Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

Negative verb

A negative verb, also known as a negative auxiliary, is a specialized form or auxiliary element employed in various languages to convey in declarative clauses, typically by inflecting for , number, or tense while pairing with a modified main verb in a non-finite or connegative form. This construction contrasts with other negation strategies, such as particles or affixes, and is particularly prominent in languages where negation requires a dedicated verbal element to mark polarity opposition. In typological , negative verbs represent one of several asymmetric patterns, where the negative construction introduces structural changes beyond mere addition of a negator, often altering verbal or to emphasize the unrealized or absent state of the action. For instance, in , the negative auxiliary inflects for person and number (e.g., en for first person singular) and combines with the connegative form of the main , as in en syö omenaa ("I don't eat an apple"). Similarly, in like Erzya Mordvin, the negative carries and pairs with a connegative main , yielding forms like eńi kunda ("I didn't catch"). These examples illustrate how negative verbs maintain verbal properties, distinguishing them from invariant particles. Cross-linguistically, negative verbs appear in about 47 of the 1,157 languages surveyed in the World Atlas of Language Structures, with a notable concentration in northern , including Uralic and Altaic families, though they also occur in isolates like Grebo (yi-da "I did not"). This distribution highlights their role in encoding functional asymmetries in , such as restrictions on tense or finiteness in negative contexts, which typologists attribute to the marked status of relative to . Unlike symmetric (e.g., simple affixation without further changes), negative verb constructions often reflect deeper syntactic integration, influencing theories of predicate formation and agreement.

Introduction

Definition and characteristics

A negative verb is a specialized grammatical , functioning as an auxiliary or matrix verb, that expresses clausal by negating the of a declarative verbal main , known as standard negation. It serves as the finite element in the negative , typically requiring the lexical verb to adopt a non-finite form to maintain . Key characteristics of negative verbs include their inflectional properties, where they agree in , number, tense, and , distinguishing them from invariant negative particles (such as English not) that do not carry such features. Unlike bound negative affixes (e.g., those fused directly to the ), negative verbs operate as independent syntactic elements, localizing semantically within the while being fully grammaticalized as functional categories. They are prevalent in languages exhibiting asymmetric strategies, where negative clauses diverge structurally from affirmatives by introducing additional complexity, such as reduced finiteness on the main ; this subtype occurs in approximately 25% of sampled languages worldwide. Syntactically, negative verbs precede the main verb and bear the clause's φ-features ( and number ), functioning as the primary and integrating into the . This positioning can yield symmetric constructions, mirroring affirmative structure, or asymmetric ones involving specialized verbal morphology. Historically, negative verbs frequently grammaticalize from lexical verbs denoting lack, failure, or non-existence, undergoing semantic bleaching and structural reanalysis to become dedicated negators. In the Uralic language family, for example, the proto-form *e- originated from a verb meaning "not have," evolving into the inflected negative auxiliary across descendant languages.

