from public facilities, resulting in widespread coercion and humiliation for many, particularly among rural and devout populations.^[5]^[6] The initiative elicited sharp resistance, most notably from religious leaders and communities; in Qom, protests erupted where women defiantly paraded in chadors, prompting violent suppressions by security forces that underscored the policy's clash with traditional Islamic norms.^[3]^[7] While urban elites and some women's groups initially welcomed the push toward emancipation and education—evidenced by rising female enrollment in schools and workforce participation—the coercive nature alienated broader segments, fostering resentment that persisted beyond Reza Shah's 1941 abdication, when the ban was relaxed under his successor.^[8]^[4] Kashf-e hijab exemplified the Pahlavi regime's causal prioritization of state-directed secular progress over organic social evolution, yielding mixed outcomes: accelerated modernization in select spheres but at the expense of cultural autonomy and triggering backlash that later fueled Islamist opposition.^[9]

Historical Context

Pre-Pahlavi Veiling Norms in Iran

During the Qajar dynasty (1789–1925), veiling constituted a mandatory cultural and religious norm for Iranian women in public, deeply intertwined with Shia Islamic doctrines stressing female modesty (haya) and seclusion from non-mahram men to preserve chastity and social order. The chador—a semicircular full-body garment typically paired with a headscarf—functioned as the standard attire, embodying piety and serving as a protector of family honor, with non-adherence risking social stigma and accusations of dishonor against male guardians.^[10]^[11] Shia clerics reinforced these practices through fatwas and communal oversight, interpreting Quranic injunctions on covering as imperatives for ethical conduct, thereby embedding veiling within the patriarchal framework of Twelver Shiism dominant in Iran.^[12] This veiling regime entrenched gender segregation, severely curtailing women's public presence and opportunities for independent activity. Women were largely confined to the domestic sphere, with limited visibility in markets or streets unless fully veiled, which restricted their roles to household management, child-rearing, and informal economic contributions like weaving or vending from home.^[13] Clerical and familial pressures further discouraged unveiling, associating it with moral laxity and foreign influence, thus perpetuating a cycle where seclusion preserved perceived Islamic authenticity but isolated women from broader societal advancements.^[14] Quantitative evidence underscores the impact: female literacy rates hovered below 1% in the early 20th century, as cultural emphasis on seclusion precluded widespread access to formal education for girls beyond rudimentary home tutoring.^[15] These norms causally impeded women's economic participation, confining them to low-productivity domestic labor and exacerbating Iran's lag behind regions like the Ottoman Empire, where selective reforms were beginning to integrate women into public education and commerce, highlighting veiling's role in sustaining structural gender disparities.^[16]

Reza Shah's Broader Modernization Efforts

Reza Shah Pahlavi rose to prominence through a 1921 military coup against the Qajar dynasty, culminating in his formal coronation as Shah in December 1925, which marked the founding of the Pahlavi dynasty and the onset of aggressive centralization efforts. These initiatives included military campaigns to subdue semi-autonomous tribal groups, such as the Qashqai and Bakhtiari confederacies, and measures to limit the Shia clergy's traditional authority over education, judiciary, and social norms, thereby consolidating state control and reducing fragmented power structures that had hindered national cohesion.^[17]^[18]^[19] A pivotal influence came from Reza Shah's 1934 state visit to Turkey, where he observed Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's secular reforms firsthand during a 28-day tour, prompting emulation of Turkish models to advance Iran's autocratic secular nationalism. This exposure reinforced his view of traditional veiling and clerical dominance as emblems of feudal backwardness and Islamist obstructionism, incompatible with state-led Westernization aimed at forging a modern, unified nation-state.^[20]^[21]^[22] Complementing the kashf-e hijab initiative, Reza Shah enacted a 1928 decree on 26 September requiring all male civil servants and gradually the broader male population to adopt Western-style uniforms, explicitly banning traditional attire like robes and turbans to symbolize national modernization and discipline. By 1934, pilot programs in Tehran schools began encouraging female students to unveil, integrating women into expanding public education systems as part of broader infrastructure drives, including railway construction (e.g., the Trans-Iranian Railway initiated in 1927) and urban planning to promote mobility, economic integration, and reduced rural isolation. These measures sought to dismantle religious barriers to progress, enabling causal pathways toward mass education and industrialization; female primary school enrollment, though starting from near-zero pre-1925, saw foundational increases under state compulsion, contributing to a gradual rise in literacy despite persisting overall illiteracy exceeding 90% by 1941.^[23]^[24]^[25]

