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Muhammadiyah


is an Indonesian Islamic socio-religious organization founded on November 18, 1912, by in , as a reformist movement seeking to purify Islamic practice from local syncretic traditions through direct recourse to the and via . The organization emphasizes modernist reforms, establishing extensive networks of educational institutions, healthcare facilities, and to foster an Islamic society aligned with rational and scientific progress, while rejecting superstitions and excessive ritualism. With an estimated 30 million members, Muhammadiyah ranks among the world's largest Muslim organizations, operating over 5,000 schools, 173 universities, and 123 hospitals in alone, significantly contributing to national development in and . Its influence extends to promoting , , and , though it has navigated tensions with traditionalist groups over doctrinal purity and adaptation to modernity.

History

Founding and Early Development (1912–1940s)

Muhammadiyah was established on November 18, 1912 (corresponding to 8 Dhul-Hijjah 1330 AH), in the Kauman neighborhood of Yogyakarta by Kyai Haji Ahmad Dahlan, born Muhammad Darwis in 1868. The organization's inception followed the founding of a precursor madrasah, Madrasah Ibtidaiyah Diniyah Islamiyah, on December 1, 1911, in Dahlan's home, initially serving eight students in a modest 6m by 2.5m room. Dahlan, influenced by reformist ideas from scholars like Muhammad Abduh and Rashid Rida encountered during his hajj pilgrimages, sought to purify Indonesian Islamic practices from local syncretism and superstition while promoting rational interpretation (ijtihad) and adaptation to contemporary needs under Dutch colonial rule. The group received formal legal recognition from the Dutch East Indies government via Decree No. 81 on August 22, 1914, enabling structured expansion. Under Dahlan's leadership until his death on February 23, 1923, Muhammadiyah prioritized and social welfare, establishing four schools by 1917 and the organization's first hospital in that same year following his passing. The women's wing, Aisyiyah, was founded on May 17, 1917, to extend these efforts among females. Leadership transitioned to K.H. Ibrahim (1923–1931), who continued da'wah and institutional growth amid colonial restrictions; he was succeeded by K.H. Hisyam (1931–1936) and then K.H. Mas Mansyur (1936–1942). Early activities emphasized Quranic , anti-bid'ah campaigns, and community outreach, attracting merchants, artisans, and dissatisfied with traditionalist stagnation. By the 1930s, Muhammadiyah had expanded branches beyond across and into other islands, establishing additional schools, clinics, and orphanages as amal usaha (charitable enterprises) to foster self-reliance and . In , for instance, from 1926 to 1940, the movement disseminated doctrines through teaching circles and built social charities, countering missionary influences while navigating Dutch oversight. Muhammadiyah co-initiated the Majelis Islam A'la (MIAI) in 1937, a federation of groups advocating Muslim interests against , under Mas Mansyur's chairmanship. Leadership shifted to Ki Bagus Hadikusumo in 1942 amid occupation, marking Muhammadiyah's pivot toward national resilience efforts without direct political partisanship.

Expansion During Independence and Early Republic (1940s–1960s)

During the Japanese occupation of Indonesia from 1942 to 1945, Muhammadiyah received legal recognition from the Japanese authorities in 1943, allowing it to reorganize and expand its activities amid wartime constraints. Under the leadership of K.H. , who served as chairman from 1937 to 1942, the organization emphasized ideological formulation and national unity, with contributing to early independence efforts as one of the key figures alongside , , and Ki Hadjar Dewantara. In 1944, Ki Bagus Hadikusumo was elected as the new chairman, advocating for the integration of Islamic principles into emerging state structures, including religious courts. Muhammadiyah played a supportive role in Indonesia's proclamation of independence on August 17, 1945, with leaders such as Ki Bagus Hadikusumo and Kasman Singodimedjo participating in the (PPKI), while K.H. Faqih Usman assisted in founding the as a vehicle for Muslim . Post-proclamation, the organization held an emergency congress in in 1946, consolidating branches primarily from and to align with the new republic's needs. In 1947, Muhammadiyah established Angkatan Perang Sabil, a unit chaired by Hadjid and advised by Ki Bagus, to defend the nascent state against Dutch reoccupation attempts. K.H. Mas Mansur further influenced the ideological foundations by contributing to the formulation of Pancasila, Indonesia's state ideology, bridging Islamic reformism with national principles. In the early republic period, Muhammadiyah prioritized institutional expansion despite political turbulence, focusing on education and social services to foster modernist Islamic development. The 31st Congress in from December 21–26, 1950, attended by representatives from 83 districts and 97 subdistricts, resolved to found what would become Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta. By 1953, membership reached 69,554 across 322 districts and 1,612 subdistricts, reflecting steady organizational growth. The 33rd Congress in in 1956 outlined a comprehensive organizational platform, while the 34th Congress in from November 18–23, 1959, elected M. Junus Anies as chairman amid the shift to . Although individual members engaged in politics through Masyumi—which Muhammadiyah helped lead after Nahdlatul Ulama's 1952 exit, securing second place in the 1955 elections—the organization upheld non-partisan status, resigning collective affiliations upon Masyumi's dissolution in 1960. The 35th Congress in in 1962 under new chairman Ahmad Badawai reported 185,119 members and 2,300 subdistricts, underscoring expansion amid economic challenges. Educational and healthcare institutions proliferated, though Muhammadiyah schools faced competition from state-run systems in the and , prompting adaptations to maintain relevance in . This era solidified Muhammadiyah's role as a pillar of , emphasizing self-reliance through amal usaha (social enterprises) like hospitals and orphanages to promote Islamic modernity within the republican framework.