Typological variations

Negative constructions in the world's languages are typologically diverse, with standard — the of declarative verbal main clauses—primarily expressed through three main types of markers: particles, which are uninflected free words; affixes, which are bound morphemes such as prefixes, suffixes, or circumfixes attached to the lexical verb; and verbs or , which are inflecting elements that often serve as the finite in the . Bipartite or discontinuous negatives, combining two markers (e.g., a preverbal element and a postverbal reinforcer), represent a further subtype that blends particle and other strategies, leading to double marking for emphasis or grammatical reinforcement. Negative verbs, a subtype of verbal negation where an auxiliary or carries the negative meaning and agrees with the , show a restricted global distribution but cluster in specific families. Cross-linguistically, negative auxiliary verbs are used in 47 of the 1,157 languages in the World Atlas of Language Structures sample, with concentrations in northern Eurasia. They are widespread in , often manifesting as asymmetric A/Fin constructions; in portions of the family, particularly Eastern branches where lexical verbs grammaticalize into negative auxiliaries; in such as Evenki, which retain an ancient negative verb pattern; and in select Austronesian languages like Tongan, employing a higher negative verb for clausal . In , pure negative verbs are rare, typically appearing only as auxiliaries in analytic constructions rather than as primary negators. Cross-linguistically, strategies divide into symmetric types, where negative mirror affirmative ones except for the negative marker (e.g., via an invariant particle with no further alterations), and asymmetric types, where triggers additional structural modifications, such as specialized verbal forms or insertion. predominantly contribute to asymmetry by necessitating a non-finite or altered form of the lexical , diverging markedly from affirmative structure. A key diachronic trend in the development of negative verbs involves their from lexical sources, particularly verbs denoting 'want' or 'lack', which lose independent semantic content to specialize in , often fusing with person and tense markers. This process aligns with broader patterns of evolution, such as , wherein an original preverbal negator weakens phonetically and is reinforced by a postverbal element, potentially leading to the reinforcer's promotion to a more verbal or auxiliary status over time. Uralic languages exemplify this asymmetry driven by negative verbs in a prototypical manner.

Negative constructions in English

Auxiliary do-support

In English negation, the particle "not" requires the insertion of a dummy auxiliary "do" for non-copular, non-auxiliary verbs to form standard negative declaratives, as in constructions where no other auxiliary is present to host the negation. This "do" functions as an expletive, lacking semantic content beyond supporting the syntactic structure, and inflects for tense, person, and number, taking forms such as "do" (present, first/third plural), "does" (present, third singular), or "did" (past). Syntactically, "do" bears the tense and aspect features that would otherwise affix to the main , reducing the latter to its base form and positioning the after the auxiliary. This mechanism is absent in sentences already containing modals (e.g., "cannot"), the "be," or perfective "have," as these elements can directly precede "not" without additional support. The role of "do" thus ensures the adheres to English's auxiliary requirements in polarized contexts like , while maintaining the verb phrase's integrity. The auxiliary "do" derives from the full verb "dōn" ('to do'), which initially served causative or pro-verb functions before evolving into periphrastic support. Its use in emerged sporadically in late around the 14th century, coinciding with the shift from pre-verbal ("") to post-verbal "not," and expanded rapidly in during the 16th century, becoming obligatory by the late 17th to 18th centuries. This development is attributed to syntactic changes, including the loss of verb-second and the need to accommodate the new position without affix-hopping to the main . Unlike true negative auxiliaries in , which fully conjugate as independent verbs to express , English "do" remains a semantically empty restricted to specific syntactic environments.

Examples across tenses

In the present simple tense, English negative constructions for lexical verbs rely on , as in the first-person singular form "I do not go" or its contracted version "I don't go." For the third-person singular, the structure adjusts for subject-verb agreement, yielding "She does not go" or "She doesn't go," where contractions like "doesn't" are common in informal speech. In the past simple tense, is again required, but without person-based agreement, as seen in "I did not go" or "I didn't go" across subjects such as "She did not go" or "She didn't go." This uniformity contrasts with the present tense's agreement variation. Other tenses do not invoke for . In the , attaches directly to the auxiliary, producing forms like "I am not going," "She is not going," or their contractions "I'm not going" and "She's not going." Perfect aspects follow suit, with examples including "I have not gone" or "I haven't gone" in the , and "She had not gone" or "She hadn't gone" in the past perfect. The uses "I will not go" or "I won't go," negating the auxiliary will. Imperatives and emphatic constructions also employ for and emphasis. The standard negative imperative is "Do not go!" or "Don't go!," where do adds force even though imperatives typically lack . In questions, variations arise, such as the "Don't you go?" which inverts the auxiliary for structure.

