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Plan of Iguala

The Plan of Iguala was a proclamation issued by Mexican military leader Agustín de Iturbide on 24 February 1821 in the town of Iguala, during the final phase of the Mexican War of Independence from Spain.^[1]^[2] It outlined a framework for achieving independence through an alliance between former royalist forces under Iturbide and insurgents led by Vicente Guerrero, proposing a constitutional monarchy with Ferdinand VII of Spain or another European prince as sovereign, the exclusive practice of Roman Catholicism, and the union of Europeans and American-born inhabitants under equal rights.^[2]^[3] The document, also known as the Plan of the Three Guarantees—symbolizing religion, independence, and union—served as the basis for forming the Army of the Three Guarantees, which rapidly advanced to Mexico City and secured the Treaty of Córdoba in August 1821, consummating Mexico's independence.^[1]^[4] This plan marked a pragmatic shift from prolonged guerrilla warfare to negotiated separation, abolishing caste distinctions and promising social equality to consolidate support across divided factions.^[5]^[6] While initially successful in uniting disparate groups against Spanish rule, the Plan's monarchical provisions soon led to internal conflicts, as republican sentiments grew and Iturbide himself declared himself emperor in 1822, highlighting tensions between conservative and liberal visions for the new nation.^[4]^[7] Its legacy endures as the foundational document bridging royalist and insurgent efforts toward Mexican sovereignty.^[8]

Historical Background

Origins of the Mexican War of Independence

The Bourbon reforms of the late 18th century, intended to streamline Spanish colonial administration and boost revenues, intensified Creole resentments by expanding bureaucratic positions filled predominantly by peninsular Spaniards, imposing stricter trade monopolies, and increasing fiscal burdens such as alcabala taxes and tribute demands on indigenous communities.^[9] These policies, coupled with caste hierarchies that privileged Europeans over American-born Creoles, mestizos, and indigenous groups, fostered economic exploitation and social stratification, while poor harvests in 1809–1810 triggered famines in regions like the Bajío, exacerbating grievances.^[10] The 1808 Napoleonic invasion of Spain and subsequent political instability in the metropole further eroded loyalty to the colonial regime, creating opportunities for local autonomy demands influenced by Enlightenment notions of rights and self-governance.^[11] On September 16, 1810, Catholic priest Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, responding to the exposure of a Creole conspiracy in Querétaro, issued the Grito de Dolores from his parish in Dolores, Guanajuato, rallying indigenous peasants, mestizos, and some Creoles against Spanish rule with calls to end bad government and restore land access.^[10] The revolt swelled to an estimated 50,000–80,000 followers within weeks, but lacked disciplined organization and elite coordination, rapidly devolving into unstructured peasant uprisings marked by looting and massacres, such as the September 28, 1810, sack of Guanajuato where insurgents killed around 3,000 defenders and civilians in reprisal for royalist resistance.^[11] This violence, driven by accumulated agrarian resentments over evictions and enclosures, alienated moderate Creoles and urban elites who viewed the insurgency as a threat to property and order rather than a controlled push for reform.^[10] Royalist forces, commanded by generals like Félix María Calleja, methodically countered the disorganized rebels, defeating Hidalgo's army at the Battle of Calderón Bridge on January 17, 1811; Hidalgo was captured on March 21, 1811, at the Wells of Baján and executed by firing squad on July 30, 1811, in Chihuahua after defrocking.^[10] José María Morelos y Pavón assumed leadership in 1811, organizing guerrilla bands, convening the Congress of Chilpancingo in 1813 to declare independence and abolish slavery, and promulgating a constitution emphasizing popular sovereignty, but royalist campaigns fragmented his forces, leading to his capture in November 1815 and execution on December 22, 1815.^[11] The insurgency's early collapses resulted from insufficient elite buy-in—Creoles feared social upheaval more than colonial ties—and factional rifts between radical popular elements and conservative reformers, precluding unified strategy.^[10] By 1816, with major leaders eliminated, surviving insurgents shifted to sporadic guerrilla tactics in remote areas, perpetuated by persistent ideological splits over republicanism versus monarchy and land redistribution, which sustained low-intensity conflict without decisive momentum until external shifts in Spain.^[11]

