Americans
Americans are the citizens and nationals of the United States of America, a sovereign federal republic spanning North America with a population of approximately 343 million as of October 2025.[1]
This populace exhibits substantial ethnic and racial diversity, shaped by historical indigenous populations, European settlement, the transatlantic slave trade, and ongoing immigration; as of 2023, non-Hispanic whites comprise about 58 percent, Hispanics or Latinos 20 percent, Blacks or African Americans 13 percent, Asians 6 percent, and other groups the remainder.[2][3]
American society is defined by cultural values such as individualism, self-reliance, future orientation, and directness, which foster high rates of entrepreneurship and personal initiative.[4] Americans have achieved preeminence in economic output, representing roughly 26 percent of global nominal GDP, and in scientific innovation, with recipients affiliated with U.S. institutions earning about 34 percent of all Nobel Prizes awarded to date.[5][6]
These accomplishments stem from institutional frameworks emphasizing free enterprise, rule of law, and merit-based advancement, alongside a tradition of technological pioneering from the Industrial Revolution through modern computing and space exploration.[7]
The American diaspora, exceeding 5 million expatriates worldwide, extends cultural and economic influence globally.[8]
Notable controversies include pronounced political divisions, elevated incarceration rates relative to other developed nations, and debates over immigration policy, reflecting tensions between assimilation ideals and demographic shifts.[9]
National Identity
Legal and Civic Definition
U.S. citizenship, which legally defines an American national, is primarily established by the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, ratified on July 9, 1868, stating: "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside."[10] This provision enshrines birthright citizenship (jus soli) for individuals born on U.S. soil, excluding those not subject to U.S. jurisdiction, such as children of foreign diplomats or invading forces.[11] Citizenship may also be acquired at birth through descent (jus sanguinis) if at least one parent is a U.S. citizen meeting residency requirements prior to the child's birth abroad.[12] Naturalization provides a pathway to citizenship for foreign nationals, governed by the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, as amended.[13] Eligible applicants must be lawful permanent residents for at least five years—or three years if married to and living with a U.S. citizen—be at least 18 years old, demonstrate continuous residence and physical presence in the U.S., exhibit good moral character, pass an English language and U.S. civics test (with exceptions for age or disability), and take an Oath of Allegiance pledging loyalty to the Constitution.[14] [15] In fiscal year 2024, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services naturalized approximately 878,500 individuals, reflecting ongoing application of these criteria. Dual citizenship is permitted but does not alter primary allegiance to the U.S.[16] Civically, American identity entails a bond of allegiance to constitutional principles, including rights such as voting in federal elections (for those 18 and older), serving on juries, holding public office, obtaining a U.S. passport for international travel, and accessing federal benefits unavailable to non-citizens.[17] Corresponding duties include obeying federal, state, and local laws; paying taxes; registering for Selective Service (for males aged 18-25); potentially serving in the military or civilian roles during national emergencies; and participating in jury duty when summoned.[18] These obligations underscore a reciprocal civic compact, where citizenship confers protections under the Bill of Rights while requiring support for the nation's democratic framework and defense against threats.[19] Loss of citizenship can occur voluntarily through expatriation or involuntarily for rare acts like treason, but natural-born citizens cannot be involuntarily denaturalized except in cases of fraud in acquisition.Ideological Foundations