Modernization and Institutional Growth (1970s–2000s)

During the 1970s and 1980s, Muhammadiyah emphasized the integration of religious and secular curricula in its educational institutions, establishing "religious-plus" schools that laid the foundation for expanded programs amid Indonesia's development policies. This period saw the organization's Tarjih—its methodological framework for Islamic —evolve to address practical needs in , , and , culminating in a comprehensive reformulation in 1986 that prioritized adaptive reasoning over rigid traditionalism. Regular national conferences, such as the XXXVIII in Ujung Pandang (1971), XXXIX in (1974), XL in (1978), and XLI in (1985), facilitated strategic planning for institutional scaling while navigating state oversight. Leadership transitions in the accelerated modernization efforts. At the XLIII Conference in (1995), Prof. Dr. was elected chairman, overseeing the renaming of the Tarjih Council to Majelis Tarjih dan Pengembangan Pemikiran Islam to incorporate broader intellectual development aligned with contemporary challenges. Rais's tenure emphasized organizational professionalism, though he stepped down in 1998 to lead the , succeeded by Prof. Dr. Ahmad Syafii Maarif, who promoted "cultural Islam" to foster societal engagement without political partisanship. Under Maarif, re-elected at the XLIV Conference in (2000), Muhammadiyah expanded its network of universities to 128 by the late , alongside thousands of primary and secondary schools blending with scientific training. In healthcare, Muhammadiyah grew its facilities from modest clinics to a system of hospitals and polyclinics, reflecting a commitment to amid ; by the , this included over 100 hospitals emphasizing accessible, modern services integrated with preventive Islamic health teachings. These expansions supported membership growth, with estimates reaching tens of millions by the early , driven by grassroots branches and non-formal programs in and . The organization's avoidance of direct political involvement allowed focus on these apolitical services, adapting reformist principles to Indonesia's while critiquing external influences, as seen in K.H. A.R. Fakhruddin's 1989 letter to decrying missionary impacts on Muslim communities.

Recent Historical Trajectories (2010s–Present)

The 46th National Congress (Muktamar) of Muhammadiyah, convened in in July , reaffirmed Din Syamsuddin as general chairman for the 2010–2015 term amid internal contests over executive board composition, including debates on including women and navigating political influences. This period marked continued emphasis on organizational consolidation following the centennial celebrations in 2012, which highlighted Muhammadiyah's century-long contributions to Islamic reform and social services in . At the 47th Muktamar, held in from August 3 to 7, 2015, Haedar Nashir was elected general chairman for 2015–2020 in a process involving 13 formators, succeeding Syamsuddin. The adopted the theme "Islam Berkemajuan" (Progressive ), underscoring commitments to religious moderation, support for Indonesia's , and advancement through and initiatives, while addressing theological tensions between moderate and conservative factions. In the 2020s, the 48th Muktamar in from November 18 to 20, 2022, re-elected Haedar Nashir for a second term (2022–2027) alongside Abdul Mu'ti as general secretary, emphasizing peaceful electoral processes and issuing five key decrees on , economic , and global engagement. During the , Muhammadiyah mobilized philanthropic efforts, including emergency medical teams verified by the and guidance from its Tarjih and Tajdid Council to align religious practices with measures. The organization has pursued internationalization by dispatching cadres abroad, establishing overseas schools, and partnering with entities like BAZNAS for welfare programs, while navigating leadership transitions toward greater intellectual representation and addressing 21st-century challenges in healthcare, , and .

Ideology and Doctrine

Core Theological Principles

Muhammadiyah's core theological framework is grounded in the principles of Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah, affirming strict monotheism (tawhid) as the foundational doctrine, which underscores God's absolute oneness and sovereignty while rejecting any form of polytheism (shirk) or association with divine attributes. This extends beyond ritual to encompass ethical imperatives, demanding justice, anti-oppression stances, and human unity in submission to divine will. Adherents are positioned as part of al-Firqah al-Najiyyah (the saved sect), aligning with orthodox Sunni creed that privileges empirical verification of beliefs through primary sources. Central to this theology is an unwavering commitment to the and authentic as the sole authoritative sources for faith (), worship (), and conduct (muamalah), with supplementary reliance on scholarly consensus (ijma') and analogical reasoning () where texts are silent. Muhammadiyah advocates purification () of Islamic practice by excising unwarranted innovations (), superstitions, and syncretic elements that deviate from prophetic example, such as excessive veneration of graves or unverified mystical practices. This reformist stance rejects blind imitation () of traditional schools (madhabs), instead promoting —independent, contextually informed reasoning by qualified scholars—to renew (tajdid) faith for contemporary challenges while preserving doctrinal integrity. Theology integrates (faith), ilm (knowledge), and amal salih (righteous deeds) as interdependent pillars, drawing from Quranic imperatives to cultivate rational, evidence-based belief that manifests in social reform and moral action. is viewed dynamically yet firmly: open to scholarly renewal in interpretive applications but immutable in fundamentals like the six articles of faith (belief in , angels, scriptures, prophets, Day of Judgment, and divine decree). This approach fosters a progressive yet orthodox , emphasizing rational-legal authority through bodies like the Tarjih Council for collective .