Military Stalemate and Factional Divisions by 1820

By 1820, the Mexican War of Independence had settled into a prolonged military stalemate after a decade of intermittent conflict, with royalist forces maintaining control over major cities and administrative centers while insurgents resorted to fragmented guerrilla operations in rural areas.^[10] Insurgent bands, led by figures such as Vicente Guerrero in the south, conducted hit-and-run attacks on supply lines and isolated garrisons but lacked the cohesion or resources to mount a decisive offensive, rendering the independence movement on the verge of collapse.^[12] Royalist commanders, despite their strategic advantages, proved unable to eradicate these dispersed pockets of resistance, as the insurgents' adaptability to terrain and local support prolonged the attrition.^[10] The January 1820 mutiny of Spanish troops in Cádiz, known as Riego's Pronunciamiento, forced King Ferdinand VII to restore the liberal Constitution of 1812 on March 9, fundamentally altering loyalties in New Spain by alienating conservative royalists who viewed the reforms as a threat to traditional hierarchies.^[10] This shift toward liberal governance in Spain, including provisions for reduced clerical privileges and greater central oversight, prompted many Mexican conservatives to question their allegiance to the metropole, opening pathways for autonomy that avoided radical republicanism.^[13] The viceregal government's endorsement of these changes further eroded unified royalist resolve, as the promise of colonial reforms clashed with entrenched interests.^[10] Factional rifts deepened among royalists, with American-born Creoles increasingly favoring localized authority over peninsular dominance, while insurgents persisted in their demands for full separation despite internal divisions between mestizo radicals and more moderate elements.^[10] The Catholic Church, a pillar of conservative support, opposed the liberal constitution's secular implications, such as potential expropriations and jurisdictional encroachments, aligning clerical elites with Creole royalists wary of Madrid's instability.^[10] These cleavages—between absolutist loyalists, reform-fearing conservatives, and exhausted insurgents—fostered opportunistic realignments, as shared anxieties over Spanish liberalism bridged former adversaries without endorsing insurgent egalitarianism.^[13] Economic exhaustion compounded the stalemate, with the war disrupting silver mining in regions like Guanajuato, collapsing textile production due to import dependencies and insecurity, and causing widespread agrarian breakdown through looting and abandoned haciendas.^[11] Over half a million deaths from combat, disease, and starvation had depopulated rural zones, exacerbating famine risks amid failed harvests and severed trade routes that predated but intensified post-1810.^[14] This material devastation fostered war weariness across factions, diminishing incentives for prolonged fighting and priming conditions for negotiated independence under conservative auspices.^[10]

Agustín de Iturbide's Rise and Strategic Pivot

Agustín de Iturbide, born in 1783 into a wealthy Creole family in Valladolid (now Morelia), initially aligned firmly with Spanish royalist forces during the Mexican War of Independence, enlisting in 1810 and rising to captain by suppressing early insurgent activities.^[15] His military prowess was evident in campaigns against key rebel leaders, most notably in the 1815 defeat and capture of José María Morelos, whose forces Iturbide's troops routed at the Battle of Puruarán on November 5, leading to Morelos's execution on December 22 and significantly weakening the insurgent cause.^[16] Despite facing removal from command in 1816 due to allegations of extortion and graft—charges that reflected internal royalist frictions rather than disloyalty—Iturbide's record as a staunch defender of Spanish authority positioned him as a reliable enforcer against independence movements.^[17] By 1820, the political landscape shifted dramatically following the liberal Riego pronunciamiento in Spain earlier that year, which installed a constitutional regime in Madrid and prompted Viceroy Juan Ruiz de Apodaca to offer amnesties to insurgents, fostering disillusionment among conservative Creoles who feared erosion of ecclesiastical privileges and social hierarchies under encroaching liberalism.^[18] Apodaca reinstated Iturbide in September 1820, commissioning him to pacify the southern regions, particularly Guerrero's stronghold in the Tierra Caliente, where insurgent activity persisted amid royalist demoralization.^[17] This assignment exposed Iturbide to the impracticality of enforcing loyalty to a liberal Spanish government, as local royalists increasingly sympathized with independence to safeguard traditional Catholic orthodoxy and Creole status against peninsular dominance and radical reforms.^[15] In December 1820, while en route to confront Vicente Guerrero's forces, Iturbide initiated correspondence with the insurgent leader, proposing a pragmatic alliance that bridged royalist and rebel factions through shared conservative aims: independence from liberal Spain, preservation of Roman Catholicism as the exclusive religion, and union of Europeans and Americans under a monarchical framework to protect elite privileges.^[18] Guerrero's acceptance in early January 1821 marked Iturbide's strategic pivot, driven not by mere opportunism—as some contemporary critics alleged—but by causal recognition that unifying disparate groups under elite-friendly guarantees offered the only viable path to stability, averting prolonged chaos from factional divisions.^[15] This shift reflected Iturbide's foresight as a devout Catholic and property defender, prioritizing institutional continuity over ideological purity to Madrid, which had alienated its colonial base.^[16]