Policy Formulation and Announcement

Influences and Rationale

Reza Shah's conceptualization of the unveiling policy drew significant inspiration from Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's secular reforms in Turkey, particularly following his state visit to Ankara in June 1934, where he witnessed Turkish women's integration into public life without veils as part of broader modernization efforts.^[26] ^[20] Atatürk's 1925-1930s initiatives, including the 1926 civil code granting women legal equality and the encouragement of unveiled participation in education and workforce, positioned Turkey as a model for rapid secularization that Reza Shah sought to emulate to strengthen national sovereignty and reduce clerical influence.^[27] This exposure reinforced Reza Shah's view that veiling entrenched religious conservatism, mirroring Ottoman-era practices Atatürk had dismantled to foster a unified, modern republic.^[3] Domestically, the policy reflected pragmatic concerns articulated by Reza Shah and his inner circle, including his wife Taj ol-Moluk, who symbolized elite endorsement by appearing unveiled alongside their daughters in public settings by the mid-1930s. Reza Shah framed veiling as a superstitious custom that impeded women's visibility in urban environments, hygiene standards, and access to employment opportunities, citing instances where veiled women were barred from state administrative roles or modern industries due to perceived incompatibility with professional dress codes.^[3] ^[28] He also viewed it as a practical obstacle to orchestrated public spectacles, such as military parades and national ceremonies, where uniform unveiled participation would project an image of disciplined modernity and national cohesion. These rationales prioritized state-directed intervention to override traditional norms, asserting centralized authority over personal and familial religious practices that had historically limited female mobility.^[29] Underlying these influences was a causal recognition that entrenched clerical dominance, intertwined with veiling norms, contributed to Iran's economic underdevelopment relative to reforming neighbors like Turkey, where per capita income growth outpaced Iran's in the early 1930s amid similar statist industrialization drives. Reza Shah's approach treated unveiling as a targeted measure to disrupt cycles of poverty and isolation perpetuated by religious conservatism, favoring enforced structural change over gradual cultural shifts to accelerate workforce integration and educational access for women, thereby bolstering overall productivity in a nation where female labor participation remained negligible prior to reforms. ^[30] This empirical prioritization aimed to emulate Turkey's post-Ottoman gains, where secular policies had yielded measurable advances in female employment and GDP expansion by the mid-1930s.^[27]

The 1936 Decree

On January 8, 1936, Reza Shah Pahlavi issued the Kashf-e hijab decree, formally banning all forms of veiling, including the hijab and chador, for women appearing in public spaces across Iran.^[31]^[32] The edict mandated immediate unveiling without exceptions for rural populations, religious minorities, or traditional communities, requiring adoption of European-style attire to align with the state's modernization agenda.^[3] This policy declaration emphasized veiling as a symbol of national backwardness, with Reza Shah likening it to a "festering wound" that impeded societal progress and required surgical removal.^[3] The decree was proclaimed during a speech by Reza Shah at a graduation ceremony for female teachers in Tehran, marking a symbolic public unveiling by the royal family the preceding day to set the precedent.^[5] It established police authority to enforce compliance directly, framing the ban as essential for enhancing women's visibility in national censuses, education initiatives, and public life to promote unity under a standardized modern identity.^[33] The announcement tied the policy to broader state holidays, positioning January 8 as a commemorative "Day of Unveiling" to reinforce its ideological significance.^[34]

Enforcement and Implementation

Methods of Compulsion

The enforcement of the Kashf-e hijab decree relied primarily on direct physical intervention by state security forces, including police and gendarmes, who were instructed to remove veils from women in public spaces such as bazaars and streets.^[35]^[3] These agents often tore chadors and headscarves from non-compliant women, employing aggressive tactics to ensure immediate adherence, particularly in urban centers like Tehran where resistance was met with on-the-spot compulsion.^[6]^[1] To extend implementation beyond major cities, provincial officials and traveling state inspectors monitored compliance, applying similar coercive measures in areas like Isfahan and Qom, though enforcement intensity varied with greater leniency in rural regions due to logistical challenges and entrenched traditional norms.^[9] Non-compliance occasionally resulted in arrests or beatings, underscoring the regime's top-down approach to overcome cultural inertia rooted in longstanding veiling practices, akin to prior authoritarian reforms that prioritized state-directed cultural shifts over voluntary adoption.^[36] Complementing coercive tactics, the state deployed propaganda through educational institutions and emerging media, portraying unveiled women as symbols of progress and modernity to normalize the policy among the populace.^[37] Schools integrated lessons glorifying secular attire, while radio broadcasts reinforced the narrative of unveiling as essential for national advancement, aiming to erode voluntary resistance by associating veiling with backwardness.^[38] This multifaceted compulsion, driven by the perceived need to dismantle clerical influence and accelerate modernization, achieved higher adherence in urban settings through sustained pressure rather than incentives.^[38]

Duration and Geographical Scope

The Kashf-e hijab decree, issued on January 8, 1936, mandated the removal of veils for women in public, with rigorous enforcement persisting until Reza Shah's forced abdication on September 16, 1941, amid the Anglo-Soviet occupation of Iran during World War II.^[39] ^[31] This approximately five-year span represented the policy's peak intensity, during which state agents monitored compliance in urban public venues, though the measure lacked formal legislative codification beyond the initial directive.^[40] Under Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, who ascended in 1941, enforcement relaxed progressively; by the early 1940s, veiling ceased to be punishable, restoring personal discretion in attire absent compulsion.^[41] Geographically, the policy targeted the entirety of Iranian territory under central authority, applying to Muslim women irrespective of ethnicity or locale.^[42] Implementation, however, prioritized urban centers like Tehran, Tabriz, and Mashhad, where administrative infrastructure facilitated oversight and where an estimated 30% of the population resided in the 1930s. Rural districts, home to roughly 70% of Iranians and characterized by decentralized tribal and village structures, experienced sporadic or nominal enforcement, often resulting in women's self-sequestration from markets and roads to circumvent scrutiny rather than widespread unveiling.^[43] Non-Muslim minorities, such as Zoroastrians whose women traditionally eschewed veiling, faced negligible application initially, as the edict implicitly aligned with prevailing Muslim norms.^[42] This concentrated five-year enforcement phase aligned temporally with accelerated metrics of female modernization, including a surge in higher education access; female matriculants at the University of Tehran, Iran's premier institution founded in 1934, numbered over 70 by the 1936-37 academic year, up from effectively zero a decade prior, facilitating entry into professional fields amid reduced veiling barriers.^[42]