Reformist Approach to Ijtihad and Modernity

Muhammadiyah promotes a reformist methodology centered on , the independent reasoning from primary Islamic sources—the and —to address contemporary issues, rejecting rigid adherence to classical schools of () in favor of direct textual and rational analysis. This approach, influenced by early 20th-century Islamic modernists like , seeks to purify religious practice (tajdid) while enabling adaptation to modern societal demands, such as technological advancements and social transformations. Founder (1868–1923) exemplified this by personally engaging in to resolve practical religious questions, including determining the qibla direction via astronomical calculation, using hisab for lunar month starts, conducting in open fields, managing and qurban through committees, and delivering sermons in vernacular Indonesian rather than Arabic, actions that drew accusations of innovation () from traditionalists. To institutionalize this effort, Muhammadiyah established the Majelis Tarjih in 1927 at its 16th congress in Pekalongan, initially proposed by KH Mas Mansur, formalizing collective ijtihad for jurisprudential deliberation (tarjih, or preference selection among valid opinions). The resulting Manhaj Tarjih, developed since around 1924 and refined through stages up to 2000, embodies a non-madhhab (non-mazhab) stance, prioritizing renewal through synthesis of scriptural fidelity, rationality, and spiritual insight tailored to Indonesian contexts. This methodology endorses open ijtihad that incorporates modern influences, enabling responses to evolving realities without compromising core doctrines, as seen in fatwas during the COVID-19 pandemic that adjusted rituals like prayer congregations to align with public health protocols under maqasid al-shari'ah (objectives of Islamic law) prioritizing life preservation. Through , Muhammadiyah dynamizes social engagement, applying rational reinterpretation to foster progress in , healthcare, and , viewing not as a threat but as an arena for revitalizing Islamic dynamism against stagnation. This reformist orientation distinguishes Muhammadiyah from traditionalist groups like , which favor interpretive methods like bahtsul masail rooted in established madhhabs, highlighting Muhammadiyah's emphasis on proactive adaptation over preservation of inherited rulings. By privileging empirical reasoning and causal alignment with scriptural intents, the organization sustains relevance in a globalized , issuing guidance on issues lacking explicit classical precedents.

Relation to Global Islamic Movements

Muhammadiyah's ideological foundations draw significantly from the global Islamic modernist tradition pioneered by Egyptian reformers Muhammad Abduh (1849–1905) and his disciple Muhammad Rashid Rida (1865–1935), whose emphasis on returning to the Quran and Sunnah through rational ijtihad influenced founder Ahmad Dahlan during his exposure to their ideas via publications like Al-Manar. This connection positioned Muhammadiyah as an early adopter of reformism that sought to reconcile Islamic purity with modern scientific and social progress, predating similar efforts in organizations like the Muslim Brotherhood (founded 1928) by over a decade. Unlike the Muslim Brotherhood's transnational political activism and emphasis on establishing Islamic governance, Muhammadiyah has prioritized apolitical social reform within Indonesia's national framework, focusing on education, healthcare, and civic engagement rather than ideological expansionism or vanguardism. It shares superficial parallels with the Brotherhood in grassroots organization and welfare provision but diverges by integrating local customs and democratic pluralism, avoiding the former's hierarchical caliphate aspirations. Similarly, while exhibiting Salafi-like rejection of un-Islamic innovations (bid'ah) and Sufi excesses, Muhammadiyah adopts a moderate, contextual Salafism—often termed Salafiyah Wasitiyah—that endorses adaptive ijtihad and modernity, contrasting with the literalist, anti-intellectual puritanism of Wahhabism or rigid Saudi Salafism. In global engagements, Muhammadiyah has participated in international forums to promote its model of progressive Islam, collaborating with entities like the on initiatives for and moderate reform, as seen in joint events in since 2024 emphasizing faith amid change. These ties reflect a selective alignment with Saudi-led efforts post-2017 to rebrand as tolerant, yet Muhammadiyah maintains , critiquing while exporting its civic-focused approach as an alternative to both radical and insular . By 2025, its network of over 167,000 institutions serves as a benchmark for Islamic organizations worldwide seeking sustainable modernization without political overreach.

Organizational Structure

Governance and Central Leadership

Muhammadiyah's central governance is vested in the , the Central Executive Board, which functions as the highest leadership organ responsible for directing the organization's activities nationwide and implementing policies established by the . The PP comprises at least 13 members, including a General Chairman (Ketua Umum), General Secretary, and other key roles such as treasurer and chairs of specialized councils for , , and organizational development. This structure emphasizes collegial leadership, where authority is distributed collectively to prevent concentration of power and promote consensus-based decision-making among board members. The Central Executive is elected every five years during the Muktamar, Muhammadiyah's national congress, with candidates nominated by the Tanwir Council, an advisory body of senior figures. The election process prioritizes internal and mechanisms to ensure representation and maintain organizational unity, as demonstrated in recent congresses where outcomes reflect broad cadre consensus rather than factional contests. Terms for all executive positions are limited to five years, with the General Chairman eligible for no more than two consecutive terms to foster renewal and prevent entrenchment. For the 2022–2027 period, Prof. Dr. Haedar Nashir serves as General Chairman, marking his second term following his initial election in 2015. Supporting him are General Secretary Prof. Dr. Abdul Mu’ti and General Treasurer Prof. Hilman Latief, alongside chairs overseeing domains like (dr. Agus Taufiqurrohman) and (Prof. Irwan Akib). The PP holds legal representation for Muhammadiyah, supervises provincial branches, and coordinates over 167,000 member organizations, including schools and hospitals, while adapting to contemporary challenges through policy directives issued via decrees. This framework balances centralized oversight with regional autonomy, ensuring doctrinal consistency and operational efficiency across .