In , in finite clauses is expressed through a special negative derived from the e-, which inflects for and number, while the main appears in a non-finite connegative form lacking personal endings. The forms of the negative auxiliary are: en (1st singular), et (2nd singular), ei (3rd singular), emme (1st plural), ette (2nd plural), and eivät (3rd plural). For example, the affirmative Minä maalaan taloa ("I the house," where maalaan is the 1st singular of maalata "to ") becomes Minä en maala taloa in the negative, with maala as the connegative of the main . This requires full restructuring, as the negative auxiliary assumes the finite inflectional categories (, number, and tense) typically borne by the main , resulting in an asymmetric distinct from affirmative clauses. In the past tense, the negative auxiliary retains its present forms but combines with the past participle of the main verb, which functions as the connegative; for perfect aspects, the connegative form ole of the auxiliary olla ("to be") is inserted before the main verb's past participle. Thus, Minä maalin taloa ("I painted the house") negates as Minä en maalanut taloa ("I didn't paint the house"), while the perfect Minä olen maalanut taloa ("I have painted the house") becomes Minä en ole maalanut taloa ("I haven't painted the house"). This system applies exclusively to clausal negation in finite declarative, interrogative, and conditional moods, with no direct negation possible in infinitival or participial constructions; infinitives and participles remain unnegated, and negation must be conveyed through surrounding finite clauses if needed. The negative construction originates from Proto-Uralic e-, a verbal element meaning "not exist" or "fail," which evolved into an inflecting auxiliary in , marking a typological continuity with other Uralic negation strategies. This Proto-Uralic pattern featured the negative auxiliary carrying finite morphology alongside an uninflected connegative lexical verb, a feature preserved in despite dialectal variations in form realization.

Estonian

In Estonian, clausal negation is expressed through the invariant negative particle ei, which functions as a non-inflecting preverbal auxiliary derived from the Proto-Finnic third-person singular form of the negative verb ei. This particle is placed immediately before the connegative form of the main verb in declarative indicative sentences, such as Ma ei lähe ("I do not go"), where lähe is the connegative stem of the affirmative finite form lähen. Unlike the conjugating negative verb in related Finnic languages like Finnish, ei shows no person or number agreement, with the main verb's connegative form carrying tense but not subject agreement, simplifying the negation paradigm. The structure remains consistent across tenses, with the past tense employing the past connegative (participle) form of the main after ei, as in Ma ei läinud ("I did not go"), where läinud derives from the minema. In yes/no questions, negation follows a similar pattern but incorporates the particle kas at the onset, positioning ei after the : Kas ma ei lähe? ("Do I not go?" or "Am I not going?"). Without kas, questions rely on intonation, maintaining the declarative word order of -ei-connegative , such as Ma ei lähe? ("I'm not going?"). This invariant placement underscores ei's role as a fixed particle for sentential , distinct from its occasional interjective use as "no." Historically, negation evolved through simplification of the system, where the negative auxiliary inflected for person like a full ; in , all forms except the third-person singular were lost, reducing it to an uninflected particle paired with the main 's connegative, a development completed by the medieval period under Germanic influence. This shift eliminated the need for negative conjugation while retaining the connegative for the lexical , contrasting with Finnish's preserved inflecting negative and highlighting 's streamlined Uralic within the Finnic branch. is strictly clausal, not extending to local or constituent (e.g., no function like English "no").