Societal Reactions

Support Among Elites and Modernists

Urban intellectuals and modernist elites in interwar Iran endorsed Kashf-e hijab as a pivotal measure to dismantle veiling's role in perpetuating female seclusion and underdevelopment. They contended that the chador and related coverings causally reinforced social isolation, correlating with female literacy rates below 5% in the early 1930s, which stifled women's contributions to national progress.^[43]^[15] Progressive thinkers, including secular educators and professionals in Tehran, framed unveiling as essential state intervention to bypass conservative resistance, arguing that entrenched customs vetoed voluntary modernization absent coercive authority.^[42] Women's associations, notably the Jam'iat-e Nesvan-e Vatan-khah (Patriotic Women's League), provided vocal institutional backing, portraying the decree as liberation from "medieval" constraints and organizing public demonstrations to affirm internal demand among educated urban women.^[44] In 1936, these groups staged Women's Awakening events featuring unveiled participants in parades, celebrated by elites as triumphs symbolizing entry into public life and gender parity.^[42] Royalty reinforced this stance, with Reza Shah's consort Taj ol-Molouk and daughters publicly unveiling to exemplify elite commitment to reforms enabling women's workforce and social integration.^[3] Supporters highlighted emergent benefits, such as reported surges in women's self-assurance during mixed-gender interactions post-decree, attributing these to the policy's disruption of isolationist norms that voluntary efforts had failed to erode.^[9] By positioning Kashf-e hijab as a pragmatic override of tradition-bound inertia, modernists evidenced a pre-existing elite consensus for accelerated secularization, independent of top-down imposition alone.^[42] ![Members of the Jam'iat-e Nesvan-e Vatan-khah][float-right]

Resistance from Clergy and Traditional Society

The unveiling decree elicited strong opposition from Shia ulama, who viewed it as a direct assault on Islamic sharia and religious modesty norms. Prominent clerics, including Haj Agha Hossein Qomi, publicly protested the policy, framing compulsory unveiling as a violation of divine law and mobilizing followers against compliance.^[9] In Mashhad, Qomi's agitation contributed to the July 1935 uprising at Goharshad Mosque, where thousands gathered to denounce the impending ban on veiling alongside other secular reforms, leading to a violent suppression by security forces that resulted in hundreds of deaths.^[45] This event, occurring months before the formal January 1936 decree, exemplified clerical linkage of unveiling to broader anti-Reza Shah sentiment, with ulama decrying the policy as an erosion of Persian-Islamic moral foundations.^[46] Ayatollah Mohammad Kazem Modarres, a key clerical opponent of Reza Shah's modernization drive, criticized the regime's secular impositions, including unveiling, as antithetical to sharia, though he was imprisoned by 1928 and unable to lead direct action post-decree.^[47] Ulama issued religious pronouncements urging non-compliance, portraying veiling as an obligatory religious duty and the ban as tyrannical interference in personal piety.^[9] Conservatives among the clergy and laity argued that the policy represented Western cultural imperialism, causally linked to the degradation of family honor and traditional gender roles central to Iranian-Islamic identity, with claims that forced exposure undermined communal ethical structures.^[9] Traditional society exhibited grassroots resistance, particularly among devout families who regarded unveiling as a profound moral transgression. Many women and families opted for seclusion, withdrawing from public spaces to avoid forcible removal of veils, effectively confining women to homes in urban areas like Tehran and provincial centers during 1936-1938.^[1] Reports from the period document tragic outcomes, including instances of women committing suicide rather than comply with unveiling, highlighting the perceived existential threat to personal and familial dignity.^[1] In rural regions, adherence to veiling persisted covertly despite uneven enforcement, as traditional norms resisted top-down secular mandates, sustaining underground cultural continuity.^[9] This familial pushback underscored viewing the policy not merely as dress reform but as an existential challenge to entrenched social mores.

Disruptions to Women's Public Participation

The enforcement of Kashf-e hijab prompted widespread avoidance of public spaces by veiled women, particularly those from conservative families unwilling to comply with unveiling, as police were authorized to physically remove veils and impose penalties on resisters. In Tehran and other urban centers, this led to a notable decline in women's visibility in markets, where traditional female vendors—who had previously operated under chador—either ceased activities or limited outings to evade confrontation, contributing to short-term disruptions in informal economic exchanges reliant on their participation.^[1]^[48] School attendance among girls from traditional households similarly suffered, with many families opting to keep daughters at home rather than expose them to forced unveiling at educational institutions, exacerbating immediate barriers to female education in non-elite sectors. This pattern favored urban elites and modernists who voluntarily adopted Western attire, while the majority faced a binary choice—unveil publicly or withdraw entirely—temporarily inverting the policy's intent by heightening seclusion among the broader populace.^[48] Incidents of violence during enforcement, including beatings for non-compliance, compounded psychological strain, as women reported trauma from public humiliation, familial conflicts over honor, and fears of reprisal from both state agents and societal conservatives. Diplomatic observers noted the coercive tactics alienated traditional communities, prompting a paradoxical surge in domestic confinement as a form of passive resistance.^[1]^[49]