Regional Branches and Membership Dynamics

Muhammadiyah operates through a hierarchical of branches spanning subnational levels, enabling localized implementation of central policies while maintaining organizational unity. The includes subdistrict executives (minimum five members), executives (minimum seven), regional executives for municipalities or regencies (minimum nine), and provincial executives (minimum eleven), all appointed by the next higher level to enforce directives and manage local affairs. This pyramid-like framework culminates at the national central executive, with each level holding conferences every five years to elect representatives proportionally to membership and address regional issues. Provincial branches, known as Pimpinan Wilayah Muhammadiyah (PWM), coordinate activities across Indonesia's provinces, with presence established in 35 of the country's 38 provinces as of recent expansions. Regional dynamics vary, with denser networks in due to historical origins, but nationwide coverage now includes branches in all major districts, adapting to local cultural and demographic contexts through autonomous yet aligned operations. For instance, provincial executives stipulate regional leadership compositions, fostering cadre development and policy adaptation without deviating from core reformist principles. Membership consists of common members ( Muslims), extraordinary members (non- Muslims), and honorary members for significant contributors, with obligations including adherence to Muhammadiyah's statutes and participation in activities. Estimates place active membership at approximately 30 million, reflecting steady growth from early 20th-century figures—such as 913 branches by 1937, predominantly in —to a vast network today, bolstered by targeted registration drives over the past two decades. Branch dynamics emphasize democratic rotation, with five-year terms and chairmanship limits to two consecutive periods, promoting renewal while addressing challenges like urban migration and competition from other groups. Internationally, special branches (PCIM) extend this model abroad, integrating expatriate members into the , though domestic regional strength remains the core driver of and resilience.

Leadership Succession and Key Figures

Muhammadiyah's central leadership, known as Pimpinan Pusat, operates under a collegial system where the Ketua Umum (General Chairman) serves as the primary executive figure. Succession occurs through the Muktamar, the organization's national congress convened every five years, during which delegates elect the leadership board, including the Ketua Umum, via a deliberative and voting process emphasizing and organizational discipline. This mechanism evolved from early annual rapat (meetings) and kongres in the organization's formative years to the standardized quinquennial Muktamar post-independence, ensuring continuity while adapting to modern democratic practices. The founder, KH (1868–1923), established Muhammadiyah on November 18, 1912, in , , as its inaugural Ketua Umum until his death in 1923, pioneering by integrating purification of faith (tazkiyatun nahyi) with social reforms inspired by global movements like Salafism and Western education models. Subsequent leaders have navigated challenges from colonial rule to post-independence and contemporary . Key figures include:
No.NameTermKey Contributions
11912–1923Founded the organization; emphasized faith purification and modern Islamic education.
2KH Ibrahim1923–1934Built first Muhammadiyah hospital; established Nasyiatul Aisyiyah and Majlis Tarjih for doctrinal uniformity.
3KH Hisyam1934–1937Expanded educational institutions, including volkschool system, amid colonial subsidy debates.
4KH Mas Mansyur1937–1942Introduced a 12-step organizational plan focusing on faith renewal and unity.
5Ki Bagus Hadikusumo1942–1953Contributed to Indonesia's 1945 Constitution; recognized as a National Pioneer.
6Ahmad Rasyid Sutan Mansur1953–1959Formulated , stressing tauhid and discipline.
7KH M. Yunus Anis1959–1962Defined Kepribadian Muhammadiyah; modernized amid political turbulence.
8KH Ahmad Badawi1962–1968Preserved organizational integrity against communist threats; founded Kokam security unit.
9KH Faqih Usman1968 (brief)Served as interim; former Minister of Religious Affairs.
10Abdur Rozak Fahruddin1968–1990Longest tenure (22 years); endorsed Pancasila as organizational basis.
11KH Ahmad Azhar Basyir1990–1994Bridged traditional and modern ; died in office.
12Prof. Dr. HM. 1995–1998Led reformasi era; founded (PAN).
13Prof. Dr. H. Syafi’i Maarif1998–2005Promoted ; awarded Prize.
14Prof. Dr. H. Din Syamsuddin2005–2015Advanced peace initiatives; introduced Darul Ahdi wa Syahadah concept.
15Prof. Dr. H. Haedar Nashir2015–present (re-elected 2022)Expanded educational reach; led response efforts.
These leaders have collectively steered Muhammadiyah from a local movement to a national force with over 30 million members, balancing Islamic with adaptive engagement in society.