Proclamation of the Plan

Drafting Process and Key Collaborators

In late 1820 and early 1821, Agustín de Iturbide initiated secret negotiations with insurgent leader Vicente Guerrero to unite royalist and rebel forces amid the Mexican War of Independence. These informal meetings near Iguala facilitated a strategic alliance, enabling Iturbide to draft the Plan of Iguala as a compromise document balancing independence demands with conservative protections for religion, monarchy, and social hierarchy.^[19] ^[20] The resulting 23-article proclamation, signed by Iturbide and Guerrero on February 24, 1821, emphasized empirical necessities like preventing further anarchy through established governance rather than radical overhaul.^[21]^[1] Key collaborators included Iturbide as principal architect, Guerrero for insurgent endorsement, and royalist military officers whose support Iturbide secured by assembling them in Iguala to review and adopt the propositions. Conservative clergy exerted indirect influence through advocacy for provisions preserving Catholic dominance, as articulated in Article 2: "Its religion shall be the Catholic, which all its inhabitants profess," reflecting fears of liberal secularism introduced by Spain's 1812 Cádiz Constitution.^[4]^[1]^[19] Article 4 further underscored monarchical safeguards: "Ferdinand VII or someone of his dynasty, or some other prince, shall become Emperor. We shall have an established monarchy so as to prevent acts of anarchy."^[22]^[23] Local elites and higher clergy contributed to the Plan's conservative orientation, driven by pragmatic concerns over the Cádiz regime's erosion of privileges rather than ideological commitment to republicanism; their endorsements provided bottom-up legitimacy amid war fatigue. This synthesis avoided revolutionary excesses, prioritizing causal stability through union of Europeans, Americans, and indigenous groups without distinction, as stipulated in Article 3.^[19]^[2]^[1]

Official Announcement and Initial Reception

The Plan of Iguala was publicly proclaimed on February 24, 1821, in the town of Iguala, where General Agustín de Iturbide read the document to assembled royalist troops and local supporters, marking the formal launch of the initiative to unify factions in the Mexican War of Independence.^[1] The proclamation called for the formation of a protecting force designated as the Army of the Three Guarantees, comprising 12,000 men under Iturbide's command to enforce the plan's principles of independence, religion, and union.^[23] Printed copies of the plan were rapidly disseminated through couriers to provinces and military outposts, facilitating its spread beyond Iguala amid the decade-long stalemate.^[24] Initial reception was markedly positive across divided lines, as the plan's pragmatic blend of conservative safeguards and independence appeals bridged royalists seeking stability and insurgents weary of prolonged conflict.^[3] Insurgent leaders, including Vicente Guerrero, endorsed it shortly after proclamation, leading to swift adhesions from guerrilla forces, while numerous royalist commanders defected with their units, contributing to the army's rapid buildup.^[1] Provinces such as Puebla saw early provincial authorities and garrisons pledge support within weeks, reflecting the document's broad tactical appeal.^[4] Minimal organized resistance emerged immediately, attributable primarily to exhaustion from eleven years of intermittent warfare rather than wholesale ideological alignment, as both sides prioritized ending the deadlock over doctrinal purity.^[25] Contemporary observers noted the plan's success in eliciting adhesions through promises of order and amnesty, though underlying factional tensions persisted beneath the surface consensus.^[26] This pragmatic reception underscored the plan's role as a ceasefire mechanism rather than a transformative manifesto at its outset.