Advances in Education and Workforce Entry

The 1936 Kashf-e hijab decree facilitated women's entry into educational institutions by eliminating veiling as a barrier to public mobility and attendance, leading to a marked expansion in girls' schooling. The number of dedicated girls' schools rose from 645 in 1931 to approximately 2,000 by 1941, reflecting state-directed investments in female education aligned with modernization goals.^[50] By 1940, Iran had 117 elementary schools exclusively for girls, enrolling 21,790 pupils, alongside mixed schools that further boosted female participation.^[51] These developments challenged traditional seclusion practices, enabling broader access to primary and secondary levels, though overall female literacy remained low at around 5-10% amid a national rate of roughly 10% in the 1940s.^[52] Universities began admitting unveiled women post-decree, producing the first cohorts of female professionals in fields like medicine and education. This institutional opening correlated with increased female enrollment in higher education, laying groundwork for skilled labor entry despite persistent rural-urban disparities and low baseline literacy.^[51] In the workforce, the policy enabled women to assume roles previously inaccessible due to veiling-enforced isolation, particularly in public sector positions. State encouragement post-1936 promoted women in teaching, nursing, and civil service, with early quotas reserving spots for females in teacher training colleges by the late 1930s.^[4] Female labor participation edged upward from negligible urban levels in the mid-1930s, as unveiled women entered professions tied to expanded schooling, such as primary educators, though comprehensive economic data remains sparse and overall rates stayed below 5% through the 1940s.^[51] Notable achievements underscored these gains: in 1939, a pioneering group of nine women completed pilot training, with Effat Tejaratchi earning Iran's first female aviator license, symbolizing breakthroughs in technical fields enabled by reduced social barriers.^[53] Similarly, the influx of women into medical training produced early female physicians by the early 1940s, directly attributable to unveiled access to professional curricula rather than prior anecdotal exceptions.^[51] These metrics highlight the decree's role in causal advancement, prioritizing empirical enrollment and qualification data over subjective resistance narratives.

Criticisms and Debates

Claims of Excessive Force and Trauma

During the enforcement of the Kashf-e hijab decree issued on January 8, 1936, Iranian police and state officials employed coercive measures, including the physical removal of veils from women in public spaces, which critics have described as acts of humiliation and trauma. Reports indicate that officers confiscated veils, tore them off women's heads, or in some instances set them ablaze, actions that provoked immediate resistance and emotional distress among those accustomed to veiling as a cultural and religious norm.^[54] These tactics were applied particularly in urban areas like Tehran and provincial centers, where non-compliance led to public shaming and exclusion from markets, transportation, and other communal activities.^[55] Allegations of physical violence emerged from eyewitness accounts and later recollections, with women reporting assaults by gendarmes who barred veiled individuals from entering public venues or forcibly stripped coverings, resulting in injuries from scuffles and heightened fear of reprisal.^[5] For many, particularly rural and devout urban women, the sudden mandate represented a profound violation of personal autonomy and modesty, exacerbating social isolation as families withdrew daughters from public life to avoid confrontation; contemporaries and subsequent analyses have characterized this as a traumatic rupture, driven by the regime's insistence on rapid secularization over gradual adaptation.^[49] Critics, including post-revolutionary Islamist narratives and some leftist historians, have framed these methods as emblematic of Reza Shah's authoritarianism, equating the intimate policing of attire to state terror akin to surveillance by early precursors to the SAVAK secret police, though enforcement relied primarily on regular gendarmerie units rather than formalized intelligence apparatuses at the time.^[38] Such claims of excess must be contextualized against empirical patterns in contemporaneous secular reforms; the intensity of direct intervention in Iran's campaign paralleled Turkey's 1925-1935 anti-veiling drives under Atatürk, where municipal police similarly enforced bans through fines, harassment, and occasional physical compulsion, yet Iran's focus on a deeply ingrained garment amplified perceptions of cultural desecration unique to its Shi'a-influenced society.^[56] While verifiable deaths directly tied to veil-ripping incidents remain undocumented in primary sources, the broader coercive framework reportedly affected thousands through indirect harms like seclusion and psychological strain, as women navigated enforced exposure in a patriarchal context ill-prepared for abrupt change.^[57] These critiques, often amplified by sources with ideological opposition to Pahlavi modernization, underscore tensions between state-imposed progress and individual agency, though proponents argued necessity amid entrenched traditions resistant to voluntary shift.