Northern Sami

In Northern Sami, a Uralic language spoken primarily in , , and , negation in finite clauses is achieved using a dedicated negative verb that functions as an auxiliary and conjugates for person and number in the indicative mood, while the main lexical verb appears in a special connegative form. This connegative form is inflected for tense (present or past) but not for person or number, creating an asymmetric structure typical of Uralic negation where the negative element bears the finite marking. The negative verb, ii, has the following indicative forms (identical for present and past tenses):
PersonSingularDualPlural
1stineaneat
2nditeahppiehpet
3rdiieabaeai
These forms precede the connegative of the main verb; for example, in the present tense, "I do not have" is Mun in leat (lit. "I-neg have.CONNEG"), and in the past tense, "I did not have" is Mun in leah̯tin (lit. "I-neg have.CONNEG.PAST"). Similarly, "I do not work" translates as Mun in boađán (present) or Mun in boađin (past), where boađán/boađin is the connegative of the "to work." This construction is used in both declarative sentences, such as Mihkkal leat skuvllas ("Mihkkal is not at school"), and ones, often with the question particle go, as in In go dus leat mánáid? (" you have children?"). In questions, the negative verb may invert with the subject for emphasis or follow standard depending on . The negative verb also appears in other moods, such as the imperative (/ii/ for "!"), but lacks a dedicated form, instead relying on the past connegative of the main combined with present negative forms in some analytic constructions. Dialectal variations occur across Northern Sami, with some eastern dialects showing slight phonetic shifts in the negative forms (e.g., ij influences from neighboring Sámi languages), though the conjugating pattern remains consistent; in contrast, certain other Sámi varieties exhibit more invariant negative elements. Historically, the negative verb derives from Proto-Sámi i-, a reflex of the Proto-Uralic negative stem *e- ~ *ä- ~ *a-, reflecting the ancient Uralic strategy of verbal negation.

Hungarian

In Hungarian, negation is primarily expressed through the invariant particle nem, which is placed immediately before the in declarative clauses, without altering the form of the main itself. For example, the affirmative sentence "Megyek" ("I go") becomes "Nem megyek" ("I don't go"), maintaining the verb's conjugation for person and tense. This preverbal position holds across tenses; in the past, "Mentem" ("I went") negates as "Nem mentem" ("I didn't go"). In questions, nem typically precedes the verb, with subject-verb inversion optional depending on : "Nem megyek?" ("Don't I go?" or "Am I not going?"). Unlike the conjugated negative auxiliaries in such as , Hungarian's system is largely symmetric, treating as a simple modifier. A notable asymmetry arises in copular constructions, where the third-person present indicative copula "van" ("is") has a specialized negative form "nincs" ("is not" or "there is not"), derived from a contraction of nem with the copula and an emphatic element. For instance, "János van otthon" ("John is at home") negates to "János nincs otthon" ("John is not at home"). In other persons, negation follows the standard pattern: first person uses the conjugated copula as "Nem vagyok" (""), while plural third-person forms "nincsenek" ("are not"). This copular innovation reflects Hungarian's divergence from broader Uralic patterns, where negative existentials often retain auxiliary-like behavior. Historically, shifted from a Proto-Ugric system featuring a conjugated negative auxiliary (*e ~ ä ~ a) to the current particle-based , with nem evolving from an indefinite pronominal element nëmȢ that grammaticalized into a dedicated negative marker during late Proto-. This loss of the negative verb occurred through a , where the auxiliary weakened and was reinforced by the emerging particle, leading to the asymmetric treatment only in copular forms by the 12th–15th centuries. Old texts, such as the , document transitional stages, including preverbal particle placement before nem in subordinate clauses like "amíg János vissza nem jön" ("until John comes back"). Today, this results in a streamlined, mostly symmetric strategy unique among .

Komi

In the , a Permic branch of the Uralic family, verbal negation in finite clauses employs an asymmetric construction featuring a dedicated negative paired with a special non-finite connegative form of the main . The negative auxiliary inflects for person and tense, carrying the finite marking that the main verb loses, while the connegative form of the lexical typically consists of the verb stem without personal endings. This structure parallels the negation system in like but retains distinct Permic features, such as vowel alternations in the auxiliary. The negative auxiliary in the present or non-past tense is based on the stem ö (or o- in some notations), with forms including mon ö (1SG 'I not'), tön öd (2SG 'you not'), and es ös (3SG 'he/she not'); for the first past tense, it shifts to an e- stem, as in mon e (1SG 'I not [past]'). The main verb then appears in the connegative, for example, mon ö šöböla ('I don't write'), where šöböla is the connegative of the verb šöbötny ('to write'). In the second past or pluperfect, an uninflected negative particle may replace the auxiliary, but the connegative persists. Dialectal variations exist between Komi-Zyrian (the standard variety) and Komi-Permyak: Zyrian uses consistently in the non-past auxiliary, while Permyak often features e̮g or front-vowel variants, alongside differences in connegative stem . This applies primarily to clausal verbal predicates, marking standard without altering significantly. The system originates from Proto-Permic *, a reflex of earlier Uralic negative elements, reflecting a typological retention of auxiliary-based across the family.