The ideological foundations of American identity are rooted in the Enlightenment-derived principles of natural rights, limited government, and self-governance, as articulated in the nation's founding documents. The Declaration of Independence, adopted by the Continental Congress on July 4, 1776, declares that all individuals are endowed with unalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that governments exist solely to secure these rights through the consent of the governed.[20] This document justifies revolution against tyrannical rule, establishing a causal link between individual sovereignty and political legitimacy, where the people's right to alter or abolish oppressive systems serves as the ultimate check on power.[21] The United States Constitution, drafted in 1787 and ratified in 1788, translates these abstract ideals into a practical republican framework emphasizing separation of powers, federalism, checks and balances, and popular sovereignty to prevent arbitrary authority and safeguard liberties. Key structural elements include enumerated congressional powers, a bicameral legislature representing both population and states, and protections for property rights and due process, reflecting a commitment to rule of law over unchecked majoritarianism or monarchy.[22] These mechanisms, informed by thinkers like John Locke and Montesquieu, prioritize individual agency and restraint on collective coercion, forming the bedrock of American constitutionalism./04:_Rights_and_Responsibilities_of_Citizens/4.04:_Fundamental_Principles_and_Values_of_American_Political_and_Civic_Life) Complementing these legal pillars is the "American Creed," a term coined by political scientist Samuel P. Huntington to describe the enduring ideological core uniting Americans: liberty, equality (under law and of opportunity), individualism, representative government, and constitutionalism.[23] This creed, distinct from ethnic or religious homogeneity, promotes civic nationalism through voluntary assent to principles like private property and limited intervention in personal affairs, enabling assimilation across diverse backgrounds via shared commitment rather than imposed uniformity.[24] Empirical surveys, such as those by the Pew Research Center, consistently show high American endorsement of these values—over 90% affirming freedom of speech and religion as essential—underscoring their role in sustaining national cohesion amid demographic shifts. While academic sources often downplay creed-centric identity in favor of multicultural narratives, primary founding texts and historical practice affirm its causal primacy in defining American exceptionalism as a proposition nation.[25]Symbols and Personifications
Personifications of the United States have historically included female and male figures symbolizing national ideals of liberty and governance. Columbia, a feminine allegorical figure, first appeared in American poetry in 1738 and represented the New World, evolving to embody the independent United States after 1776. Derived from the name of explorer Christopher Columbus, Columbia was depicted as a robed woman with a liberty cap, often alongside symbols like the eagle or flag, in art, literature, and political cartoons through the 19th century.[26][27] Uncle Sam emerged as a male personification during the War of 1812, likely inspired by Samuel Wilson, a government contractor in Troy, New York, who supplied beef barrels stamped "U.S.," leading troops to jestingly refer to provisions as from "Uncle Sam." The figure gained traction in the Civil War era and was standardized in the early 20th century through illustrations showing a stern, bearded man in a top hat, blue tailcoat, red-and-white striped trousers, and stars on his vest, representing the federal government and its demands on citizens. James Montgomery Flagg's 1917 World War I recruitment poster "I Want You for U.S. Army," featuring Uncle Sam pointing directly at the viewer, cemented this image, with over 4 million copies distributed.[28][27][29] By the late 19th century, Uncle Sam largely supplanted Columbia in popular usage, particularly in government propaganda, though Columbia persisted in some cultural contexts like the naming of the District of Columbia and early space shuttle.[27] Key national symbols reinforce these personifications and American identity. The flag of the United States, adopted by the Continental Congress on June 14, 1777, features 13 horizontal red-and-white stripes honoring the original colonies and 50 white stars on a blue field representing current states, with the design finalized in 1960 upon Hawaii's admission. The bald eagle, designated the national emblem by Congress in 1782, symbolizes strength, courage, and freedom, appearing on the Great Seal with an olive branch for peace and arrows for defense.[30][31] The Statue of Liberty, a colossal neoclassical sculpture on Liberty Island in New York Harbor, was dedicated on October 28, 1886, as a gift from France to commemorate the centennial of American independence and enduring Franco-American alliance. Designed by Frédéric Auguste Bartholdi with an internal iron framework by Gustave Eiffel, the statue depicts Libertas, the Roman goddess of freedom, holding a torch aloft and a tablet inscribed "JULY IV MDCCLXXVI," serving as a beacon for immigrants and a universal emblem of democratic aspirations.[31][32][33]Historical Origins
Colonial Settlement and Early Identity
