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Nexit

Nexit refers to the proposed withdrawal of the from the , a concept analogous to the United Kingdom's and advocated in Dutch politics as a means to reclaim national over issues like , , and supranational governance. The idea gained visibility following the 2016 Brexit referendum, with proponents arguing that EU membership imposes undue bureaucratic constraints and financial burdens on the Netherlands, a net contributor to the EU budget contributing approximately €6 billion annually after rebates. Key advocates include , leader of the (PVV), whose 2023 election manifesto included calls for an Nexit referendum, though this pledge was later moderated to prioritize renegotiating EU terms and opting out of specific policies like migration pacts, described by Wilders as a "mini-Nexit." Despite widespread Dutch dissatisfaction with the —evidenced by polls showing only 42% viewing membership positively—support for actual withdrawal remains marginal, with surveys indicating fewer than 30% favor Nexit, reflecting concerns over economic disruptions similar to those experienced post-Brexit, including trade barriers and vulnerabilities. The movement's influence peaked during PVV's electoral gains but has since waned amid negotiations and pragmatic shifts, with Wilders explicitly halting aggressive Nexit advocacy by 2024 to focus on national priorities within the framework. As of , amid ongoing government instability and upcoming elections, Nexit persists as a Eurosceptic position rather than a viable policy trajectory.

Origins and Historical Context

Definition and Etymology

Nexit denotes the hypothetical withdrawal of the from the (EU), akin to the United Kingdom's in 2020. The term encapsulates debates on restoring national sovereignty, controlling borders, and renegotiating trade relations outside EU frameworks, often championed by Eurosceptic factions within Dutch politics. Etymologically, "Nexit" is a portmanteau of "" (or its abbreviation "") and "exit," patterned after "Grexit" (Greece's potential EU departure in 2015) and "" (coined around 2012). The neologism proliferated in international media following the June 2016 Brexit referendum, as analysts speculated on contagion effects across EU member states, including the .

Pre-Brexit Euroscepticism in the Netherlands

Euroscepticism in the Netherlands gained traction in the early 2000s, diverging from the country's historical role as a proponent of since the founding of the in 1951. Initially low in the , when the Netherlands ranked among the EU's least skeptical members, public reservations intensified amid debates over the single currency's introduction and fears of eroding national control. This shift reflected broader concerns about the EU's expanding competencies, including and judicial harmonization, which were seen as prioritizing supranational authority over domestic priorities. A defining moment occurred on June 1, 2005, when voters rejected the establishing a Constitution for in a , with 61.6% voting against and turnout at 62.8%. Opposition stemmed from perceptions that the treaty would centralize power in , diminish , and impose burdensome regulations without adequate democratic accountability; surveys indicated widespread unease over the document's length, complexity, and implications for taxation and . The rejection, echoing France's earlier "no" vote, stalled EU constitutional ambitions and underscored a causal link between perceived overreach and voter backlash, as integration efforts clashed with demands for retaining fiscal and border autonomy. Post-referendum, Eurosceptic attitudes deepened during the 2008 global financial crisis and ensuing sovereign debt crisis, where Dutch taxpayers funded bailouts exceeding €50 billion for , , and others, amplifying grievances over asymmetric burdens and in EU fiscal mechanisms. data from 2000 to 2015 revealed declining trust in EU institutions, with support for membership dipping below historical highs amid spillover effects from national political dissatisfaction. This period saw manifest not as outright withdrawal advocacy but as resistance to deeper integration, including opposition to the 2009 Lisbon Treaty, which was ratified without referendum despite public wariness. Eurosceptic sentiments found expression in political fragmentation, with the (SP) mobilizing left-leaning voters against neoliberal EU policies during the 2005 campaign, securing 6.3% in concurrent elections on an anti-constitution platform. On the right, ' (PVV), established in 2006, fused EU criticism with immigration controls, decrying the union as a "euro-federalist" threat to and in manifestos and parliamentary s. By the 2010 , the PVV captured 15.6% of votes, channeling discontent over EU-driven and economic orthodoxy, though mainstream parties like the VVD and maintained pro-EU lines while conceding reforms. These dynamics highlighted a pragmatic , rooted in empirical costs of rather than ideological , setting the stage for intensified post-2016.

Influence of Brexit and Early Proposals

The United Kingdom's Brexit referendum on 23 June 2016, resulting in a 51.9% vote to leave the European Union, provided a model and momentum for Eurosceptic movements across Europe, including in the Netherlands. This event emboldened advocates of Dutch withdrawal, known as Nexit, by demonstrating the feasibility of challenging EU membership through popular sovereignty. Prior to Brexit, Dutch Euroscepticism focused more on reforming EU structures rather than outright exit, but the UK's success shifted rhetoric toward emulation. On 24 June 2016, , leader of the far-right (PVV), immediately demanded a Dutch on EU membership, arguing that citizens deserved the same choice as Britons and framing it as "Nexit." Wilders, a long-standing critic of EU integration, positioned the proposal as a response to perceived overreach in areas like and . Five days later, on 29 June 2016, the Dutch House of Representatives rejected Wilders' motion for such a by a majority vote, reflecting limited parliamentary support amid concerns over economic disruption similar to Brexit's anticipated costs. Brexit's influence extended into the 2017 Dutch general election campaign, where Nexit emerged as a debate topic, with Wilders reiterating calls for withdrawal while Prime Minister Mark Rutte warned it would cause "chaos" akin to the UK's post-referendum uncertainties. Despite this, public opinion polls post-Brexit indicated majority opposition to Nexit, with support hovering around 20-30% primarily among PVV voters, underscoring that while Brexit amplified fringe proposals, it did not translate into broad consensus for exit. Early Nexit advocacy thus remained confined to Eurosceptic parties, setting the stage for intermittent pushes in subsequent elections without achieving referendum status.