East Asian languages

Korean

Korean employs two primary strategies for verbal negation: an adverbial short form, which places a negative adverb directly before the verb stem, and a verbal long form, which involves nominalizing the verb with the suffix -ji or -ci followed by the auxiliary verb anta (a contraction of ani ha-ta, meaning "not do"). The long form employs a negative auxiliary anta, functioning similarly to a negative verb in asymmetric negation constructions. These approaches allow for nuanced expression of negation, with the short form often used in contrastive or focused contexts and the long form serving as the default in neutral or written registers. In the adverbial short form, is achieved by placing an- (for general ) or mot- (for inability or impossibility) before the , resulting in pre-verbal positioning that scopes over the . For instance, the declarative Gada ("go") becomes An gada ("not go") with an-, or Mot gada ("cannot go") with mot-. The distinction between an- and mot- is semantic: an- denies the action outright or implies unwillingness, while mot- emphasizes lack of capacity or external prevention, often applying to high-transitivity s or actions requiring effort. In the , this structure conjugates on the main , as in An gatda ("did not go"), where the adjusts for tense without altering the negator. The verbal long form constructs by attaching the nominalizer -ji (informal) or -ci (formal) to the , followed by anta, which then inflects for tense, , and s as a full . An example is Gaji anta ("don't go"), where gaji is the nominalized form of ga- ("go"), and anta carries the . For past tense, it becomes Gaji anatda ("didn't go"), with -at- marking past on the auxiliary; s add suffixes like -si- on anta, yielding Gaji anta-si-da ("don't go" ). This form is particularly prevalent with Sino-Korean verbs (e.g., sayongha-ci anta, "does not use"), which derive from roots and historically favor the long form due to their denominal nature, though nativized Sino-Korean verbs increasingly accept the short form. Syntactically, both forms position negation elements pre-verbally in the , with adverbs like an- adjoining directly to the and the long form involving a biclausal structure where the nominalized complements the auxiliary. Korean negation exhibits no person agreement, applying uniformly regardless of , and relies on contextual or topical markers (e.g., -nun) for resolution in ambiguous cases. Diachronically, the short form has gained dominance in spoken since the 17th century, rising to over 80% usage by the , while the long form persists in formal or Sino- contexts.

Japanese

In Japanese, negation of verbs is primarily achieved through the suffixation of -nai to the verb stem, forming the negative predicate known as the "nai-form." This construction applies to most verbs by removing the -u ending of the dictionary form and attaching -nai; for example, the verb taberu ("to eat") becomes tabenai ("not eat"). Irregular verbs exhibit exceptions, such as suru ("to do") yielding ("not do") and ("to come") yielding konai ("not come"). For i-adjectives, which function similarly to stative verbs, negation involves replacing the -i ending with -kunai, as in takai ("expensive") becoming takakunai ("not expensive"). The nai element itself behaves as an i-adjective, inflecting for tense, politeness, and aspect in a manner parallel to adjectival conjugation. In its base form, nai serves as the plain non-past negative (e.g., tabenai, meaning "I/he/she/they don't eat," with no explicit subject marking). For politeness, the form shifts to -masen on the verb stem (e.g., tabemasen, "do not eat" in polite speech), while the adjectival properties allow additions like desu for formal plain negatives (e.g., tabenai desu). Past tense is formed by inflecting nai to nakatta (e.g., tabenakatta, "didn't eat"), maintaining the adjectival paradigm without person or number agreement, as Japanese predicates do not conjugate for subjects. This lack of agreement makes negation applicable uniformly across contexts, relying instead on particles like wa or ga for topicalization or subject identification. This nai-form provides clausal , reversing the of the entire without affecting or requiring additional in simple sentences (e.g., Kodomo ga ringo o tabenai, "The child does not eat an apple"). Historically, nai originates from the Classical Japanese negative auxiliary -nu, which evolved into a fused by the , creating a symmetric structure where integrates directly into the as a single unit. This adjectival integration is characteristic of , distinguishing it from strategies in unrelated families.