Core Provisions

The Three Guarantees: Religion, Independence, and Union

The Three Guarantees formed the foundational principles of the Plan of Iguala, proclaimed by Agustín de Iturbide on February 24, 1821, designed to unify disparate factions in New Spain by addressing core concerns of religion, political sovereignty, and social cohesion amid the independence struggle. These guarantees prioritized institutional stability over radical restructuring, reflecting Iturbide's conservative strategy to consolidate support from royalists, clergy, and creole elites wary of the anarchy seen in republican experiments elsewhere. By enshrining Catholicism's dominance, moderated independence under monarchical rule, and nominal equality among Europeans and Americans, the plan aimed to neutralize ideological divisions that had prolonged the war since 1810.^[1]^[23] The first guarantee, religion, mandated the Roman Catholic faith as the exclusive religion of the Mexican nation, with no tolerance for other sects and expulsion of their ministers, positioning Catholicism as an inviolable bulwark against the secular disruptions associated with liberal revolutions, such as the French Revolution's dechristianization efforts that had fueled social upheaval. This clause secured the allegiance of the powerful clergy, who viewed Protestantism or religious pluralism as threats to moral order and their institutional privileges, thereby preventing the internal fractures that had undermined earlier insurgent movements. Article 2 of the plan explicitly stated: "Its religion shall be the Catholic, which all its inhabitants profess," underscoring a pragmatic recognition that religious uniformity was essential for national cohesion in a society where Catholicism permeated governance and culture.^[23]^[1] The second guarantee, independence, declared Mexico sovereign and free from Spanish rule, yet deliberately framed it within a constitutional monarchy to avert the instability of pure republicanism, which contemporaries observed had led to factional violence in places like Spanish America’s early experiments. Article 1 affirmed: "The Mexican nation is independent of the Spanish nation, and of every other," proposing governance by Ferdinand VII of Spain, a suitable European prince, or another monarch if he refused, thus balancing separation from Cádiz's liberal constitution with continuity of hierarchical authority favored by conservatives. This moderated approach appealed to royalist officers like Iturbide himself, who had previously suppressed insurgents, by promising autonomy without the egalitarian excesses that risked elite dispossession or mob rule.^[23]^[1] The third guarantee, union, pledged equality between Europeans—referring to peninsulares from Spain—and Americans, encompassing creoles born in the Americas, without distinctions, while pragmatically abolishing formal caste barriers to integrate mestizos and indigenous groups under elite leadership without pursuing full social leveling that could incite disorder. Article 3 declared: "They shall be all united, without any distinction between Americans (European or native of this continent) and Europeans," aiming to reconcile peninsulares' loyalty by guaranteeing their rights and properties, thereby broadening the independence coalition beyond creole nationalists. This provision fostered pragmatic inclusion to end the military stalemate, prioritizing functional unity among propertied classes over ideological purity, as evidenced by its role in attracting former adversaries to Iturbide's banner.^[23]^[1]

Additional Articles on Government and Society

The Plan of Iguala outlined a framework for governance through a constitutional monarchy, explicitly rejecting republican or federalist models to maintain national unity and avert fragmentation akin to that seen in other post-colonial states. Article 4 established this monarchical system as the preferred form, with provisions for inviting a European prince to the throne, prioritizing Ferdinand VII of Spain or his brother Don Carlos if they accepted the constitutional limits and independence guarantees.^[23] Should no suitable European candidate emerge, Article 6 permitted selection of a Mexican-born ruler or deferral to a constituent congress for alternative arrangements, underscoring a pragmatic hierarchy to ensure stable executive authority without vesting unchecked power in local factions.^[1] An interim governing junta, composed of prominent figures from military, clerical, and civilian sectors, was mandated under Article 5 to administer provisional rule and summon a constituent congress tasked with drafting a permanent constitution, thereby bridging the transition from insurgency to formalized institutions.^[23] This body would deliberate on critical issues such as royal prerogatives, ecclesiastical patronage, public debt, and the potential abolition of caste distinctions, deferring radical social restructuring to deliberative process rather than unilateral decree to mitigate risks of societal upheaval.^[1] The plan's aversion to federalism or decentralized autonomy reflected concerns over provincial rivalries exacerbating divisions, favoring instead a unitary structure under monarchical oversight to enforce cohesion.^[23] On societal fronts, the additional articles emphasized restoration of order through strictures on military conduct and property safeguards, addressing depredations from prolonged guerrilla warfare. Articles 11 and 13 required absolute obedience to command hierarchies and prohibited acts of vengeance or reprisal, aiming to discipline insurgent and royalist forces alike and prevent the looting that had eroded public trust during the decade-long conflict.^[1] Article 12 guaranteed respect for individuals' persons and properties, explicitly barring confiscations or monopolies without congressional approval, thereby affirming pre-existing land and ownership rights to incentivize elite buy-in and stabilize economic foundations strained by insurgency.^[23] These measures prioritized causal stability over egalitarian overhauls, preserving corporate privileges like clerical and military fueros intact pending legislative review under Article 18.^[1]