Political Drivers and Advocacy

Key Political Parties and Figures

The Party for Freedom (PVV), founded in 2006 and led by Geert Wilders, has been a prominent proponent of Nexit, advocating for a referendum on Dutch withdrawal from the European Union in its 2023 election manifesto to address perceived EU overreach on issues like immigration and sovereignty. Following the PVV's victory in the November 2023 general election, where it secured 37 seats in the 150-seat House of Representatives, Wilders moderated the party's stance to facilitate coalition negotiations, announcing in April 2024 that the PVV would no longer prioritize Nexit but instead pursue a "Netherlands first" agenda within the EU Parliament, emphasizing opt-outs from EU policies such as migration rules—described by Wilders in September 2024 as a "mini-Nexit." Despite this shift, Wilders has continued to criticize the EU as a "monster" seeking excessive power, reflecting ongoing euroscepticism that aligns with Nexit's underlying rationale of national autonomy. The , established in 2016 as a before becoming a political party under Thierry Baudet's leadership, remains a staunch advocate for full EU exit, positioning Nexit as essential to reclaim Dutch sovereignty from ' bureaucracy and supranational policies. Baudet, who founded the party and has led it through internal controversies including scandals in 2020, frames EU membership as undermining national decision-making on economics, borders, and culture, with FvD explicitly calling for withdrawal in the lead-up to the October 2025 general election. The party's eurosceptic platform gained traction in the provincial elections, securing the largest bloc in the , and continues to differentiate itself from PVV by emphasizing intellectual critiques of EU integration over populist rhetoric. Other eurosceptic groups, such as the Farmer-Citizen Movement (BBB), have expressed concerns over agricultural regulations but stop short of endorsing outright withdrawal, focusing instead on policy reforms. Figures like Wilders and Baudet dominate Nexit discourse, with their parties polling strongly among voters prioritizing immigration control and fiscal independence amid the ' net contribution of approximately €6 billion annually to the budget as of 2023 data. Support for Nexit remains marginal in broader polls, hovering below 30% in favor, though eurosceptic sentiment has intensified post-Brexit and amid 2024-2025 debates.

Major Campaigns and Referenda

The 2016 advisory referendum on the -Ukraine Association Agreement, held on , represented a significant expression of euroscepticism, though not directly on EU membership. With 61% voting against on a turnout of 32.3%, the outcome pressured the government to renegotiate aspects of the deal, amplifying calls for greater national control over EU policies and indirectly bolstering Nexit advocacy by demonstrating public discontent with supranational integration. No binding or advisory referendum specifically on Nexit has been held in the Netherlands, where constitutional provisions limit such votes on treaty changes or EU exit without parliamentary initiation. Efforts to initiate one have primarily stemmed from political parties rather than grassroots campaigns akin to Brexit. The Party for Freedom (PVV), led by Geert Wilders, has conducted the most prominent Nexit-related campaigns through its election platforms. Following the UK's 2016 Brexit vote, Wilders on June 24 called for a Dutch referendum on EU exit, framing it as a restoration of sovereignty over immigration, currency, and laws. In the 2017 general election, PVV's manifesto emphasized exiting the eurozone and critiquing EU overreach, securing 20 seats as the second-largest party. For the 2019 European Parliament elections, PVV explicitly campaigned for Netherlands' withdrawal from both the eurozone and EU, though it won only four seats amid low eurosceptic turnout. The 2023 general election marked PVV's strongest Nexit push, with its pledging a binding on EU membership to reclaim and end "Brussels dictation." PVV's victory, gaining 37 seats (from 20), elevated Nexit visibility, though coalition negotiations diluted the pledge as partners like VVD and NSC rejected exit. By April , ahead of European elections, Wilders omitted Nexit from PVV's platform, shifting to a "Netherlands first" reform agenda within the to broaden appeal. The (FvD), under , has supplemented PVV efforts with campaigns advocating treaty renegotiation or exit, including 2019 calls for a "Dexit" equivalent focused on monetary union dissolution. FvD's influence peaked in 2019 elections with three seats but waned post-internal splits, limiting its Nexit mobilization. In September 2024, the PVV-influenced requested an from rules, which Wilders dubbed a "mini-Nexit," signaling tactical steps short of full withdrawal amid stalled pushes. These party-led initiatives, rather than standalone referenda, have defined Nexit advocacy, constrained by coalition dynamics and lack of broad public support for exit despite widespread dissatisfaction.

Policy Positions in Recent Elections

In the 2023 Dutch general election on November 22, the Party for Freedom (PVV), led by Geert Wilders, included in its manifesto a commitment to hold a non-binding referendum on Nexit—Dutch withdrawal from the European Union—if the EU did not transfer substantial powers, including on asylum and migration, back to member states within a specified timeframe. The PVV achieved the largest vote share, securing 37 seats in the 150-seat House of Representatives, reflecting voter discontent with EU-influenced policies on immigration and sovereignty. In contrast, other leading parties, including the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), Democrats 66 (D66), and the combined GreenLeft-Labour (GroenLinks-PvdA) alliance, rejected any prospect of Nexit, advocating instead for internal EU reforms to enhance democratic accountability and economic integration while maintaining membership. Following the , during protracted negotiations, the PVV conceded the Nexit referendum pledge as a prerequisite for partnering with the VVD, New Social Contract (NSC), and Farmer-Citizen Movement (BBB), all of which insisted on EU commitment; the resulting , sworn in on July 2, 2024, under non-partisan Dick Schoof, omitted any withdrawal agenda. Smaller Eurosceptic parties like (FvD) continued to endorse full EU exit but polled under 5%, failing to influence the broader debate. In the June 2024 European Parliament elections, the PVV shifted emphasis from outright Nexit to demanding EU exemptions for the Netherlands on migration policy and stricter border controls, omitting withdrawal from its platform while still criticizing supranational overreach. The party topped Dutch results with approximately 17% of the vote, gaining seven of 31 seats allocated to the . Pro-EU parties, such as VVD (11%) and GroenLinks-PvdA (10%), campaigned on bolstering EU-wide responses to , , and economic challenges, explicitly opposing sovereignty erosion via . Leading into the October 29, 2025, snap general election—triggered by the coalition's collapse over policy disputes—Nexit has receded as a focal point, with PVV platforms prioritizing national moratoriums and EU opt-outs on migration over full disengagement, amid polls showing the party again in front but facing fragmented opposition. Mainstream parties reiterated retention, framing withdrawal as economically detrimental given the ' export reliance on the .