Other language families

Bantu languages

The , numbering over 500 and spoken across , exhibit a rich array of strategies in verbal constructions, primarily involving affixal within the complex, though periphrastic and particle-based systems also occur. Standard sentential is typically marked by pre-initial or post-initial affixes attached to the , with pre-initial markers appearing before the agreement prefix and post-initial ones following it. These strategies often lead to between affirmative and negative forms, where negatives display reduced tense-aspect-mood (TAM) distinctions compared to affirmatives, reflecting a typological pattern of simplification in negated clauses. A common pattern is prefixal , as seen in , where the pre-initial prefix ha- negates main clause declaratives in non-present tenses (e.g., ha-tu-ta-lim-a 'we will not learn'), while si- is used for subjunctives and relative clauses (e.g., u-si-lim-e 'that you not learn'). In Chichewa, negation employs the prefix si-, which combines with subject markers and TAM affixes (e.g., si-ndi-na-kuman-e 'I did not meet', in subjunctive form). Zulu, a Nguni language, uses a pre-initial negative a- in combination with vowel changes and suffixes (e.g., a-ka-m-thand-i 'he did not love him'), often stacking multiple markers for emphasis or specific tenses. These affixal systems are widespread, but some languages incorporate verbal derived from full verbs, particularly for or perfective negatives. Many negative markers in originate from lexical verbs through , a process documented across the family where verbs meaning 'lack', 'refuse', 'cease', or 'fail' evolve into auxiliaries, prefixes, or particles. For instance, reflexes of Proto-Bantu bʊ́d 'lack' appear in languages like Nkoya as bula, functioning as a negative auxiliary for non-finite or specialized negations (e.g., ku-bûl-a kǔ-j-a 'not to eat'). Similarly, dèk 'cease' has grammaticalized into markers like Nyamwezi leka 'leave/stop', used in prohibitive or completive negations (e.g., ba-nhu ba-lek-e ku-pig-w-a 'remove the … so that are not shot!'). Proto-Bantu ka-, reconstructed as a pre-initial negative element, likely derives from an auxiliary or copular form and persists in reflexes like ha-. This is typologically prevalent, with 82 out of a sample of 100 employing intrinsic negative verbs, especially in non-declarative contexts like prohibitives. Variations in negation are often tense- or clause-specific, with futures frequently requiring distinct or suppletive forms to avoid affixal overlap. For example, in some Eastern , future uses a specialized auxiliary from a verb like 'want' or 'intend', bypassing the standard pre-initial marker. is pronounced in non-finite clauses, where main s may remain uninflected, relying on negative particles or (e.g., infinitives negated via preverbal elements). Double or multiple markings, as in Changana's triple system, further illustrate the family's diversity, often reinforcing scope or clause type distinctions.