Social and Institutional Activities

Educational Institutions and Reforms

Muhammadiyah's educational s originated with founder K.H. , who, influenced by global Islamic modernist thought during his time in , sought to integrate secular knowledge with Islamic principles to counter colonial influences and traditionalist stagnation in Muslim . Dahlan critiqued the rote-learning focus of traditional (Islamic boarding schools) and the of colonial schools, advocating instead for a madrasah system that emphasized rational inquiry, moral discipline, and practical skills alongside Quranic study. This approach drew from Dahlan's observations of effective elements in and government schools, adapted to foster independent reasoning () among Muslims. Early institutions reflected these reforms: between 1913 and 1918, Muhammadiyah established five Islamic schools in emphasizing bilingual instruction in and , , and to produce disciplined, worldly . In 1919, the Hooge School Muhammadiyah, an Islamic high school, was founded to extend this model, prioritizing character formation over mere religious ritualism. These initiatives challenged prevailing views that modern diluted , positioning Muhammadiyah as a pioneer in hybrid curricula that balanced empirical sciences with (Islamic monotheism). By the present, Muhammadiyah operates an extensive network of over 20,000 educational units, including 20,233 pre-school programs, 1,432 elementary schools, 1,385 madrasah ibtida'iyyah (primary madrasahs), 246 junior secondary schools, 578 madrasah tsanawiyyah, 535 senior high schools, and 218 madrasah aliyah. At the tertiary level, it manages 172 higher education institutions, comprising 83 universities, 53 colleges, and 36 other forms, serving millions of students nationwide. Reforms continue through holistic-integrative models that embed Islamic ethics in STEM and social sciences curricula, promoting self-reliance and community service to address socioeconomic disparities. This system has enrolled over 5 million students across levels, emphasizing accessibility for underserved areas while upholding doctrinal purity against syncretic practices.

Healthcare and Social Welfare Programs

Muhammadiyah, through its central board's health organization (Majelis Pelayanan Kesehatan Umat or MPKU) and in collaboration with its Aisyiyah, maintains an extensive network of healthcare facilities across , emphasizing affordable and accessible medical services aligned with Islamic charitable principles. As of recent reports, the organization operates approximately 122 hospitals and over 400 clinics nationwide, with ongoing expansions in underserved regions such as and . These institutions, often branded as RS PKU Muhammadiyah, provide services ranging from general to specialized treatments, including emergency response and community health programs like tuberculosis screening integrated with detection efforts. The flagship RS PKU Muhammadiyah , established in 1923 as one of the organization's earliest clinics, exemplifies this commitment and has inspired the development of over 118 affiliated hospitals by serving as a model for modern, community-oriented healthcare delivery. These facilities often function as social enterprises, balancing market considerations with charitable mandates to subsidize care for low-income patients, though they face challenges in maintaining affordability amid Indonesia's privatizing health sector. Programs under MPKU include preventive initiatives, such as awareness and early detection via IVA testing, targeting vulnerable populations including couples and rural communities. In social welfare, Muhammadiyah extends its efforts beyond healthcare to include orphanages (panti asuhan), shelters for the poor, and programs for street children and at-risk youth, drawing on Quranic injunctions like Al-Ma'un to foster and . These initiatives encompass for neglected, abused, or homeless children aged 10-19, vocational training, and family guidance to reintegrate them into society, often through local branches and affiliated foundations. Additionally, zakat-based alleviation efforts support broader community welfare, such as relief and economic , though evaluations highlight varying impacts on long-term depending on local implementation. Aisyiyah complements these with women- and child-focused services, reinforcing Muhammadiyah's role in holistic without relying on state dependency.

Media, Publications, and Cultural Outreach

Muhammadiyah disseminates its reformist principles and organizational updates through dedicated publications and media platforms. The organization's flagship publication, Suara Muhammadiyah, serves as its official magazine, functioning as a key vehicle for promoting , , and social since its as a continuation of early modernist influences like Al-Manar. This periodical has historically supported Muhammadiyah's efforts in purifying Islamic practices and adapting them to contemporary contexts. Complementing print media, Muhammadiyah operates an official website at muhammadiyah.or.id, which provides news, editorials, and institutional information in multiple languages, overseen by a central media and communications division with a digital broadcast center. This online presence facilitates broader outreach, including announcements on humanitarian missions and daily operations serving over 100,000 students in affiliated programs. Younger cadres have adapted to digital trends by launching platforms like IB Times, an online publication aimed at engaging contemporary audiences with Muhammadiyah's values in the digital era. In cultural outreach, Muhammadiyah emphasizes dakwah through heritage preservation and multimedia initiatives. The Muhammadiyah Museum has expanded to heighten public engagement with the organization's historical and cultural legacy, underscoring the role of museums and libraries in building progressive . Affiliated host events, such as workshops on traditional crafts and , to foster global unity and awareness of local Islamic traditions. To strengthen cultural preaching, Muhammadiyah has committed to increasing and organizing like the Festival of Islamic Learning and Media (FeLM), which include screenings, seminars, and workshops integrating Islamic teachings with cultural narratives. Public relations strategies further embed these efforts by weaving historical narratives and cultural symbols into communications, reinforcing Muhammadiyah's identity as a progressive Islamic entity.