Arguments For Withdrawal

Restoration of National Sovereignty

Advocates for Nexit, particularly from the (FvD), contend that membership has eroded Dutch sovereignty by subjecting national laws to the supremacy of law, as established by the (ECJ) in foundational rulings like (1964), which mandates that conflicting national provisions yield to directives and regulations. This primacy applies uniformly to the , where estimates indicate that 15-20% of national legislation directly implements requirements, with higher proportions—over 50%—in sectors like agriculture, environmental policy, and fisheries, constraining independent policymaking. FvD leader has emphasized that withdrawal would restore parliamentary authority over legislation, eliminating the need to transpose thousands of rules annually that often prioritize supranational goals over Dutch interests, such as stringent environmental mandates exacerbating the national nitrogen crisis since 2019. Restoration would also reclaim control over borders and immigration, currently limited by rules and EU-wide asylum directives that prevent unilateral checks or deportations, as evidenced by the Netherlands' recent temporary border controls introduced in December 2024 amid migration pressures, which still require EU notification and justification. Pro-Nexit arguments highlight that full exit, akin to the Kingdom's post-Brexit arrangements, would enable the to enforce sovereign border policies without ' oversight, addressing perceived failures in EU migration pacts that have led to over 50,000 asylum applications in 2023 alone. In economic terms, departing the would return monetary to the Dutch central bank, allowing tailored interest rates and fiscal responses independent of the European Central Bank's decisions, which critics argue have imposed uniform policies ill-suited to the ' export-driven . These positions, articulated in FvD's platform, posit that such restorations would enhance democratic accountability, as Dutch voters could directly influence policies without the dilution effected by qualified majority voting in the EU Council, where the Netherlands holds only about 4% of votes on most matters. While some Eurosceptics like Geert Wilders' Party for Freedom (PVV) have moderated calls for full Nexit—opting for opt-outs in areas like migration since their 2024 manifesto—the core sovereignty rationale remains that EU integration inherently transfers veto powers and decision-making to unelected bodies like the European Commission, undermining national self-determination.

Economic and Trade Independence

Advocates for Nexit argue that EU membership cedes exclusive control over external trade policy to under the on the Functioning of the (TFEU), preventing the from independently pursuing agreements that maximize its advantages as a top global exporter of goods like machinery, chemicals, and agricultural products. With exports accounting for approximately 85% of Dutch GDP, proponents claim sovereignty would enable faster, bilateral deals with non-EU partners such as the and , bypassing the EU's often protracted and compromise-laden negotiations that dilute national priorities. For instance, the could prioritize tariff reductions on key imports or secure market access tailored to its port hub, potentially offsetting reliance on the EU where 70% of exports currently flow. A core economic rationale centers on recouping the ' status as a major net contributor to the budget, which stood at over €6 billion in —equivalent to about €350 per inhabitant—funds that could instead finance domestic tax relief, infrastructure, or trade promotion initiatives to stimulate growth. This redirection, according to Nexit supporters including figures from the , would enhance fiscal flexibility without the perceived inefficiencies of redistribution, allowing reinvestment in competitiveness-enhancing measures like R&D subsidies unencumbered by supranational approval processes. Such savings are viewed as a direct gain from independence, mirroring arguments post-Brexit where the repurposed portions of prior contributions amid regulatory divergence. Furthermore, regaining trade autonomy would permit divergence from EU regulatory frameworks, such as the or environmental standards under the Green Deal, which critics assert impose costs on exporters through heightened burdens and reduced flexibility in standards setting. Proponents posit that independent policy could lower barriers for sectors like fisheries—where interests have clashed with EU quotas—or foster by adopting lighter-touch rules akin to those in non-EU trading nations, ultimately bolstering long-term productivity despite initial transition frictions observed in Brexit's aftermath. This is framed as essential for adapting to global shifts, including risks, by enabling proactive diversification beyond the EU's 70% share.

Control Over Immigration and Borders

Proponents of Nexit argue that EU membership, particularly through the agreement and free movement principles, severely restricts the ' ability to enforce sovereign border controls. Under , internal border checks have been abolished since 1995, compelling the to rely on external frontier management while permitting unrestricted entry from other member states, regardless of national preferences on or capacity. This framework, combined with asylum directives, mandates shared responsibility for migrant flows, limiting unilateral Dutch policies on entry and deportation. Immigration pressures have intensified these constraints, with the Netherlands experiencing net migration of approximately 3 per 1,000 population annually as of 2024 estimates. In 2023, the country processed significant asylum inflows, including under EU relocation mechanisms, contributing to a backlog where waiting times for procedures extended amid housing and service strains. Eurostat data indicate that EU member states, including the Netherlands, issued 10,800 transfer permits in 2023 under the Dublin Regulation, with the Netherlands handling 2,700 such cases, underscoring enforced intra-EU migrant redistribution. Critics, including Dutch officials, have highlighted how these policies exacerbate domestic challenges, such as a 2024 population growth slowdown partly due to moderated EU inflows but persistent non-EU asylum claims totaling thousands annually. Advocates like of the (PVV) contend that exiting the would restore full national authority to implement stringent entry criteria, prioritizing skilled labor and cultural compatibility over mandatory quotas. The PVV, which secured the largest number of seats in the 2023 general election on an anti-immigration platform, explicitly links Nexit to curbing unchecked , arguing it would enable border reintroduction and independent asylum vetting similar to non-EU models. Wilders has proposed Nexit as a means to enact policies barring certain entrants and reallocating resources from EU contributions—estimated in billions annually—to domestic border enforcement. Post-Brexit observations inform these arguments, as the United Kingdom's departure allowed tailored points-based systems that reduced EU worker inflows by over 80% from peak levels while redirecting focus to non-EU skilled , though overall net remained elevated due to global factors. Nexit supporters posit that the , with its dense population and geographic vulnerability as a coastal gateway, could similarly achieve granular control, mitigating risks of overburdened welfare systems and localized failures evidenced in urban areas with high migrant concentrations. Such reforms, they claim, align with empirical patterns where controls correlate with lower irregular entries, as seen in + asylum application declines of 23% in early 2025 amid tightened external policies—but still constrained for interior states like the .