The first permanent English settlement in North America was Jamestown, Virginia, established in 1607 by approximately 104 colonists sponsored by the Virginia Company of London, primarily motivated by economic opportunities in trade and resource extraction such as tobacco cultivation.[34] [35] This venture faced severe hardships, including disease and conflict with indigenous Powhatan peoples, reducing the population to near extinction before recovery through resilient leadership and agricultural adaptation.[36] In contrast, the 1620 arrival of the Mayflower at Plymouth, Massachusetts, brought about 102 passengers, including religious separatists seeking autonomy from the Church of England, who drafted the Mayflower Compact—a pact among 41 adult males to establish a government by majority consent for the general good of the colony. This document marked an early instance of voluntary self-governance outside monarchical directive, influencing subsequent colonial charters.[37] Subsequent settlements expanded English presence, with the Massachusetts Bay Colony founded in 1630 by around 1,000 Puritans under John Winthrop, emphasizing communal religious order and rapid population growth through family migration and high birth rates.[34] By the late 17th century, the colonial population reached an estimated 210,000 to 250,000, predominantly English in origin, with smaller influxes of Dutch in New Netherland (conquered by England in 1664 and renamed New York) and French Huguenots fleeing persecution.[38] These colonists, mostly Protestant and including indentured servants comprising up to 75% of Virginia's early labor force, developed agrarian economies tied to export staples like tobacco, rice, and indigo, fostering localized assemblies such as Virginia's House of Burgesses in 1619—the first representative legislative body in the Americas.[34] Limited non-English elements, such as Scots-Irish later in the backcountry, began diversifying the demographic base, though English cultural and legal norms dominated.[39] Early colonial identity remained tethered to British subjecthood, with settlers viewing themselves as extensions of English society entitled to rights under the crown, yet geographic isolation and practical necessities cultivated distinct practices.[40] Town meetings in New England colonies, for instance, enabled direct male participation in local affairs, diverging from England's hierarchical parish systems and promoting habits of civic autonomy.[41] Economic self-reliance on the frontier, coupled with assemblies negotiating taxes and laws, gradually instilled a sense of exceptionalism rooted in opportunity and religious covenanting, though overt separation from British identity emerged only amid 18th-century imperial tensions.[42] This formative period laid causal foundations for later national cohesion through shared experiences of adaptation and limited royal oversight, despite regional variances between Chesapeake profit-seekers and New England theocrats.[43]Revolutionary Period and Nation-Building
The grievances against British policies, including the Stamp Act of 1765 and the Tea Act precipitating the Boston Tea Party on December 16, 1773, escalated colonial resistance, fostering a unified opposition to perceived tyranny and taxation without representation.[44][45] The First Continental Congress convened in 1774 to coordinate responses, while armed conflict erupted with the Battles of Lexington and Concord on April 19, 1775, marking the onset of the Revolutionary War.[46] On July 4, 1776, the Second Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence, drafted primarily by Thomas Jefferson, which enumerated natural rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, justified revolution against destructive government, and proclaimed the colonies as free and independent states.[47][20] The war, spanning 1775 to 1783, saw critical victories such as the Battle of Saratoga in October 1777, which secured French alliance and military aid, turning the tide against Britain.[48] The decisive Siege of Yorktown from September 28 to October 19, 1781, resulted in the surrender of British General Charles Cornwallis and over 7,000 troops to American and French forces under George Washington and the Comte de Rochambeau, effectively compelling Britain to negotiate peace.[49][50] The Treaty of Paris, signed September 3, 1783, recognized American sovereignty over territory from the Atlantic to the Mississippi River.[51] These military successes, achieved through colonial militias, Continental Army perseverance, and foreign support, cultivated a collective resolve among diverse colonists, laying groundwork for a national consciousness centered on self-determination and resistance to arbitrary rule.[52] Initial governance under the Articles of Confederation, drafted in 1777 and ratified March 1, 1781, exposed structural frailties: Congress lacked authority to levy taxes, regulate interstate or foreign commerce, or compel state compliance, resulting in fiscal insolvency, interstate disputes, and events like Shays' Rebellion in 1786–1787, which highlighted the need for a stronger union to suppress domestic insurrections and ensure economic stability.