Evaluations of Secular Reform vs. Cultural Disruption

Secular advocates of the Kashf-e hijab policy maintained that it represented a necessary rupture from entrenched clerical influence over social customs, thereby promoting women's independent participation in public life and challenging entrenched patriarchal traditions.^[9] By diminishing the ulema's prescriptive hold on veiling as a marker of piety, the reform aligned with broader state efforts to secularize governance and foster individual agency, evidenced in subsequent legal changes such as the 1931 Marriage Act, which established minimum ages of 15 for girls and 18 for boys, contributing to a gradual decline in early unions amid modernization pressures.^[58] This perspective posits that without such directed interventions, path-dependent cultural inertia would perpetuate stagnation, as voluntary shifts in attire and roles had proven insufficient against institutional resistance.^[3] Critics from traditionalist standpoints, including religious scholars and conservative societal elements, argued that the mandate eroded foundational ethical norms of modesty (sitr), which had long served as a cultural bulwark against moral laxity and foreign cultural imposition, leading to widespread feelings of identity dislocation among veiled women accustomed to seclusion as a protective norm.^[59] They contended that abrupt unveiling not only violated personal convictions tied to Islamic interpretations of propriety but also accelerated a broader Westernization that alienated communities from indigenous values, with accounts of enforced exposure fostering resentment rather than genuine emancipation.^[9] Such views often highlight how the policy's top-down imposition overlooked organic expressions of piety, potentially sowing seeds of cultural fragmentation that later manifested in backlash.^[60] Debates persist over whether coercive measures were warranted for collective advancement, with empirical indicators suggesting net gains in women's societal integration despite initial upheavals; by the 1970s, Iranian female literacy approached 36 percent and university enrollment outstripped rates in regional peers like Saudi Arabia (under 10 percent) and Egypt (around 25 percent), underpinning claims of progressive causality over disruption.^[61] ^[62] However, left-leaning academic narratives frequently amplify accounts of trauma while downplaying evidence of voluntary adaptation among urban elites and pent-up reform demands, reflecting institutional biases that prioritize cultural preservation critiques over measurable socioeconomic uplifts.^[38] Overall, the policy's legacy tilts toward efficacy in catalyzing secular evolution, as Iran's pre-revolutionary female workforce participation and legal protections exceeded those in comparable Muslim-majority states, indicating that targeted disruption yielded causal benefits exceeding losses.^[63]

Long-Term Consequences

Policy Reversal Post-1941

The Anglo-Soviet invasion of Iran on August 25, 1941, prompted Reza Shah Pahlavi's abdication on September 16, 1941, paving the way for his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, to ascend the throne amid wartime occupation and reduced central authority. The new shah's early policies marked a departure from his father's rigid secularism, with the kashf-e hijab decree effectively relaxed as enforcement ceased, allowing women to veil in public without legal repercussions by late 1941.^[9] This shift reflected pragmatic responses to Allied pressures, domestic unrest from traditionalist factions, and the diminished coercive apparatus of the prior regime.^[41] By 1943, official leniency had solidified, as Mohammad Reza Shah explicitly permitted choice in veiling, contrasting Reza Shah's top-down ban and enabling conservative women—particularly in rural and clerical communities—to resume traditional attire like the chador without penalty or state interference.^[60] Urban modernist women, however, frequently retained unveiled dress, illustrating a bifurcated social landscape where the policy's reversal did not erase exposure to Western-influenced norms among elites.^[9] Notably, no mandates for mass re-veiling emerged during this transitional period or in subsequent decades until 1979, preserving a voluntary framework amid fluctuating legislation.^[64] The unwind highlighted the unveiling campaign's dependence on Reza Shah's authoritarian enforcement, as its rapid dilution under weaker governance exposed underlying cultural resistances, yet gains in female literacy and professional entry—such as expanded access to universities and civil service roles initiated pre-1941—endured without reversal, embedding secular elements in urban demographics.^[60] This partial persistence underscored how state-driven modernization, while reversible in dress codes, had fostered irreversible shifts in educated cohorts' expectations and participation.^[41]

Contributions to Pre-Revolutionary Tensions

The Kashf-e hijab decree of January 8, 1936, intensified clerical opposition by framing the Pahlavi regime as an anti-Islamic force intent on eroding religious authority over women's roles and sexuality. Clerics, including Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, denounced the policy as a ploy to dismantle Muslim families and impose secular dictatorship, portraying it in sermons and writings as a symbol of godless tyranny that emasculated traditional Islamic norms.^[38] ^[31] This narrative persisted, with later figures like Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in 2016 labeling the ban a "huge crime" aimed at undermining modesty, mythologizing the event in anti-Pahlavi propaganda as evidence of Western-imposed cultural erasure.^[31] The policy alienated bazaari merchants and traditional societal bases tied to the clergy, fostering resentments that contributed to unrest such as the 1963 protests against the White Revolution's inclusion of women's suffrage, which echoed unveiling's perceived assault on gender segregation and religious propriety.^[38] A 1948 fatwa barring unveiled women from bazaars exemplified this economic and social rift, as traditional communities viewed forced unveiling as a humiliating disruption of norms where the veil signified propriety.^[38] However, urban women under Mohammad Reza Shah largely retained post-unveiling freedoms without mandatory reversal after 1941, complicating claims of uniform oppression and highlighting uneven societal adoption of secular changes.^[38]^[65] Conservative clerics have credited the policy with fueling revolutionary sentiments by galvanizing opposition to Pahlavi secularism, while some reformers argue it long-term weakened the ulama by demonstrating the fragility of enforced veiling traditions and eroding clerical monopoly on social regulation through state-driven modernization.^[38]^[65] Reza Shah's measures, including professionalization of religious roles, systematically diminished ulama influence, though the resulting backlash sustained latent tensions.^[66]