Implementation and Immediate Effects

Formation of the Army of the Three Guarantees

Following the proclamation of the Plan of Iguala on February 24, 1821, Agustín de Iturbide organized the Army of the Three Guarantees by integrating royalist and insurgent contingents under a unified command structure committed to the plan's principles.^[20] This force symbolized reconciliation between former adversaries, with insurgents led by Vicente Guerrero aligning with royalist officers who defected en masse.^[27] The army's banner, a vertical tricolor of white, green, and red, embodied the guarantees: white for the preservation of Roman Catholicism, green for independence from Spain, and red for the union of Europeans and Americans. The army's ranks expanded rapidly through voluntary accessions and surrenders, enabling swift military operations that showcased effective tactical coordination without purges of prior loyalties. By spring 1821, integrated units advanced through central Mexico, capturing key positions such as Valladolid (now Morelia) in early April, where local royalist garrisons capitulated with minimal resistance, bolstering the army's momentum.^[28] This integration preserved experienced personnel from both sides, contributing to the force's operational efficacy in subsequent engagements.^[29] Logistical support derived primarily from conservative elites and ecclesiastical institutions, attracted by the plan's explicit protection of Catholic privileges and property rights against liberal reforms. Iturbide, viewed favorably by church leaders for his religious devotion and opposition to radical insurgent ideologies, secured donations and supplies from clerical and criollo networks, facilitating the army's mobilization without reliance on contested taxation.^[24] This backing underscored the plan's appeal to status quo interests, enabling sustained campaigns that culminated in the army's entry into Mexico City in September 1821.^[12]

The Treaty of Córdoba and Path to Independence

The arrival of Juan O'Donojú as the last viceroy of New Spain in late July 1821 prompted swift negotiations with Agustín de Iturbide, commander of the Army of the Three Guarantees. Recognizing the collapse of Spanish authority amid widespread adherence to the Plan of Iguala, O'Donojú met Iturbide near Córdoba, Veracruz, and agreed to terms that effectively conceded independence to avoid further bloodshed.^[2]^[30] On August 24, 1821, the two signed the Treaty of Córdoba, which verbatim incorporated the 17 articles of the Plan of Iguala while adding 12 supplementary articles. These included mutual recognition of Mexican sovereignty as a constitutional monarchy under Ferdinand VII or a European prince, the withdrawal of Spanish troops, and guarantees for the property and privileges of Europeans in Mexico. The treaty's ratification of the Plan's core principles—Catholic exclusivity, independence, and union—served as its diplomatic capstone, formalizing elite consensus among former royalists and insurgents that bypassed radical republican demands.^[2]^[30]^[23] The treaty directly triggered the evacuation of Spanish forces from Mexico City, with acting viceroy Francisco Novella surrendering control by mid-September 1821 after assessing the futility of resistance. On September 27, 1821, the Army of the Three Guarantees entered the capital unopposed, marking de facto independence and the end of over a decade of intermittent warfare without descending into prolonged guerrilla conflict. This outcome stemmed from pragmatic alignment among colonial elites, who prioritized stability over ideological purity, rather than sustained popular mobilization.^[29]^[31]