[53][54] The Annapolis Convention of 1786 called for revisions, leading to the Philadelphia Constitutional Convention from May 25 to September 17, 1787, where delegates, including James Madison and Alexander Hamilton, crafted a constitution establishing a federal republic with separated powers among legislative, executive, and judicial branches, bicameral Congress, and checks and balances to prevent tyranny.[55] Ratification proceeded state by state, with Delaware first on December 7, 1787, and New Hampshire providing the ninth approving vote on June 21, 1788, activating the document; full adoption followed by 1790.[55] Anti-Federalist concerns over centralized power prompted the promise of amendments, culminating in the Bill of Rights ratified December 15, 1791, which enumerated protections for individual liberties such as speech, religion, and due process.[56] This framework resolved confederation-era disarray by balancing state sovereignty with national authority, promoting commerce and defense while embedding Enlightenment principles of limited government and consent of the governed. The era's trials forged an American identity predicated on civic republicanism, where citizenship derived from adherence to constitutional oaths and shared commitment to liberty under law, rather than hereditary monarchy or ethnic homogeneity, uniting former subjects into a sovereign people capable of self-rule.[52]19th-Century Expansion and Internal Conflicts
The 19th century marked a period of rapid territorial expansion for the United States, beginning with the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, when President Thomas Jefferson acquired approximately 828,000 square miles from France for $15 million, effectively doubling the nation's size and opening vast lands for settlement. This acquisition facilitated expeditions like that of Meriwether Lewis and William Clark from 1804 to 1806, which mapped routes to the Pacific and encouraged further migration.[57] Subsequent annexations, including Florida from Spain in 1819 and Texas in 1845, propelled the doctrine of Manifest Destiny, articulated by journalist John L. O'Sullivan in 1845, which posited an inevitable American spread across the continent. Migration surged via trails such as the Oregon Trail, with thousands of pioneers departing annually by the 1840s, drawn by fertile lands and opportunities like the California Gold Rush starting in 1849, which attracted over 300,000 seekers by 1855.[58] The Homestead Act of 1862 further incentivized settlement by granting 160 acres to claimants who improved the land, contributing to a population shift westward that transformed the American populace from predominantly agrarian Easterners to a more diverse frontier society emphasizing self-reliance and opportunity.[59] Expansion, however, entailed severe conflicts with Native American populations, exemplified by the Indian Removal Act of 1830 signed by President Andrew Jackson, which authorized forced relocations east of the Mississippi River to territories west, resulting in the Trail of Tears from 1838 to 1839, during which approximately 4,000 of 16,000 Cherokee perished from disease, exposure, and starvation.[60] This policy displaced over 60,000 Native Americans from five southeastern tribes, enabling white settlement but decimating indigenous communities and cultures through warfare and broken treaties.[61] The Mexican-American War of 1846–1848, triggered by disputes over Texas borders, ended with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, ceding over 500,000 square miles—including present-day California, Nevada, Utah, and parts of Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and Wyoming—to the U.S. for $15 million, intensifying debates over slavery's extension into new territories and heightening sectional divisions.[62] These conquests solidified a continental American domain but embedded tensions over land, labor systems, and governance, fostering an identity rooted in conquest and displacement rather than consensus. Internal conflicts culminated in the American Civil War (1861–1865), driven by irreconcilable differences between Northern industrial free-labor states and Southern agrarian economies dependent on slavery, with the Southern states' secession following Abraham Lincoln's 1860 election explicitly to preserve the institution that underpinned their social and economic order.[63] The war mobilized over 2.2 million Union soldiers against 1 million Confederates, resulting in approximately 620,000–750,000 deaths from combat, disease, and privation, the highest toll of any U.S. conflict.