Arguments Against Withdrawal

Economic Dependencies and Costs

The Netherlands maintains extensive economic ties with the , with 70% of its goods and services exports destined for EU markets and 42% of imports sourced from within the bloc in recent assessments. This high degree of integration, facilitated by the EU single market's elimination of tariffs, quotas, and most non-tariff barriers, positions the economy—characterized by overall openness exceeding 90% of GDP—as particularly vulnerable to disruptions from . The , Europe's largest by cargo throughput, exemplifies this reliance, handling over 70% of Dutch seaborne cargo much of which transits to or from EU destinations, enabling just-in-time supply chains that would face delays and costs from reimposed border controls. A Nexit would likely replicate and amplify the frictions observed in , where the already incurs annual additional trade costs estimated at €4.5 billion due to customs procedures, regulatory divergence, and reallocations with the . Economic analyses project that severing ties could reduce GDP by several percentage points in the long term, with one study likening the scenario to but deeming it more severe given the ' deeper trade concentration compared to the UK's pre-referendum levels of around 50%. The Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis (CPB) has quantified 's indirect hit to GDP at 0.9% to 1.5% by 2030 from diminished UK trade alone, suggesting Nexit's direct effects on core partners would compound this through lost market access and heightened uncertainty. Sectoral vulnerabilities further elevate costs: the agri-food industry, a key export driver, could see output declines akin to the 22% drop in Dutch exports to the UK post-Brexit, but scaled across the entire EU market. , reliant on EU passporting rights, and supply chains integrated via just-in-time would encounter compliance burdens and relocation pressures, potentially mirroring the €8-13 billion in foregone income from UK trade disruptions. Moreover, as a member, Nexit raises questions of monetary union continuity; exiting the EU framework could necessitate currency redenomination or departure, risking financial instability, debt servicing spikes, and investor flight, though no formal modeling isolates this variable.
Key Economic MetricEU Share/Impact
Exports to EU70% of total
Imports from EU42% of total
Trade as % of GDP>90% (overall openness)
Projected Brexit-like annual costs for NL€4.5 billion (from UK alone)
These dependencies highlight causal risks from institutional unbundling: empirical evidence from Brexit demonstrates persistent trade volume reductions (15-20% with affected partners) due to cumulative frictions, a pattern likely intensified for a smaller, more specialized economy like the Netherlands'.

Geopolitical and Security Risks

The Netherlands maintains NATO as the cornerstone of its defense policy, emphasizing the alliance's role in amid threats from and other actors, while viewing EU frameworks like (PESCO) as supplementary mechanisms to develop capabilities such as joint procurement and interoperability that align with but do not supplant NATO objectives. A Nexit scenario would exclude the country from PESCO—launched in 2017 by 25 EU states including the —and related initiatives like the European Defence Fund, potentially isolating Dutch forces from collaborative projects that have involved Dutch participation in areas like military mobility and cyber defense, thereby increasing reliance on bilateral or ad-hoc arrangements with limited scale. EU membership amplifies the Netherlands' geopolitical influence through the (CFSP), enabling coordinated responses to global challenges; for instance, the has supported EU-wide sanctions against since the 2022 invasion of , leveraging the bloc's collective economic and diplomatic weight rather than acting in isolation. Withdrawal could diminish this leverage, as a mid-sized nation like the —dependent on ties and lacking independent strategic depth—would face reduced bargaining power in multilateral forums, where EU unity has proven essential for maintaining pressure on adversaries and securing energy diversification amid geopolitical tensions. Even under the more EU-skeptical Schoof government formed in , following the elections, officials have reaffirmed the alongside as foundational to and , underscoring the perceived risks of in an era of heightened hybrid threats and great-power competition. Analysts drawing parallels to warn that Nexit might erode the ' role in EU-NATO synergies, complicating intelligence sharing and crisis response in Europe's fragmented landscape, where pooled resources counterbalance vulnerabilities exposed by events like the conflict. The initiation of a Nexit process would be governed by Article 50 of the (TEU), requiring the Netherlands to notify the of its intention to withdraw, followed by negotiations for a withdrawal agreement covering terms such as trade, citizens' rights, and financial obligations, with a default two-year timeline unless unanimously extended by the . This framework, applied in the United Kingdom's , imposes procedural rigidity, as failure to reach an agreement results in reversion to rules without transitional arrangements, exposing the Netherlands to immediate disruptions in its export-dependent economy, where over 70% of goods trade occurs within the EU. Domestically, Article 50 mandates compliance with the state's constitutional requirements, which in the —a parliamentary without a codified —necessitate legislative approval from the Tweede Kamer () and Eerste Kamer () for the government's decision to notify withdrawal, akin to the judicially enforced parliamentary in the UK's Miller case. While non-binding consultative referendums could gauge public support, as in the 2005 rejection of the EU Constitutional , they hold no legal force; any referendum outcome would still require a parliamentary (at least 76 of 150 seats in the Tweede Kamer) to authorize action, a threshold unmet by pro-Nexit parties like the (PVV), which held 37 seats post-2023 elections but abandoned explicit Nexit pledges for coalition viability. Administrative challenges would compound these legal steps, demanding extensive bureaucratic mobilization to disentangle over 20,000 pages of transposed directives and regulations, renegotiate deals with non- partners, and manage border controls absent access—tasks that overwhelmed the 's , which expanded its EU-related staff by thousands despite a larger administrative base than the ' approximately 120,000 civil servants. The ' multi-party coalition system further hinders coordinated execution, as evidenced by the 2024-2025 government's collapse over lesser demands, which experts deemed unfeasible without amendments requiring unanimous member-state consent. of any final agreement would similarly demand parliamentary assent, potentially facing by the for consistency with under the Dutch Constitution's Article 1 equality clause or international obligations.