Political Aftermath

Establishment of the Provisional Junta

On September 28, 1821, following the entry of the Army of the Three Guarantees into Mexico City the previous day, the Provisional Government Junta was convened as the initial governing body of independent Mexico, issuing the Declaration of Independence of the Mexican Empire and asserting sovereignty from Spain.^[32] This junta, assembled in Mexico City's cathedral, comprised representatives from military, ecclesiastical, and civil sectors, reflecting the broad coalition forged by the Plan of Iguala to ensure a unified transition.^[21] Its immediate mandate included organizing provisional administration while adhering to the Plan's conservative principles of monarchical governance, religious orthodoxy, and social union, thereby prioritizing institutional stability over radical restructuring.^[33] The junta promptly established a Regency council to exercise executive authority pending the selection of a monarch, appointing Agustín de Iturbide as president alongside members such as Juan O'Donojú (the former viceroy who had endorsed independence via the Treaty of Córdoba), Manuel de la Bárzena, Isidro Yáñez, and Manuel Velázquez de León.^[34] This five-member body maintained continuity with viceregal administrative, legal, and fiscal frameworks—such as existing courts, tax collection, and bureaucratic hierarchies—to avert chaos amid the power vacuum left by Spanish withdrawal, a pragmatic measure aligned with the Plan's emphasis on orderly independence rather than upheaval.^[33] The Regency's core tasks encompassed convoking a Constituent Congress to draft a constitution and formalize the monarchical system, with instructions to invite Ferdinand VII of Spain or a suitable European prince to the throne, as stipulated in Article 2 of the Plan of Iguala.^[1] Initial deliberations within the Regency and preparatory circles centered on executing the invitation to Ferdinand VII, prioritizing a Bourbon ruler to legitimize the regime and reconcile royalist conservatives with independence supporters, despite emerging republican sentiments from former insurgents.^[35] Alternatives, such as other European dynasties, surfaced amid concerns over Spanish reconquest risks, yet the monarchical framework prevailed as a stabilizing bulwark against federalist or egalitarian demands that threatened clerical privileges and elite cohesion.^[36] Ferdinand VII's eventual refusal, conveyed through Spanish diplomatic channels, underscored the tensions but did not derail the provisional adherence to the Plan's hybrid model, which deferred republican experimentation in favor of elite consensus.^[12]

Iturbide's Ascension to Power and the Empire

Following the successful implementation of the Plan of Iguala and the Trigarante Army's entry into Mexico City on September 27, 1821, the provisional government's structure left unresolved the exact monarchical framework outlined in the Plan's Eighth Article, which called for a "moderate monarchy" moderated by a constitution but did not specify a ruler or precise powers. This ambiguity, combined with Iturbide's unchallenged military prestige as the independence leader, positioned him as the focal point for consolidating authority amid congressional debates over republican alternatives. By early 1822, the newly elected Constituent Congress showed inclinations toward a federal republic, prompting conservative factions—including military officers, clergy, and creole landowners—to rally behind Iturbide as a stabilizing monarch to preserve the Plan's guarantees of religion and union. Numerous petitions from provinces and urban groups urged his elevation, reflecting grassroots and elite consensus for a hereditary executive to avert factional chaos.^[27] On May 18, 1822, acclamations erupted in Mexico City, initiated by a sergeant in Iturbide's Celaya regiment and amplified by assembled troops and civilians, proclaiming him emperor in the absence of a European prince willing to rule. This surge of support from the army—still loyal from the independence campaigns—and aligned civilians underscored the Plan's monarchical leanings as a practical resolution rather than an abrupt rupture, with Iturbide accepting the acclamation the next day as Agustín I and thereby sidelining congressional republican proposals. The Congress, pressured by these events, formally recognized the empire on May 31, 1822, though with reservations. Iturbide's proclamation emphasized continuity with the Plan's principles, framing the empire as the logical embodiment of independence under unified leadership.^[28]^[37] Iturbide's formal coronation as Emperor Agustín I took place on July 21, 1822, in Mexico City's Metropolitan Cathedral, where the president of the Congress placed the crown on his head during an elaborate ceremony attended by civil and military dignitaries; his wife, Ana María Huarte de Iturbide, was simultaneously crowned empress. The empire's early months saw relative stability, sustained by conservative adherence to the Plan's core tenets: upholding Catholicism as the sole religion, integrating diverse social groups without caste privileges, and centralizing power to suppress insurgencies. Administrative continuity from viceregal structures and military discipline helped quell peripheral revolts, fostering a brief period of national cohesion.^[38]^[39] Yet, underlying fiscal pressures soon tested this framework, with war-depleted treasuries, disrupted silver exports, and reliance on forced loans yielding chronic shortfalls; by late 1822, unpaid troops and mounting debts—estimated at over 40 million pesos from independence campaigns—eroded administrative efficacy despite conservative fiscal conservatism aimed at protecting church properties and elite interests. These strains highlighted the empire's dependence on the Plan's untested union guarantee amid economic dislocation. The regime endured until Iturbide's abdication on March 19, 1823.^[28]