Echoes in Post-1979 Iran and Modern Protests

Following the 1979 Iranian Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini swiftly reversed the Pahlavi-era Kashf-e hijab by advocating for compulsory veiling, with the issue first raised publicly on February 4, 1979, and initial mandates applied to government offices by 1980, extending to public streets with penalties including flogging by August 1983.^[67]^[68] This hejab-e ejbari represented a direct ideological counter to secular unveiling, enforcing religious norms through state coercion, yet it immediately sparked resistance, as evidenced by the March 8, 1979, International Women's Day protests in Tehran, where approximately 100,000 women demonstrated against the imposition, drawing on recent memories of voluntary dress choices under the Pahlavi regime.^[69]^[68] These early protests highlighted a causal persistence of pre-revolutionary norms, where exposure to unveiled public life had fostered expectations of personal autonomy, undermining the revolution's aim of rapid Islamization. Despite sustained enforcement and crackdowns, compulsory hijab failed to achieve broad cultural acceptance, fostering underground secularism among women, with many defying the law through partial unveiling or private rejection of veiling practices. Independent surveys, such as those by the Netherlands-based GAMAAN group, reveal empirical opposition: a 2020 poll found 72% of Iranians opposing mandatory hijab, rising to 74% among women in a 2022 survey, with urban respondents showing even higher rates of 60-70% or more rejecting the policy as an infringement on choice.^[70]^[71] These data, gathered via online and telephone methods from diverse Iranian respondents, contrast with state narratives of compliance and indicate that Pahlavi-era reforms seeded enduring secular sentiments, enabling resilient women's activism rather than harmonious religious conformity. Such findings challenge claims of inherent cultural alignment with theocratic mandates, as coercive veiling provoked backlash akin to the clerical resistance against earlier unveiling, demonstrating symmetric dynamics in state-imposed dress codes. The legacy of Kashf-e hijab echoed prominently in the 2022 protests triggered by the death of Mahsa Amini on September 16, 2022, following her arrest for alleged improper hijab by morality police, which ignited nationwide demonstrations under the slogan "Woman, Life, Freedom," with women publicly removing and burning hijabs as symbols of defiance against theocratic control.^[32]^[67] Protesters invoked the pre-1979 era's unveiled freedoms as an anti-authoritarian archetype, framing compulsory hijab not as cultural preservation but as a reversal of secular progress that entrenched gender restrictions, thereby validating the Pahlavi policy's role in normalizing choice and fueling modern resistance to religious entrenchment. This resurgence of activism underscores a long-term contribution: by disrupting traditional veiling norms, Kashf-e hijab inadvertently equipped subsequent generations with a referential ideal of autonomy, sustaining organized opposition and debunking notions of irreversible Islamist consensus through observable patterns of non-compliance and protest escalation.^[72]^[73]