Economic and Developmental Initiatives

Economic Empowerment and Business Networks

Muhammadiyah promotes economic empowerment among its members and communities through structured business initiatives and networks, emphasizing ethical Islamic principles such as profit-sharing and avoidance of . The organization's Majelis Ekonomi (Economic Council) oversees these efforts, coordinating Badan Usaha Milik Muhammadiyah (BUMM), which are profit-oriented enterprises where Muhammadiyah holds at least 51% ownership to ensure alignment with organizational goals. BUMM aim to achieve financial self-sufficiency, funding dakwah activities and social programs while fostering grounded in values like hard work, efficiency, and community benefit. A cornerstone of these networks is Baitul Maal wat Tamwil (BMT), Islamic institutions that provide savings, loans, and financing based on sharia-compliant models like mudarabah and murabahah. Supported heavily by Muhammadiyah adherents, BMT proliferated to over 3,000 units across by the early 2000s, targeting alleviation by enabling small-scale businesses and replacing exploitative moneylenders. Studies indicate BMT financing effectively boosts recipient incomes, with many participants reporting sustained increases post-access, though scalability depends on member education and third-party networks. Recent initiatives exemplify network synergies for broader . In February 2025, Muhammadiyah launched Mentarimart, a chain in with PT Sumber Alfaria Trijaya Tbk (operator of ), to supply affordable daily goods, generate , and distribute profits toward organizational . This venture, initiated at the University of Muhammadiyah , seeks nationwide expansion to enhance economic resilience for members and . Complementing this, a August 2025 memorandum of understanding with focuses on economic policies, including community financing and policy implementation to grow inclusive networks. Despite these structures, empirical assessments highlight gaps in realization; Muhammadiyah's economic contributions remain underdeveloped relative to its 28 million members and extensive assets, often relying on synergies among affiliated institutions rather than fully independent profitability. Strategies emphasize mindset shifts toward viewing business as religiously permissible and ethical, alongside bureaucratic simplification to enable growth, positioning networks as tools for ummah-wide over donor dependency.

Recent Engagements in Resource Extraction

In July 2024, Muhammadiyah accepted the government's offer of mining concessions under Government Regulation Number 96 of 2021, which permits religious organizations to operate and businesses, including the management of previously abandoned or state-held permits. This decision aligned with Muhammadiyah's economic empowerment goals, leveraging its pool of professional human resources in and affiliated with relevant expertise to pursue sustainable operations focused on social welfare and environmental protection. The primary focus has been on , with Muhammadiyah preparing two limited liability companies (PTs) to handle Perjanjian Karya Pengusahaan Pertambangan Batubara (PKP2B) contracts for former state or corporate concessions. In December 2024, the organization agreed to manage an old coal mine previously operated by in Indonesia's resource-rich regions, as part of a broader initiative to revitalize dormant sites through non-profit entities. Operations are intended to emphasize "green mining" practices, including resource allocation for impact mitigation, though full implementation requires securing Izin Usaha Pertambangan Khusus (IUPK) permits, which remained pending as of July 2025 due to ongoing regulatory reviews. Beyond , Muhammadiyah has expressed interest in other extractive sectors such as and , establishing additional PT entities to explore these opportunities while adhering to principles of and ecological responsibility. This expansion reflects a strategic shift toward integrating resource extraction into its developmental framework, with revenues earmarked for organizational programs in and healthcare, though critics have questioned the alignment of activities with Muhammadiyah's prior environmental advocacy, such as its June 2025 call to revoke permits on ecologically vulnerable small islands.

Political Involvement

Historical Political Affiliations and Influence

Muhammadiyah contributed to Indonesia's independence struggle by fostering nationalist sentiments through its reformist Islamic teachings and institutional networks, with leaders like K.H. Mas Mansur actively participating in key deliberations, including the formulation of as the state ideology. The organization's emphasis on and adaptation of Islam to modern contexts aligned with broader anti-colonial efforts, establishing educational and social institutions that bolstered community resilience against Dutch rule. In the post-independence period, Muhammadiyah formed a pivotal affiliation with the , becoming a special member from 1945 to 1962 and providing its primary cadre base. Initially comprising modernist and traditionalist Islamic groups, Masyumi saw Muhammadiyah spearhead its direction after Nahdlatul Ulama's departure in 1952, leading to the party securing second place in the 1955 general elections with approximately 20.9% of the vote. Muhammadiyah's influence extended to pre-Masyumi , where it pioneered the Indonesian Islamic Party (PII) in 1938 as a vehicle for Muslim political expression under colonial constraints. Prominent Muhammadiyah figures, such as those in the party's central during 1937–1943, shaped its ideological stance advocating for an Islamic-influenced state while navigating parliamentary democracy. The organization's political engagement culminated in Masyumi's ban by President in 1960 amid accusations of involvement in regional rebellions, prompting Muhammadiyah to recalibrate toward non-partisan moral politics thereafter.