Controversies and Criticisms

Allegations of Iturbide's Personal Ambition and Betrayal

Republican critics, particularly radical republicans in the post-independence period such as Antonio López de Santa Anna, accused Agustín de Iturbide of devising the Plan of Iguala as a stratagem to subvert republican independence aspirations in favor of establishing a personal monarchy, leveraging his military command to crown himself emperor despite prior royalist service. These allegations framed Iturbide's monarchical framework as a betrayal of insurgent ideals dating to Hidalgo and Morelos, prioritizing elite conservative restoration over popular sovereignty.^[4] The Plan's provisions directly contradict premeditated self-elevation: Article 4 established a constitutional monarchy, while subsequent articles mandated invitations to Ferdinand VII or another Bourbon prince, or a suitable European sovereign, with the fallback that if all declined, a national congress of deputies would designate a ruler from among Mexicans, ensuring collective deliberation rather than unilateral seizure.^[1]^[23] Iturbide's earlier royalism—suppressing insurgencies from 1811 to 1820 on behalf of the viceregal regime—fueled charges of opportunism, yet this evolution stemmed from structural threats posed by Spain's 1820 liberal restoration of the Cádiz Constitution, which curtailed clerical immunities, army privileges, and creole autonomies through centralizing reforms and anticlerical measures, incentivizing conservatives to realign toward independence as a preservative of the colonial status quo against metropolitan liberalism.^[40] Far from solitary authorship driven by ambition, the Plan emerged from Iturbide's negotiated pact with Vicente Guerrero on December 24, 1820, fusing royalist forces with southern insurgents to bridge conservative guarantees of religion and hierarchy with insurgent calls for union and equality, as evidenced by Guerrero's public endorsement of Iturbide as a unifying "magnanimous leader."^[41] Initial reception empirically refutes betrayal impositions: by March 1821, endorsements proliferated among clergy protecting Catholic exclusivity, landowners securing property amid war exhaustion, and army officers averting Cádiz-era disbandments, propelling the Army of the Three Guarantees from 1,300 to over 16,000 troops within months and eliciting acclamations across provinces as a consensual path to stability, not coercive dictatorship.^[15]^[41]

Ideological Tensions Between Conservatives and Radicals

The Plan of Iguala, proclaimed on February 24, 1821, explicitly endorsed a constitutional monarchy as the form of government for independent Mexico, aligning with conservative preferences for hierarchical stability and continuity with colonial traditions, while radicals influenced by Enlightenment ideals and insurgent legacies advocated for a republic to dismantle perceived monarchical vestiges of absolutism.^[19]^[1] This monarchical intent, articulated in Article 4 of the Plan, sought to invite a European prince or default to a suitable Mexican figure, but it clashed with republican sentiments among former insurgents and liberal criollos who viewed kingship as incompatible with popular sovereignty, fostering early factional distrust despite the Plan's temporary unification of royalists and rebels.^[23]^[26] These tensions escalated post-independence, culminating in the 1823 Plan of Casa Mata rebellion led by figures like Antonio López de Santa Anna and Guadalupe Victoria, which mobilized radical opposition to the short-lived empire by demanding a constituent congress and republican governance, directly repudiating the Plan's union under a crown.^[14] Conservatives, dominant in the Army of the Three Guarantees, prioritized central authority to avert the factional anarchy observed in contemporaneous South American republics—such as Gran Colombia's disintegration by 1830 amid caudillo conflicts—arguing that monarchical restraint better preserved order amid Mexico's ethnic and regional divisions.^[4] Radicals, however, framed the Plan's framework as elitist, amplifying calls for federalism that sowed enduring centralist-federalist rifts, though empirical outcomes in republican experiments elsewhere underscored risks of prolonged instability without conservative anchors like religious uniformity.^[26] Under the Plan, church-state frictions remained subdued, as Article 3 enshrined Roman Catholicism's exclusivity without tolerance for other faiths, safeguarding clerical privileges and aligning with conservative defense of ecclesiastical property against insurgent expropriations, a stance that unified independence efforts by neutralizing religious schisms.^[19] Subsequent historiography, often shaped by 19th-century liberal victors and their secularist successors in academia, has overstated these tensions as inherent Plan flaws, portraying Catholic monopoly as retrograde despite its role in averting the confessional wars plaguing Europe and the doctrinal vacuums destabilizing radical regimes.^[42] In practice, the Plan's religious guarantee empirically facilitated elite consensus, contrasting with liberal pushes for disestablishment that, when realized later, provoked violent backlash without commensurate stability gains.^[43]