Public Opinion Dynamics

Support for a withdrawal from the , known as Nexit, has remained consistently low over the past decade, typically ranging from 15% to 25% in national polls, with a noticeable peak in the mid-2010s amid the Eurozone debt crisis, the 2016 Ukrainian association agreement , and the vote. In 2014, 24% of respondents favored the leaving the . This figure rose to approximately 25% by 2016, reflecting heightened following events like the rejection of the EU-Ukraine deal by 61% of voters in a non-binding on April 6, 2016. By 2019, support had declined to 15%, coinciding with broader European trends where enthusiasm for exit diminished after observing economic disruptions. This level persisted into 2021, with polls indicating 15% agreement that the should exit the and around 65% opposition. Eurosceptic sentiment, while vocal among supporters of parties like the (PVV), failed to translate into majority backing for withdrawal, as even peak support never exceeded one-quarter of the electorate. Into the 2020s, Nexit advocacy waned further, with no polls showing a rebound despite the PVV's strong performance in the November 22, , general election, where it secured 37 seats amid concerns rather than explicit EU exit pledges. Major parties, including the PVV post-election, deprioritized or moderated Nexit calls, reflecting empirical lessons from the Kingdom's process, including barriers and regulatory divergences that deterred similar movements elsewhere. Overall, public opinion has trended toward viewing EU membership as net beneficial, with trust in the EU at 47% in , though below domestic institutions in some surveys.

Factors Influencing Attitudes

Perceptions of as a cultural and economic strongly predict support for Nexit, with EU-wide policies exacerbating dissatisfaction over national . In the , lower-educated individuals are particularly prone to viewing immigrants as competitors for jobs and threats to Dutch identity, mediating attitudes; analysis of 2018 European Social Survey data (n=1,477) confirmed education's total effect on (b=0.061, p<0.001), partially explained by these perceptions. A 2024 poll found 70% of respondents favoring restrictions on , reflecting backlash against the bloc's Migration Pact and aligning with the 2023 electoral surge of the anti- (PVV), which explicitly calls for exit. The country's net contributor status to the budget fosters resentment among withdrawal advocates, who highlight fiscal imbalances as evidence of erosion. In 2023, the Netherlands paid €3 billion more into the than it received, following a 2022 net contribution of €200 (after €557 paid versus €357 returned). This "frugal" payer dynamic, combined with perceptions of subsidizing less prosperous members, drives narratives of the as the 's "milk cow," though opponents counter with benefits like single-market access for 75% of exports. Demographic divides further shape attitudes, with lower emerging as the strongest predictor of PVV support and thus Nexit favorability, outperforming direct immigrant exposure. Younger voters and women exhibit lower overall, while rural and older cohorts show elevated concern over EU-driven policy losses. Populist party rhetoric amplifies these cleavages, as PVV voters disproportionately favor exit compared to mainstream supporters. Opposition to Nexit is bolstered by awareness of and Brexit's aftermath, where leads pro- individuals to underestimate exit probabilities while Eurosceptics overestimate them. Limited knowledge of functions correlates with negativity, but targeted information reduces anti- bias among the least informed. Events like the 2024 coalition's push for opt-outs highlight tensions between national priorities and obligations, potentially swaying moderates toward reform over rupture.

Detailed Polling Data

Support for a withdrawal from the , known as Nexit, has remained marginal in polls throughout the , typically ranging from 10% to 18% in favor, with majorities opposing exit amid recognition of economic benefits from membership. A March 2025 survey indicated 85% of respondents believe the country benefits from membership, reflecting broad attachment despite criticisms of policies on issues like and . Earlier polls during the aftermath showed slightly higher but still minority support, which declined further as perceptions of post- challenges in the UK influenced views; a January 2023 poll recorded Nexit support at 13%, down from peaks around 20-30% in 2016. Eurosceptic sentiment correlates with dissatisfaction over influence, yet even among far-right voters, outright exit lacks majority appeal, as evidenced by the (PVV) abandoning its Nexit platform in April 2024 ahead of elections. The following table summarizes key polls on Nexit support:
DatePolling OrganizationSupport for Nexit (%)Opposition/Stay (%)Sample SizeNotes
March 2025Unspecified (via NL Times)Not directly asked; 15% implied low85% see benefits from Not specifiedFocus on perceived benefits of membership.
December 2024 (Social and Cultural Planning Office)10Majority prefer focus on domestic issues but retain tiesNot specified63% want less international focus, but minimal exit support.
June 2024Unspecified (via NL Times)15Majority againstNot specifiedAmid dissatisfaction.
April 2024 I&O Research18~70Not specified12% undecided; conducted pre- elections.
January 2023Unspecified13~87Not specifiedPost-Brexit influence noted.
2019Low (least favorable in )86 against in hypothetical Large EU-wideDutch showed strongest opposition to exit among Europeans.
These figures underscore that while persists—often tied to concerns—polls indicate Nexit lacks the traction seen in the UK's , with support insufficient to drive policy shifts even under right-wing governments. Three-quarters of respondents in a Clingendael Institute survey affirmed desire to remain in the and , prioritizing reform over rupture.