Doctrine of Active Neutrality in Contemporary Politics

Muhammadiyah's doctrine of active neutrality posits that the organization maintains institutional impartiality toward and candidates while encouraging individual members to exercise their democratic , such as and candidacy, without organizational endorsement. This approach, formalized in organizational policies, distinguishes between the collective entity—focused on religious propagation (da'wah), education, and social welfare—and the personal political agency of adherents, thereby preserving Muhammadiyah's from entanglements. Adopted to avoid the risks of political co-optation observed in historical affiliations, it enables Muhammadiyah to policies on and ethical grounds without aligning with specific ideologies or power blocs. In contemporary , active neutrality manifests through structured engagements like dialogues and rather than electoral endorsements. For the 2024 general elections, Muhammadiyah convened open forums with the three presidential-vice presidential candidate pairs on November 18, 2023, to discuss national issues, emphasizing transparency and voter education without favoring any contender. This strategy, endorsed by figures such as Ambassador to Muhammad Najib, positions the organization as a compass, urging candidates to prioritize , economic , and religious while allowing members to support preferred options privately. Critics, including analysts from the , argue that this non-partisanship incurs costs, such as reduced leverage in influence compared to more aligned groups like , potentially diluting Muhammadiyah's voice amid rising identity-based mobilization. The doctrine's implementation reflects a balance between disengagement from "practical politics" and proactive societal involvement, rooted in Muhammadiyah's foundational emphasis on over sectarian power struggles. In practice, this has involved issuing statements on governance—such as calls for during electoral cycles—while prohibiting the use of organizational resources for campaigns. Despite internal debates on tightening or loosening neutrality amid Indonesia's pluralistic , leaders like Central Board Chairman Haedar Nashir have reaffirmed it as essential for sustaining Muhammadiyah's broad appeal, with over 29 million members as of recent estimates, free from perceptions of bias. This stance contrasts with historical indirect ties to parties like Masyumi pre-1960s, evolving into a deliberate firewall against polarization in post-Reformasi .

Controversies and Criticisms

Internal Divisions and Ideological Tensions

Muhammadiyah has experienced ideological tensions stemming from its foundational modernist-purist orientation, particularly evident in the shift toward greater emphasis on scriptural purification over cultural . This transition, initiated with the establishment of the Majlis Tarjih in 1928, prioritized consensus-based resolutions to eliminate practices deemed (innovation) or shirk (), marking a pivot from earlier accommodative to stricter puritanical tendencies that intensified internal debates on religious practice. Post-independence, generational conflicts emerged, such as the 1937 leadership crisis where young activists challenged senior figures, leading to Mas Mansur's appointment and a broader generational turnover that highlighted tensions between and reformist zeal. In the post-Soeharto era after 1998, the influx of Tarbiyah movement ideas—inspired by the —exacerbated divisions, with advocates pushing anti-secularism and rejection of local customs labeled as takhayul, , or churofat, clashing against Muhammadiyah's endorsement of Pancasila as state ideology, as reaffirmed by Chairman Haedar Nashir at the 47th national congress. These ideological rifts contributed to membership attrition toward groups like the (PKS) and the banned Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), while internal groups such as Jaringan Intelektual Muda Muhammadiyah (JIMM), founded in 2003, publicly critiqued the organization's conservatism and emphasized personal piety, provoking backlash from bodies like Majelis Tabligh dan Dakwah Khusus, which branded JIMM a "virus," ultimately leading to its dissolution in 2008. Political dimensions have amplified these tensions, particularly around the doctrine of "moral politics" articulated by in 1986, which mandates organizational neutrality while permitting individual member engagement, fostering rigid factionalism as seen in the 2019 elections where supporters of faced exclusion from grassroots activities by backers. Under Haedar Nashir's leadership since 2015, this non-partisanship drew sharp internal criticism, exemplified by 's 2019 lecture condemning Nashir's stance amid audience applause, reflecting broader member intolerance and debates over the organization's limited legislative influence, with only 27 senators affiliated during 2004-2009. Such divisions underscore persistent strains between purist scripturalism, modernist , and calls for bolder political advocacy, often resolved through Majelis Tarjih's conservative consensus mechanisms rather than open contestation.

External Critiques on Policy and Practices

External observers, including progressive Islamic scholars and feminist advocates, have critiqued Muhammadiyah's policies on for permitting under conditions of and consent, arguing that such allowances perpetuate and conflict with modern egalitarian norms. These critics contend that Muhammadiyah's stance, while discouraging polygyny in practice, fails to advocate for its outright prohibition, thereby enabling practices deemed harmful to women's and well-being, as evidenced by ongoing debates in feminist where the organization's position is viewed as insufficiently protective against exploitation. Traditionalist Islamic organizations, such as (NU), have historically criticized Muhammadiyah's reformist practices for emphasizing scriptural puritanism over syncretic customs and Sufi traditions, which NU perceives as eroding cultural harmony and social cohesion in rural communities. This tension stems from Muhammadiyah's early 20th-century push to eliminate what it deemed (innovations) like grave veneration and communal feasts, actions NU leaders at the time framed as disruptive to established Islamic pluralism in the archipelago. Such critiques highlight Muhammadiyah's policies as overly rigid, potentially fostering division rather than unity among Indonesian Muslims. Secular analysts and commentators have occasionally faulted Muhammadiyah's educational and welfare programs for embedding Islamic doctrine in curricula and services, arguing that this integration undermines full and may indirectly marginalize non-Muslim or secular participants despite the organization's stated inclusivity. However, these observations are tempered by acknowledgments of Muhammadiyah's role in countering through moderated interpretations, with critiques focusing more on the risk of subtle proselytization in public-facing institutions rather than overt coercion.