[64] Key precipitating events included the Missouri Compromise of 1820, which temporarily balanced slave and free states; the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, which ignited "Bleeding Kansas" violence over popular sovereignty on slavery; and the Dred Scott decision of 1857, affirming slaves as property without citizenship rights.[63] The Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 freed slaves in rebel states, reframing the war as a moral crusade against bondage and enabling nearly 180,000 Black soldiers to serve in Union forces.[65] The Civil War profoundly reshaped American identity, affirming the Union's indivisibility through military victory and the 13th Amendment's 1865 abolition of slavery, which ended legal chattel bondage for 4 million people but left unresolved racial hierarchies evident in Reconstruction's failures.[64] It centralized federal authority, curtailed states' rights claims, and elevated ideals of national citizenship and equality under law, though Southern defeat bred enduring resentment and a "Lost Cause" mythology minimizing slavery's role.[63] Expansion and war thus forged a more unified yet scarred American people, blending pioneer individualism with collective sacrifice, while exposing causal fractures—economic dependencies, moral contradictions, and ethnic rivalries—that continue to influence national cohesion.[64]Demographic Profile
Population Dynamics and Recent Trends
The population of the United States reached approximately 342.7 million as of October 24, 2025, according to U.S. Census Bureau estimates.[1] Between 2023 and 2024, the population increased by 3.3 million, marking a growth rate of about 1%, the fastest annual pace in over two decades and driven primarily by net international migration.[66] [67] This surge accounted for 84% of the total growth, with natural increase (births minus deaths) contributing the remainder, reflecting a long-term decline in domestic fertility offset by elevated mortality from an aging population.[67] Fertility rates have fallen to record lows, with the total fertility rate dropping to 1.6 children per woman in 2024, well below the replacement level of 2.1 required for population stability absent migration.[68] [69] This trend, evident since the 2007-2008 financial crisis and accelerated post-COVID-19, stems from delayed childbearing, economic pressures, and cultural shifts toward smaller families, particularly among native-born women.[70] Live births totaled about 3.63 million in 2024, a slight uptick from 2023 but insufficient to counter rising deaths, which approached 3.5 million annually due to the baby boomer cohort entering advanced ages.[71] Net international migration reached 2.8 million in the 2023-2024 period, fueled by border encounters, asylum claims, and legal entries, though provisional data suggest a potential slowdown in 2025 amid policy changes and enforcement.[72] [73] The population is aging rapidly, with those aged 65 and older numbering 61.2 million in 2024, up 3.1% from the prior year, while the under-18 cohort shrank by 0.2% to 73.1 million.[74] This shift, projected to see the elderly population double to 82 million by 2050, increases the old-age dependency ratio and strains entitlements like Social Security, as fewer working-age individuals support a growing retiree base.[75] By 2030, adults 65 and older are expected to comprise 20% of the total population, with older adults outnumbering children in 11 states and nearly half of counties as of 2025.[74] Census Bureau projections indicate slower future growth, with the population rising to 372 million by 2055 at an average annual rate of 0.2%, contingent on assumptions of continued low fertility (around 1.6-1.7), moderate mortality improvements, and net migration stabilizing at 1-1.5 million annually.[76] Alternative scenarios, incorporating higher migration, forecast up to 366 million by 2100, while low-migration paths could lead to stagnation or decline if fertility remains suppressed and deaths outpace births.[77] These dynamics underscore migration's outsized role in sustaining growth, as native natural increase turns negligible, potentially altering long-term demographic stability without policy interventions to boost fertility or adjust inflows.[78]Racial and Ethnic Composition