Recent Political Developments

2023 General Election Outcomes

The Dutch general election on 22 November 2023, triggered by the collapse of the in July over immigration policy disputes, resulted in a decisive victory for the eurosceptic (PVV) led by , which secured 37 seats in the 150-seat with 23.54% of the vote. reached approximately 78% nationwide, with lower participation in urban areas like and . The PVV's platform explicitly called for a non-binding advisory on "Nexit," framing it as a means to reclaim sovereignty from what it described as an overreaching , alongside demands for stricter border controls and reduced EU contributions.
PartyLeaderSeatsVote Share (%)
PVV3723.54
GL-PvdA2515.25
VVD2415.68
NSC2013.16
D6696.06
BBB76.74
The remaining seats were distributed among smaller parties, including the Farmers–Citizens Movement () with 7 seats, which shares some rural and anti-EU regulatory sentiments but stops short of endorsing withdrawal. Pro-EU parties like the GreenLeft-Labour (GL-PvdA), People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), and (D66) collectively held a but faced challenges in countering the PVV's anti-immigration and sovereignty-focused messaging, which resonated amid public frustrations over shortages and cultural integration. While the PVV's triumph elevated Nexit discussions—Wilders hailed it as a mandate for renegotiating EU ties—no other major party supported , with potential coalition partners like VVD and NSC explicitly rejecting a as economically reckless given the Netherlands' export dependence on the . This outcome signaled a populist surge but deferred immediate Nexit momentum to post-election negotiations.

Coalition Government Formation and Stance

Following the (PVV)'s victory in the November 22, 2023, , where it secured 37 seats in the 150-seat , protracted negotiations ensued among PVV, the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) with 24 seats, (NSC) with 20 seats, and Farmer-Citizen Movement (BBB) with 7 seats to form a majority coalition. Initial talks faced hurdles, including NSC's temporary withdrawal in February 2024 over rule-of-law concerns, but resumed under informateurs, culminating in the "Hope, Courage and Pride" framework agreement on May 16, 2024. The Schoof cabinet, led by independent Dick Schoof and including ministers from the four parties, was sworn in on July 2, 2024, with the full government programme presented on September 13, 2024. PVV leader had campaigned on a platform including a non-binding advisory on "Nexit" should reforms fail to address concerns, particularly on and contributions. However, the contained no provision for or such a , prioritizing instead domestic issues like restrictions and emissions. The parties committed to enhancing parliamentary scrutiny of legislation, including mandatory prior debate on proposals affecting interests and rejecting automatic adoption of rules in sensitive areas like . This approach aimed to reclaim without exit, reflecting compromises among pro-EU-leaning partners VVD, NSC, and , who viewed full as economically disruptive given the ' export reliance on the . In practice, the government's EU stance emphasized opt-outs over rupture. On September 18, 2024, it formally requested derogations from EU asylum and migration pacts, arguing they undermined national border control, though Brussels deemed the bid unlikely to succeed without broader reforms. Wilders publicly framed this as advancing PVV goals incrementally, stating post-formation that immediate Nexit was secondary to halting "asylum crisis" inflows, amid polls showing only 20-30% public support for withdrawal despite widespread EU dissatisfaction. The cabinet's tenure ended prematurely on June 3, 2025, when PVV withdrew over stalled migration tightening, entering caretaker mode ahead of October 29, 2025, snap elections, during which Nexit rhetoric reemerged in PVV campaigning but remained absent from the prior coalition's implemented policies.

2024-2025 Negotiations and Opt-Out Efforts

In July 2024, the Schoof cabinet was sworn in, comprising the (PVV), People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), (NSC), and Farmer-Citizen Movement (BBB), with career civil servant Dick Schoof as . The coalition's , finalized on , 2024, prioritized national sovereignty in and policy but explicitly avoided commitments to a Nexit referendum or full EU withdrawal, reflecting compromises among partners wary of economic disruption. On September 17, 2024, the government announced plans for the "strictest asylum policy ever," including a formal request to the for an from the EU's newly adopted Migration and Pact, which mandates shared responsibility for processing and redistribution quotas. This request sought to suspend application of the pact's rules in the , allowing unilateral controls and reduced participation in EU-wide mechanisms, amid overcrowded facilities and processing backlogs exceeding 40,000 cases. PVV leader described the initiative as a "mini-Nexit," signaling partial disengagement from EU supranational migration governance without invoking Article 50. The opt-out bid encountered resistance in , where officials indicated low prospects for approval, citing the pact's binding nature under treaties and precedents requiring unanimous consent for derogations. No substantive negotiations ensued by late 2024, with the request stalling amid legal challenges and parliamentary questions in the questioning its feasibility under the pact's emergency provisions. The cabinet's collapse on June 3, 2025, followed PVV's withdrawal over unresolved disputes, reverting the government to status and triggering snap elections for October 29, 2025. In the interim, no further requests or Nexit-related talks advanced, though PVV campaigned on renewed sovereignty demands, including potential referenda on exit or fiscal transfers. ministers maintained the application without progress, as institutions prioritized pact implementation across members.