Environmental and Ethical Debates

Muhammadiyah has integrated environmental conservation into its modernist Islamic framework, emphasizing (khalifah) as a religious duty derived from Quranic principles against waste and exploitation. In March 2025, the organization launched five initiatives, including green programs and advocacy, to enhance awareness and reduce ecological footprints across its network of over 167,000 institutions. These efforts extend to partnerships, such as with the for eco-district implementations and interfaith collaborations via Eco Bhinneka to address climate risks through shared advocacy. Despite these commitments, Muhammadiyah's 2024 acceptance of a mining license has ignited debates on ethical consistency, pitting economic empowerment against potential . Critics argue that involvement in extractive industries by Islamic organizations like Muhammadiyah risks contradicting doctrines, as operations could exacerbate and in Indonesia's resource-rich regions, necessitating rigorous "green mining" protocols that demand significant unproven investments. Proponents within the organization counter that such ventures align with fikih (Islamic ) for just energy transitions, enabling funding for social programs while promoting regulated resource use over unregulated private exploitation. This tension reflects broader ethical deliberations in Muhammadiyah's Tarjih conferences, where responses balance human welfare (maslahah) with ecological preservation, as outlined in fatwas urging for eco-friendly practices. On ethical fronts beyond environment, Muhammadiyah's promotion of religious moderation has faced internal scrutiny over tajdid (renewal), with debates centering on reconciling modernist reforms—such as rational ijtihad on social issues—with traditionalist pressures, potentially diluting core Islamic ethics on family and community. External critiques highlight perceived ambiguities in practices like grave visitations, linking them to global Islamic reform tensions, though Muhammadiyah maintains these as non-essential to ethical orthodoxy. These discussions underscore the organization's non-partisan moral politics, which prioritizes ethical independence but invites controversy when navigating Indonesia's pluralistic challenges.

Influence and Challenges

Societal Impact and Achievements

Muhammadiyah has profoundly shaped through its extensive network of , which emphasize the integration of Islamic principles with modern, rationalist curricula to combat superstition and promote intellectual advancement. As of November 2023, the organization operates 172 institutions, including 83 universities, alongside approximately 5,346 primary and secondary schools and 444 boarding schools, serving millions of students annually and contributing to Indonesia's development by prioritizing empirical knowledge and ethical reasoning over traditionalist practices. These efforts trace back to founder Ahmad Dahlan's establishment of early schools in 1912, which evolved into a system fostering progressive and societal modernization, evidenced by leadership in various sectors and global recognition of affiliated universities in rankings like THE Impact Rankings for . In healthcare, Muhammadiyah manages 122 hospitals and numerous clinics as of 2023, providing affordable medical services rooted in of compassion and preventive care, which have alleviated burdens in underserved areas and integrated modern with faith-based . The organization's extend to 384 orphanages and homes, supporting vulnerable populations through direct aid and skill-building programs that emphasize over dependency. These initiatives have empirically reduced and improved , as seen in the organization's role in post-disaster , where the Muhammadiyah Disaster Management Center (MDMC) coordinates rapid responses to events like earthquakes, mobilizing volunteers and resources more efficiently than state mechanisms in some cases due to its grassroots network. Through its women's wing, 'Aisyiyah, founded in , Muhammadiyah has advanced female empowerment by establishing parallel educational and health facilities, enabling access to , vocational training, and economic opportunities within an Islamic framework that prioritizes roles based on scriptural rather than secular . By 2024, 'Aisyiyah's programs have empowered thousands of women via initiatives and , contributing to higher female participation in society while maintaining doctrinal boundaries against practices deemed un-Islamic, such as unchecked Western . Overall, these achievements underscore Muhammadiyah's causal role in Indonesia's modernization, with its institutions serving over 10 million beneficiaries and fostering a rational, service-oriented Muslim identity that has influenced national policies on and without relying on state subsidies.

Declining Relevance and Future Prospects

In recent years, Muhammadiyah has experienced a perceptible decline in its influence, particularly among urban Muslims and younger demographics in . Analyses indicate that the organization's traditional structures and programs, while extensive, increasingly fail to address the specific needs of city dwellers, such as rapid , digital lifestyles, and diversified social aspirations, leading to reduced engagement. This shift is evidenced by the growing preference for alternative Islamic expressions, including Salafi-influenced groups or apolitical spiritual movements, which better resonate with contemporary youth concerns like online and global connectivity. Membership figures, estimated at around 30 million as of 2025, show no sharp numerical drop but reveal qualitative erosion through lower participation in organizational activities and waning authority in public discourse. For instance, Muhammadiyah's role in moderating has diminished amid the rise of partisan Islamist parties and secular nationalism, with its doctrine of political neutrality contributing to perceptions of irrelevance in electoral dynamics post-2019. Decisions such as accepting concessions in 2024 have further drawn for compromising ethical stances, accelerating a broader trend of Islamic civil society's and loss of moral leadership. Looking ahead, Muhammadiyah's prospects hinge on adaptive strategies outlined at its 48th , including enhanced digital outreach to combat and radicalism, alongside international expansion to promote moderate . However, persistent challenges—such as internal ideological tensions between purists and progressives, competition from state-backed narratives, and youth alienation—pose risks to revitalization efforts. Success may depend on reforming to prioritize empirical responses to societal shifts, like integrating education in its vast network of schools and hospitals to regain urban appeal, though empirical data on these initiatives' efficacy remains limited as of 2025.

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