References

  1. [1]
    Chapter Negative Morphemes - WALS Online
    The second type of negative word is a word that inflects as a verb, and which can be considered a type of auxiliary verb, since it normally must accompany ...
  2. [2]
    [PDF] Negation – An Overview of Typological Research
    In English we can identify the construction that adds not after the auxiliary verb as the standard negation strategy. It has been noted by many linguists that ...
  3. [3]
    Chapter Symmetric and Asymmetric Standard Negation - WALS Online
    Standard negation can be defined as the basic way (or ways) a language has for negating declarative verbal main clauses. Negative constructions that fall ...
  4. [4]
    [PDF] Uralic negative verb constructions: syntax and morphological ...
    Paradigm Effect: (i) Consistent person marking on negative verb and number marking on connegative form yields person/number for SUBJ predicate agreement on ...
  5. [5]
    Negative Verbs – Talking About Language
    The function of a negative verb is to negate the meaning of the main verb: to say something isn't true or didn't happen. Functional linguists have noted that ...
  6. [6]
    Bantu negative verbs: a typological-comparative investigation of ...
    45Negative verbs are often reserved for specific functional categories with another, typically verb-internal, negative marker being used in (all) other main ...
  7. [7]
    (PDF) Negation in Uralic languages – Introduction - ResearchGate
    Jul 4, 2025 · negative marker is a verb. Uralic languages that show a negative ... Oxford: Oxford University Press. Janhunen, Juha. 2009. Proto-Uralic ...
  8. [8]
    Negation (Chapter 13) - The Cambridge Handbook of Linguistic ...
    Negation is a universally grammaticalized function that changes the truth value of a proposition. It is marked in many ways and interacts with other domains.
  9. [9]
    A typology of negation in Tungusic
    ### Summary of Negation Typology in Tungusic Languages
  10. [10]
    [PDF] Lexicalization of negative senses: a cross-linguistic study - DiVA portal
    Aug 16, 2013 · WANT' VERBS AS NEGATORS (1). ○ 'not.want' verbs are obligatory for the negation of the sense 'want' in 8 languages. ○ 'not.want' verbs are ...
  11. [11]
    [PDF] A Study of the Auxiliary DO in English - S-Space
    negative marker nof requires the so-called do-support phenomenon. In this paper we will look at three major recent approaches to the auxiliary. DO, Kim (2000)' ...Missing: sources | Show results with:sources
  12. [12]
    [PDF] The Rise and Fall of Constructions and the History of English Do ...
    Do-support is a unique characteristic of English. Many languages other than English have do-periphrasis but not English-type do-support. This.
  13. [13]
    Why DO dove: Evidence for register variation in Early Modern ...
    Sep 16, 2005 · This article examines the variation between DO and the full verb in negative declaratives in this database, from 1500 to 1710. It is shown that ...
  14. [14]
    (PDF) A typological perspective on negation in Finnish dialects
    Aug 6, 2025 · ... Proto-Uralic is a negative. verb construction in which inflectional ... negation. The negative construction without negative verb and its.
  15. [15]
    The use of negative inflections by Finnish-speaking children ... - PMC
    In Finnish, negation is expressed by using an inflected form that serves as an auxiliary verb, agreeing with the subject in person and number (see Karlsson, ...Missing: conjugation | Show results with:conjugation<|control11|><|separator|>
  16. [16]
    A typological perspective on negation in Finnish dialects
    Sep 20, 2011 · The original negative construction reconstructed for Proto-Uralic is a negative verb construction in which inflectional categories appear on ...Missing: conjugation | Show results with:conjugation
  17. [17]
  18. [18]
    (PDF) Negation in Estonian - ResearchGate
    Sep 20, 2016 · The chapters highlight negative auxiliary verbs—the special Uralic feature—and their ways of combining with the rich inventory of other negators ...
  19. [19]
    Estonian Negation - MyLanguages.org
    Grammar Tips: Negation can be made simply by placing "ei" before the main verb in Estonian. Ma ei tee seda (I won't do it). Ta ei taha (He/she doesn't want).Missing: particle | Show results with:particle