Procedural and Hypothetical Scenarios

Application of Article 50

Article 50(1) of the permits any member state, including the , to withdraw from the provided the decision aligns with its national constitutional requirements. The Constitution lacks an explicit provision mandating a particular procedure for EU withdrawal, leaving the process to standard parliamentary mechanisms for treaty denunciation, which typically involve government initiative followed by approval via an by the States General. Unlike the United Kingdom's process, which followed a non-binding , law treats referendums as advisory only, with no constitutional obligation for one in treaty withdrawal matters; pro-Nexit advocates like the (PVV) have nonetheless proposed a referendum to gauge public support before notification. Upon parliamentary authorization, the Dutch Prime Minister would formally notify the of the intention to withdraw under Article 50(2) TEU, initiating negotiations for a agreement that addresses exit arrangements, financial settlements, citizen rights, and the framework for future EU-Netherlands relations. These talks, guided by guidelines and conducted per Article 218(3) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the , would aim to conclude an agreement approved by the Council via qualified majority (excluding Dutch representatives) and with consent. The , as a highly integrated EU member with significant trade dependencies—exporting over 70% of goods to the single market—would face acute negotiation pressures on customs, fisheries, and Schengen participation, though the procedural timeline remains fixed at two years from notification unless unanimously extended by the and the withdrawing state. Absent a withdrawal agreement, EU treaties would cease applying to the Netherlands two years post-notification, resulting in a "no-deal" exit with immediate reversion to rules and potential border disruptions. Rejoining post-withdrawal would require following Article 49 TEU's accession procedure, subjecting the Netherlands to full candidacy scrutiny rather than automatic reinstatement. As of October 2025, no formal steps toward Article 50 invocation have occurred, with the PVV-led post-2023 elections prioritizing opt-outs over full exit amid low public support for Nexit (around 30% in recent polls).

Potential Withdrawal Process

The potential withdrawal of the from the would proceed under Article 50 of the , which permits any to initiate exit in line with its domestic constitutional arrangements. The Dutch Constitution lacks a specific provision mandating procedures for EU withdrawal, deferring instead to ordinary legislative processes; thus, the government would require parliamentary authorization—likely via a majority vote in the (Tweede Kamer)—to formally decide on departure, potentially preceded by an advisory as advocated by figures like of the (PVV) in , though such motions have historically failed to gain traction. Upon domestic approval, the prime minister would notify the of the intent to , triggering a two-year period for a withdrawal agreement covering citizens' rights, financial obligations, and future relations such as arrangements. would follow Article 218(3) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the , with the representing the EU side and proposing mandates to the ; the , as negotiating lead, would aim for of any agreement by a qualified majority in the (excluding the ), consent from the , and domestic approval via parliamentary vote under the Constitution's treaty framework (Articles 91-92). Absent an agreement, withdrawal occurs automatically at the end of the two-year timeframe, treating the Netherlands as a third country with no transitional provisions unless unanimously extended by the European Council at the Netherlands' request. Extensions, as seen in the UK's process (granted three times between 2019 and 2020), require consensus among all 27 remaining member states, introducing leverage dynamics where holdouts could prolong uncertainty. For the Netherlands, key procedural hurdles include coordinating with its eurozone membership—governed separately under the Maastricht Treaty—potentially necessitating parallel negotiations on monetary union participation, though EU withdrawal alone does not mandate euro exit.

Post-Withdrawal Implications

A withdrawal from the , termed Nexit, would likely result in significant economic contraction, with analyses estimating a potential GDP of up to 10% due to the disruption of seamless trade relations and diminished . The derives approximately 75% of its exports from markets, making it particularly vulnerable; sectors such as , automotive manufacturing, and chemicals would face heightened tariffs, non-tariff barriers, and interruptions absent the single market's frictionless access. Renegotiating agreements with the and third countries could take years, mirroring the protracted post-Brexit negotiations, during which ports like might lose competitive edge to hubs such as . Currency transition poses additional legal and financial challenges, as the would need to exit the and introduce a national , potentially leading to pressures, inflation spikes, and banking sector instability without the European Central Bank's backing. While exiting would eliminate the ' net contribution to the EU budget—estimated at around €6 billion annually in recent years—it would also forfeit substantial subsidies, particularly for and , exacerbating fiscal strains amid higher administrative costs for and . Officials from have characterized such a move as economically detrimental, citing the country's high reliance on EU for and . Politically, Nexit could amplify domestic divisions, fostering social polarization akin to Brexit's aftermath, where Eurosceptic sentiments—championed by figures like —clash with pro-EU establishments, potentially eroding institutional trust and complicating coalition governance. Internationally, the Netherlands might seek alternative alliances, such as enhanced ties with the or non-EU states, but diminished influence in decision-making could isolate it from shaping policies on , , and , areas where Dutch interests currently align closely with . Regaining full over borders might enable stricter controls, yet economic fallout could trigger labor shortages in key industries, underscoring trade-offs between and prosperity.

Broader Impacts and Comparisons

Effects on Dutch-EU Relations

A hypothetical Dutch withdrawal from the European Union, known as Nexit, would fundamentally alter bilateral relations by transitioning the from a core to a third-country partner, necessitating renegotiated agreements on , , and . As a founding member and net contributor to the budget—contributing approximately €6 billion annually net in 2023—the currently enjoys seamless access to the , which underpins 75% of its exports. would impose barriers, non-tariff frictions, and regulatory divergences, mirroring the post-Brexit frictions that reduced UK-EU by 15% in the first year after formal divergence in 2021. These economic disruptions could contract the Dutch GDP by up to 10% over the medium term, primarily through lost and interruptions, given the ' role as Europe's largest port handler via . Diplomatic ties would likely cool during the Article 50 negotiation phase, lasting up to two years, with the leveraging its bargaining power to deter emulation by other members like or . The ' advocacy for EU enlargement and fiscal discipline—evident in its blockade of aid packages until 2024—would diminish post-exit, reducing its influence in votes and appointments. Historical precedents, such as the EU's firm stance in talks demanding €39 billion in settlement payments, suggest similar demands on the Netherlands for shared liabilities, potentially straining goodwill and prompting retaliatory measures like delayed equivalence in . Security cooperation, including NATO-EU synergies and joint counterterrorism via , would persist but face complications without automatic data-sharing under the Schengen framework, where the Netherlands processes over 20 million annual border crossings. Long-term relations might stabilize via a bespoke trade deal, akin to the UK-EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement ratified in 2021, but with heightened vulnerability to future EU policy shifts, such as carbon border taxes affecting agriculture exports valued at €10 billion yearly to the . Political rhetoric from Eurosceptic figures like , who conditioned coalition participation on opt-outs in 2024, has already tested relations through demands for revisions, foreshadowing acrimony in a full exit scenario. However, the Schoof government's collapse in June 2025 over -aligned asylum quotas highlights ongoing frictions, yet underscores the ' entrenched economic incentives for cooperation rather than rupture. Overall, Nexit would erode the mutual trust built since the 1957 , positioning the as a peripheral actor in European affairs.