Legacy and Historical Evaluation

Short-Term Outcomes and Instability

The rapid achievement of independence under the Plan of Iguala, formalized by the Treaty of Córdoba on August 24, 1821, initially masked underlying fragilities, as the absence of robust institutional mechanisms failed to consolidate the fragile coalition of conservatives, royalists, and insurgents. By mid-1822, Iturbide's self-proclamation as emperor on July 21 exacerbated tensions, with mounting administrative costs and unresolved war debts straining the nascent state's finances, leading to an inability to pay troops and officials.^[44]^[28] Regional discontent simmered, evidenced by localized unrest in provinces like Veracruz and Jalisco, though widespread popular insurgencies remained minimal compared to the prior decade's independence struggles.^[45] Opposition crystallized in December 1822 when Antonio López de Santa Anna launched a pronunciamiento from Veracruz, decrying Iturbide's authoritarian tendencies and rallying republican factions, including Vicente Guerrero's supporters in the south. This revolt, joined by other military leaders, exposed elite fractures over monarchical ambitions versus federal republicanism, eroding the Plan's promised unity without enforceable checks on power. Iturbide's failed suppression efforts culminated in his abdication on March 19, 1823, after reconvening Congress, which transferred authority to a provisional executive junta committed to republican governance.^[28]^[44]^[46] Iturbide's exile to Europe provided temporary respite, but his unauthorized return on July 15, 1824, prompted swift condemnation by the provisional government, leading to his capture in Tamaulipas and execution by firing squad on July 19, 1824, at Padilla. This episode marked the definitive rejection of imperial restoration, paving the way for the 1824 Federal Constitution, promulgated on October 4, which established a decentralized republic with 19 states and four territories, prioritizing popular sovereignty over the Plan's monarchical framework. The transition, while stabilizing central authority short-term, underscored how the Plan's guarantees—independence, religion, and union—proved insufficient against elite rivalries and institutional voids, fostering volatility evident in the 1823-1824 power vacuums.^[44]^[47]^[48]

Long-Term Impact on Mexican State Formation

The Plan de Iguala, proclaimed on February 24, 1821, established conservative principles that formed the foundational framework for Mexican state formation, prioritizing a centralized monarchical structure rooted in viceregal traditions to avert the factional fragmentation that had plagued earlier independence efforts.^[49]^[50] By guaranteeing Roman Catholicism as the exclusive religion without tolerance for others and emphasizing union among elites—including criollos, clergy, and military—it rejected radical liberal models like the Cádiz Constitution, instead promoting gradual change and preservation of ecclesiastical privileges to maintain social cohesion.^[50]^[49] This anti-federalist orientation, which warned against the "despedazamiento" (dismemberment) of territory by rival groups, influenced the 1824 Constitution's reinforcement of Catholicism as the state religion, even amid its federalist elements, and foreshadowed later centralist reforms such as the Siete Leyes of 1836 that curbed regional autonomies to preserve national unity.^[50] The Plan's model of elite pacts, reconciling European and American interests under the Army of the Three Guarantees, provided a template for subsequent political consolidations, where conservative coalitions repeatedly countered liberal tendencies toward decentralization and secularization.^[49] Unlike insurgent movements emphasizing republican ideals and social upheaval, the Plan's pragmatic unification of disparate factions—exemplified by the alliance between Iturbide and Vicente Guerrero on March 14, 1821—ensured a swift transition to independence on September 27, 1821, without descent into prolonged civil strife that could have mirrored South American balkanization.^[49] This causal mechanism embedded centralized authority and Catholic identity as enduring pillars, debunking interpretations of the Plan as a transient interlude by demonstrating its role in sustaining elite-driven stability against radical fragmentation.^[50] Twenty-first-century scholarly reassessments, such as those by legal historians at the National Autonomous University of Mexico, credit Iturbide's strategic conservatism—drawing on thinkers like Edmund Burke—for originating the Mexican state as a cohesive entity, rather than succumbing to the violent republican myths propagated in some liberal historiography.^[50]^[49] By formalizing equality under law while safeguarding property and tradition, the Plan laid causal groundwork for a state identity resilient to ideological extremes, influencing constitutions through 1857 and beyond by privileging pragmatic elite consensus over divisive federal experiments.^[50] This legacy underscores how the Plan's guarantees averted the civil wars that destabilized other post-colonial Latin American states, fostering a centralized polity attuned to Mexico's hierarchical social realities.^[49]

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