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Pahlavi Dynasty: A Guide To Iran's Modern History - Surfiran
Rating 5.0 (1) Nov 30, 2024 · Reza Shah's policies focused on centralizing power, stirring significant dissent, particularly from tribal leaders and the clergy, who felt ...
[19]
[PDF] The Quest For Authority In Iran A History Of The P
His regime sought to centralize authority, reduce clerical influence, and modernize the economy and military. Reza Shah's policies included secular education.
[20]
[PDF] Reigns of Reza Shah and Atatürk
With this approach, Reza Shah modeled the social, political, and economic reforms bases on countries in the region, such as Turkey, which at the same time was ...
[21]
[PDF] Uncovering Architecture in the Political Agenda of Iran and Turkey ...
In the wake of the countries‟ state contact, Reza Shah imbued his reformist program with new content he witnessed during the twenty-eight day travel to Turkey.
[22]
Reza Shah is considered as the father of the modern Iran. In 1934 ...
Reza Shah is considered as the father of the modern Iran. In 1934 he visited Turkey and was inspired by Atatürk's reforms.
[23]
[PDF] The History of Reza Shah's Dress Reform in Iran
Law in 1928, which required all male Persians to dress uniformly in Western style replacing their traditional clothing. Reza Shah's visit with Anaturk in ...
[24]
Dress Codes and Nation-Building under Reza Shah - jstor
This article analyzes the state's dress policies, argues that they were mainly meant to promote nation-building, and ends with a translation of a short story.
[25]
[PDF] Education and Cultural Change in the Modernisation of Iran
Consequently, despite all attempts, Iran still had an illiteracy rate of over 90% when Reza Shah abdicated in 1941 (Reza Shah was forced to abdicate by the ...
[26]
[PDF] The history of the journey of Iranian women in the last century
Under Reza Shah, the government supported advancements by women against child marriage, polygamy, exclusion from public society and education segregation.
[27]
[PDF] CASE STUDY OF ATATURK AND REZA SHAH
Feb 19, 2015 · He prohibited any religious signs and established civil law; he obligated to read Quran, Prayer and Azan in Turkish instead of Arabic and ...Missing: reforms | Show results with:reforms
[28]
Reza Shah Pahlavi's Anti-Veiling Initiative: Feminist Overture or ...
Dec 4, 2019 · The Shah's belief that veiling was oppressive demonstrated his embrace of “the static colonial image of the oppressed veiled Muslim woman” ...
[29]
Uses and Abuses of Fashion: Veiling and State Power in Iran
Apr 16, 2024 · Pursuing the development of a more secular state, Reza Shah supported the unveiling of women despite existing cultural and religious stigmas.
[30]
ECONOMY ix. IN THE PAHLAVI PERIOD - Encyclopaedia Iranica
Dec 15, 1997 · Under the Pahlavis the Persian economy made significant advances which compared favorably with the experience of countries such as Turkey and Egypt.
[31]
Eighty Five Years On, The Shah's Ban On Hijab Still Divides
Jan 7, 2022 · The shah regarded Iranian hijab and traditional costumes as a sign of 'backwardness,' and tried also to compel men to wear what he regarded as ' ...Missing: rationale Taj ol- Moluk
[32]
The History of Anti-Hijab Protests and the Fight for Women's Rights ...
Sep 28, 2022 · On January 8, 1936, Reza Shah Pahlavi issued a decree known as "Kashf-e hijab," or "unveiling," which eliminated veils from Iranian working ...Missing: rationale Taj ol- Moluk
[33]
Kashf-e hijab - January 8, 1936 | Important Events on ... - CalendarZ
Kashf-e hijab decree is enforced by Reza Shah ordering the police to physically remove the Hijab from any woman in public.
[34]
Dancing Around a Fire: A Century of Revolutionary Imaginings in the ...
Mar 12, 2024 · On January 8, 1936, Reza Khan declared the day of Kashf-e Hijab in a speech, framing it as a moment when women could finally 'enter the society.
[35]
In Iran, What Women Wear has Long Been Both Personal and Political
May 15, 2023 · Police were tasked with enforcing the new decree by forcefully removing coverings from women's heads and tearing up men's caftans in the streets ...Missing: incidents | Show results with:incidents
[36]
Why are women leading anti-government protests in Iran right now?
Nov 29, 2022 · This included more freedoms for women, so, in 1936, he issued a decree called Kashf-e hijab ... Women wearing veils were beaten by police and had ...
[37]
The Protests Inside Iran's Girls' Schools | The New Yorker
Aug 7, 2023 · This message was reinforced with impressive propaganda. In November ... kashf-e hijab, or unveiling. Soon all the boys were gone. The ...Missing: radio | Show results with:radio
[38]
[PDF] Women and Politics in Iran: Veiling, Unveiling, and Reveiling
With the 1936 unveiling decree (Kashf-e. Hejab), wealthy urban and educated women abandoned the veil, while the rest of the society continued to practice ...
[39]
Explainer: The long historical fight over the hijab in Iran
Apr 13, 2023 · His 1936 ruling, known as Kashf-e hijab, meaning the removal of hijab, only permitted women to cover their heads with a Western-style hat.
[40]
Full article: Iranian ostracism and the hijab bill
In the Pahlavi era Reza Shah ordered women to remove their hijabs in order to enforce his understanding of modernisation. After the revolution the country's new ...
[41]
A Short History of the Mandatory Hijab
On January, 1936, Reza Shah issued the کشف حجاب (Kashf-e hijab), which translates to “unveiling”. Reza Shah was seen with his wife and two daughters ...
[42]
FEMINIST MOVEMENTS iii. IN THE PAHLAVI PERIOD
Dec 15, 1999 · Four months later Reżā Shah proclaimed the measures against the veil at the Tehran Teachers College (Dānešsarā-ye Tehrān) on 17 Dey 1314 Š./7 ...
[43]
EDUCATION vii. GENERAL SURVEY OF MODERN EDUCATION
Dec 15, 1997 · In the 1930s Persia integrated and centralized education; established a national, tuition-free, and modern school system; founded a university; ...
[44]
Gender, Education, and "The Women's Awakening" of 1936 - jstor
Supporting women's "entrance into society" meant, in part, supporting their ability to work for wages. For at least a couple of decades before the Women's.
[45]
A Historical Perspective on the Role of Seminary in Instituting ...
Likewise, in the incident of the stripping of clerical garments and mandatory unveiling, scholars such as Haj Agha Hossein Qomi in Mashhad took action. 2 ...