Lessons from Brexit

The Brexit referendum on June 23, 2016, initiated a withdrawal process that underscored the procedural complexities of invoking Article 50 of the , with formal negotiations commencing on March 29, 2017, and the transition period concluding only on December 31, 2020, after multiple deadline extensions due to disputes over trade arrangements, financial obligations, and the . This timeline illustrates the potential for prolonged uncertainty in a Nexit scenario, where the ' deeper integration via the and could amplify negotiation frictions, including over shared currency policies and open borders absent equivalent geographic buffers like the . Economically, Brexit has imposed measurable costs on the , with the Office for Budget Responsibility estimating a 4% long-term reduction in and the Centre for Reform calculating a 13.5% drop in goods trade with the by May 2024, equivalent to £10 billion annually. goods exports to the remained 18% below 2019 levels in 2024, reflecting non-tariff barriers such as checks and regulatory divergence that disrupted supply chains. For the , where 75% of exports target markets, analyses project a Nexit-induced GDP contraction of up to 10%, exacerbated by reliance on just-in-time and intra- labor mobility, far surpassing the 's trade exposure at the time of departure. These outcomes highlight causal risks from severing access, where empirical trade models predict amplified losses for smaller, export-oriented economies like the without commensurate gains from global realignment. On , restored legislative autonomy, enabling unilateral reforms in areas like fisheries quotas and data protection, while terminating EU free movement and allowing points-based controls that reduced EU inflows by an estimated 600,000 over a , though offset by rises in non-EU . However, the volume of overall net has not declined as anticipated, reaching record highs post-2020 due to policy choices favoring skilled labor from outside , underscoring that gains do not inherently curb total inflows without broader restrictions. In a context, Nexit might yield similar regulatory —such as opting out of EU fiscal rules—but at the expense of within the bloc, where the currently leverages its position to shape policies on and , potentially leading to isolation rather than empowerment given the EU's 27-member . Brexit also demonstrated political ripple effects, invigorating nationalist discourse across by validating mechanisms for claims, as evidenced by heightened calls for referendums in countries like the following the 2016 vote. Yet, persistent economic underperformance— with real GDP 2-3% lower than projected remain scenarios—has tempered enthusiasm for emulation, prompting policymakers to prioritize opt-outs over full exit amid evidence that partial differentiations preserve without the full disruption of withdrawal. These lessons emphasize that while assertions address real grievances over supranational overreach, empirical trade-offs in a highly interdependent union favor pragmatic renegotiation over rupture for nations like the .

Parallels with Other European Movements

The Nexit movement in the parallels other Eurosceptic campaigns across , particularly in their emphasis on reclaiming national over policy, fiscal contributions, and supranational decision-making. Like Nexit advocates such as the (PVV) under , who gained 37 seats in the November on a platform including an EU exit referendum, similar parties in , , and have mobilized against perceived EU overreach. These movements often arise from shared grievances, including the 2015 migrant crisis, which strained national borders, and economic burdens like net contributions to the EU budget— the contributed €6.7 billion more than it received in 2022. In France, the Frexit initiative, championed by Marine Le Pen's (formerly National Front), mirrored Nexit's focus on immigration control and economic independence, with Le Pen calling for a on EU membership during her 2017 presidential campaign. Support for peaked at around 30% in 2016 polls following but declined sharply as economic analyses highlighted risks akin to those in projections, such as a potential 5-7% GDP contraction. By 2022, Le Pen shifted rhetoric toward renegotiating EU treaties for a looser "alliance of nations" rather than outright withdrawal, reflecting a broader Eurosceptic pivot from exit to reform amid waning public appetite—EU favorability in rose to 60% by 2023. This evolution parallels Nexit's trajectory, where initial post- enthusiasm in 2016 saw Forum for Democracy polling at 15% on exit pledges, but support stabilized below 25% by 2024 due to demonstrated trade disruptions in the UK case. Italy's Italexit movement, formalized by Senator Gianluigi Paragone's in 2020 after splintering from the Five Star Movement, echoes Nexit in critiquing fiscal rules and migrant redistribution quotas, with proponents arguing that Italy's €3.9 billion net contribution in 2022 undermines national recovery funds. Salvini's , which secured 34 seats in the partly on Eurosceptic vows, initially flirted with exit threats but moderated post-2019 to prioritize internal reforms, much like counterparts in the 2023-2025 coalition negotiations. Polls in 2024 showed Italexit garnering under 5% support, constrained by Italy's heavy reliance on stability and the EU's NextGenerationEU recovery package of €191.5 billion disbursed since 2021. Further afield, Poland's informal discourse under the (PiS) government from 2015-2023 centered on clashes over and , leading to €136 billion in withheld EU funds by 2023, paralleling Dutch frustrations with EU asylum pacts. PiS avoided explicit exit calls, focusing instead on vetoing EU policies, but lost power in the 2023 election to pro-EU forces, underscoring how such movements often peak amid domestic yet falter against of —Poland's EU trade share reached 80% of exports by 2022. In , the (AfD) has advocated a "Dexit" referendum since 2017, citing net payments of €25 billion annually, but toned down exit language by 2023 to emphasize treaty changes, aligning with a continental trend where hard yielded to pragmatic after Brexit's 4-6% GDP hit by 2023. These parallels highlight a causal pattern: Eurosceptic surges driven by tangible policy failures like uncontrolled and fiscal transfers, tempered by the visible costs of disentanglement.

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