  20. [20]
    Syntax - Oahpa
    Apr 11, 2025 · The Saami language has a verb of negation, "ii". The verb of negation ... Following the verb of negation a verb takes a connegative form.
  21. [21]
    Auxiliaries, negative verbs and word order in the Sami and Finnic ...
    The paper investigates the behavior of auxiliaries and negative verbs in Uralic languages, particularly focusing on the Sami and Finnic languages.
  22. [22]
  23. [23]
    [PDF] Negation in Hungarian
    Abstract. The paper presents predicate negation and constituent negation in. Hungarian, both of which are expressed by the negative particle nem in indicative ...
  24. [24]
    [PDF] A negative cycle in 12-15th century Hungarian - CORE
    Gugán argues that the. Hungarian negative particle nem is also the result of a negative cycle having taken place in Proto-Hungarian. Most Uralic languages have ...
  25. [25]
    [PDF] miestamo_wagner-nagy_08.pdf
    Sep 27, 2008 · Negatives differ from affirmatives in that the lexical verb (LV) loses its finiteness, in one or more of the following ways: i) it becomes ...<|control11|><|separator|>
  26. [26]
    Negation in Komi
    ### Summary of Komi Negation
  27. [27]
    Vowels at the morpheme boundary: The cases of Komi and Erzya in
    Jul 4, 2025 · In negation, specific connegative forms are used together with a negative auxiliary which distinguishes non-past (present and future are not ...
  28. [28]
    [PDF] Negation in Uralic languages - PBworks
    modal, temporal and personal suffixes, whereas the main verb is in its connegative form. The stem of the negative auxiliary goes back to Proto-Uralic and it ...
  29. [29]
    [PDF] Negation in Korean : a functional and discourse approach
    This study aims at providing a better explanation for negation in Korean on the ... Korean grammar prohibits its use with Sino-Korean words, the Korean ...
  30. [30]
    [PDF] Negation Variation in Spoken Korean: from the 17th century to the ...
    1 Introduction. In Korean, there are two forms of negation – a short-negation and a long- negation (henceforth S-Neg and L-Neg, respectively), ...
  31. [31]
    [PDF] The syntax of negation in Korean given an antisymmetric and ...
    Dec 20, 2023 · The goal of this dissertation is to provide a unified analysis of negation in Korean, and the claim to be defended is that it is possible to ...
  32. [32]
    [PDF] Negation in Japanese - DiVA portal
    The aim of this thesis is to describe various negation strategies and related phenomena in the. Japanese language and to put them in a typological perspective.
  33. [33]
    Phylogeographic analysis of the Bantu language expansion ...
    Aug 1, 2022 · Glottolog lists 556 Narrow Bantu languages, therefore leaving 195 languages for which we have no lexical data. However, we know two things ...
  34. [34]
    [PDF] Negation - Royal Museum for Central Africa
    In a num- ber of Bantu languages the main negative strategies, i.e. pre-initial or post-initial negation, are accompanied by a post-verbal negative particle, ...
  35. [35]
    [PDF] Bantu negative verbs: a typological-comparative investigation of ...
    Abstract. This paper investigates the use of verbs in the expression of negation across Bantu. The development of erstwhile lexical verbs into markers of ...
  36. [36]
    On Verbal Negation in Semitic* - jstor
    10 One exception is some modern EthioSemitic languages (Amharic, Gurage and Ga fat) which use alä 'without' to negate nominal forms. In Tigre and Tigrinya, the ...
  37. [37]
    (PDF) Negation in Amharic and Ezha: A comparative perspective
    The article discloses that both Amharic and Ezha make use of negative prefixes in order to reverse the truth condition of an affirmative expression. The ...
  38. [38]
    [PDF] Negation in Amharic and Ezha: A comparative perspective
    Abstract:This article offers a description of negation marking in the two Ethio-Semitic languages: Amharic and Ezha. The description has been made from the ...Missing: strategies | Show results with:strategies
  39. [39]
    [PDF] Negation and Negative Polarity Items in Tigrinya Angela Cao and ...
    With negation of verbs used in imperatives (and by extension, prohibitives), the suffix -1n is not used. Instead, the -a indicates a prohibitive. Consider (6).