[46]
[PDF] A Historical Perspective on the Role of Seminary in Instituting ...
Dec 8, 2024 · Likewise, in the incident of the stripping of clerical garments and mandatory unveiling, scholars such as Haj Agha Hossein Qomi in Mashhad took ...
[47]
The Role of the Clergy in the Establishment and Consolidation of ...
Jan 29, 2024 · After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the clergy criticized Reza Shah for his actions against Ayatollah Modarres, but during their tenure ...
[48]
Unveiling a Feminist Strike: The Case of “Woman, Life, Freedom” in ...
The ramifications of the forced unveiling during Reza Shah's reign on conservative families were also overlooked. These included girls' withdrawal from.
[49]
Women's milestones: pre-revolution - Foundation for Iranian Studies
However, its effect as a sign of freedom and equality took root and many women remained unveiled after Reza Shah's abdication and exile. ... provinces, and ...
[50]
Women's Citizenship Rights in Iran between Two Revolutions
The total number of girls' schools increased from 645 in 1931/1310 to 2,000 in 1941/1320 (Asgari 2009: 485). The number of three female graduates in 1912/1291 ...
[51]
xxvi. WOMEN'S EDUCATION IN THE PAHLAVI PERIOD AND AFTER
The literacy rate of the total female population aged six years and more rose from 35 percent in 1976 to 52 percent in 1986, from 56 to 65 percent in urban ...Missing: century | Show results with:century
[52]
A History of the Modern Middle East: Excerpt from Chapter 6
Even with these changes, however, literacy remained at 10 percent in the 1940s and schooling was largely nonexistent in most rural areas. But in the schools he ...
[53]
WOMEN IN THE IIAF
In 1939 (1318) a group of 9 women were enrolled in pilot training program in Iran and Mrs. Effat Tejaratchi became the first Woman to be given pilot license, ( ...
[54]
Unveiling and Urban Space in Early 20th Century Iran - jstor
Women were further humiliated by officials confiscating their veils or setting their veils on fire. The violence carried out by officials often led to further.
[55]
THE COVER UP - Lay Of The Land
Nov 3, 2022 · From 1936, the Shah Reza Pahlavi implemented a series of “modernisation reforms” like the Kashf-e-Hijab, that gave the police the right to rip ...
[56]
[PDF] Anti-Veiling Campaigns and State-Society Relations in 1930s Turkey
Hamideh Sadeghi, Women and Politics in Iran: Veiling, Unveiling, and Reveiling, Cambridge: ... Iran's Kashf-e Hijab Campaign,” in Anti-Veiling Campaigns in ...
[57]
The Women's Movement In Iran – Analysis - Eurasia Review
Oct 15, 2022 · Instead, they were forced into submission through the use of violence, making it difficult for them to participate in society in any capacity.
[58]
Iran's Population Policies: A Historical Debate - Oxford Academic
Persia/Iran has seen several turning points in the development of reproductive policies in the twentieth century.
[59]
CONTESTED MEANING OF THE VEIL AND POLITICAL ... - jstor
On January 7, 1936, Reza Shah abolished the women's veil or chador in. Iran ... one of the primary occupations of the Iranian police has been enforcing hijab.Missing: methods | Show results with:methods
[60]
(PDF) The Veiling Issue in 20th Century Iran in Fashion and Society ...
... Iran (such as long, one-piece semi-circular piece of cloth known as the Iranian chador, chador va. chaqhchor (no longer in use), fashionable scarves (rusari) ...
[61]
Before and after 1979: Women's rights in Iran | ShareAmerica
Apr 3, 2019 · Before the Iranian Islamic Revolution in 1979, Iranian women were acquiring rights along with women in other parts of the world.
[62]
[PDF] Women in Higher Education in Iran: How the Islamic Revolution ...
Reza Shah, this move was more a political symbol of a secular state than ... 86 academic year, female university enrollment was up to 30% compared to 28%.Missing: 1930s 1940s
[63]
Reconstructed Lives: Women and Iran's Islamic Revolution
Oct 13, 1997 · The 1979 revolution brought out the masses of Iranian women who were demonstrating for the abolition of the monarchy and for an Islamic republic.
[64]
The Progression of Iranian Hijab Law - St Andrews Law Review
Nov 15, 2022 · Hijab law was first mentioned in Iranian legislation under Reza Shah in 1936, who created the Kashf-e hijab decree, which banned many types of ...Missing: Taj Moluk
[65]
MERIA: Iran: Understanding the Enigma: A Historians' View
Reza Shah's forced unveiling of women in 1936 had contradictory results, though his opening of schools and higher education to women was more positive.
[66]
The Impact of Modernization on the Ulama in Iran, 1925-1941 - jstor
Thus, the process of professionalizing the ulama brought the final stage of clergy-state relations during Reza Shah's reign to completion. The state had.
[67]
Women's Dress in Iran: From the Islamic Sitr to the Political Hijab
Dec 7, 2023 · The hijab implies the seclusion of women from society and their staying at home. By contrast, sitr refers only to covering in order to avoid another's gaze.
[68]
Iranian Women: From Enthusiasm to Rebellion - Wilson Center
Feb 12, 2024 · It didn't take long for the hijab to be imposed on women. Within months, the Hijab became the official attire of the Iranian women, first in ...
[69]
Veils and freedom: An Iranian perspective on Women's Day
Mar 8, 2025 · On March 8, 1979, tens of thousands of Iranian women took to the streets, demanding the right to choose what to wear on the first International Women's Day.
[70]
[PDF] IRANIANS' ATTITUDES TOWARD RELIGION - Gamaan
Around 72% opposed the compulsory hijab, while 15% insist on the legal obligation to wear the hijab in public. occasionally or regularly.Missing: women mandatory
[71]
Protests and Polling Insights From the Streets of Iran: How Removal ...
Nov 22, 2022 · Among Iranians who live in cities, 74 per cent disagree with the mandatory enforcement of the hijab; of those who live in rural areas, 66 per ...
[72]
The Women's Movement in Iran
Oct 14, 2022 · On 16 September 2022, 22-year-old Iranian woman Mahsa Amini ... (kashf-e-hijab). For his regime, unveiled women symbolised a secular ...
[73]
New era of Iranian women's resistance reshapes society and ...
Jun 2, 2025 · Once-divided families and conservative communities now rebel alongside women rejecting hijab.