The racial and ethnic composition of the United States population, as enumerated by the U.S. Census Bureau, features non-Hispanic Whites as the plurality, comprising 58% or 195.4 million individuals out of a total estimated population of 335.7 million as of July 1, 2023.[79] Hispanics or Latinos of any race form the second-largest group at 19.5% or 65.2 million, reflecting sustained growth from higher birth rates and net international migration.[79] Non-Hispanic Blacks account for approximately 12.6% or 42.3 million, while non-Hispanic Asians represent 6.2% or 20.7 million, with the latter showing the fastest growth rate at 2.3% year-over-year due to immigration and fertility patterns.[79] This distribution marks a continuation of demographic shifts observed since the 2010 Census, where non-Hispanic Whites constituted 63.7% of the population, declining to 57.8% by the 2020 Census amid an absolute numerical decrease in that decade for the first time in U.S. history. The non-Hispanic White population experienced a 0.2% decline between 2022 and 2023, driven by natural decrease—630,000 more deaths than births—stemming from below-replacement fertility rates around 1.6 children per woman and an aging demographic structure.[79] In contrast, Hispanic growth of 1.8% was propelled by natural increase and migration, while multiracial non-Hispanic identification has risen sharply, from 2.9% in 2010 to over 10% in 2020, attributable to expanded self-reporting options and increasing interracial unions.[79]| Group | Population (2023 est.) | Percentage | Year-over-Year Change |
|---|---|---|---|
| Non-Hispanic White (alone) | 195,432,584 | 58% | -0.2% |
| Hispanic or Latino (any race) | 65,219,145 | 19.5% | +1.8% |
| Non-Hispanic Black (alone) | 42,313,088 | 12.6% | +0.6% |
| Non-Hispanic Asian (alone) | 20,685,425 | 6.2% | +2.3% |
| Non-Hispanic Two or More Races | 8,182,748 | 2.4% | +2.4% |
| Non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaska Native (alone) | 2,432,721 | 0.7% | +0.3% |
| Non-Hispanic Native Hawaiian/Other Pacific Islander (alone) | 649,184 | 0.2% | +1.7% |
Immigration and Assimilation Patterns
Immigration to the United States has proceeded in major waves influenced by economic demand, European conflicts, and legislative reforms. Between 1820 and 1880, roughly 5 million immigrants arrived, predominantly Irish escaping the Great Famine of 1845–1852 and Germans seeking farmland and factory work amid political unrest following the 1848 revolutions.[81] The subsequent surge from 1880 to 1920 brought over 20 million entrants, chiefly from Italy, Austria-Hungary, Russia, and the Ottoman Empire, who filled labor needs in burgeoning industries like steel and textiles, with annual arrivals peaking at 1.2 million in 1907.[82] The Emergency Quota Act of 1921 and Immigration Act of 1924 then capped inflows based on national origins, slashing numbers to under 150,000 annually by the 1930s, prioritizing Western Europeans.[83] The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 dismantled quotas, emphasizing family ties and skills, which redirected sources toward Mexico, the Philippines, India, and China; since then, over 70 million legal immigrants have settled, comprising 59% from Latin America and 26% from Asia as of recent counts.[84] From 2015 to 2023, net migration added about 1.5 million foreign-born residents yearly on average, though unauthorized entries surged post-2021, contributing to a foreign-born peak of 53.3 million (16% of population) in January 2025 before dipping to 51.9 million by June amid enforcement shifts.[85] [86] In fiscal year 2023, lawful permanent residents totaled 1.1 million, with top origins including Mexico (140,000), India (90,000), and China (65,000), while refugee and asylum admissions reached 60,000 amid global displacements.[87] Assimilation, defined empirically through economic parity, cultural adaptation, and civic incorporation, has historically unfolded across generations, with European cohorts from 1880–1920 achieving near-complete integration by the 1940s via occupational advancement and residential dispersal.[88] Key metrics include language acquisition, where first-generation immigrants show 50–60% English proficiency, rising to 90%+ among U.S.-born children; economic integration, evidenced by median household incomes converging from 70% of natives in the first generation to parity by the third; and intermarriage, which climbed from 5% for Europeans in 1900 to 29% for Hispanics and 36% for Asians by 2015–2019.[89] Civic patterns feature naturalization rates of 800,000–900,000 annually in the 2010s–2020s, with 53% of eligible immigrants (those with green cards for five years) pursuing citizenship by 2022, correlating with higher voting turnout among naturalized citizens (65% in 2020 elections) versus non-citizens.[90] [91] Post-1965 groups exhibit accelerated assimilation in select areas, such as wage growth outpacing prior waves due to skill-based selection, yet gaps persist in educational attainment and homeownership for low-skilled Latin American arrivals, with second-generation poverty rates at 18% versus 12% for natives.[89] [92] Recent data from 2020–2024 indicate no aggregate elevation in incarceration among immigrants compared to natives, though subgroup variations exist tied to origin-country factors like rule-of-law indices.[93]| Immigration Wave | Approximate Arrivals | Primary Origins | Key Drivers |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1820–1880 | 5 million | Ireland, Germany | Famine, industrialization |
| 1880–1920 | 20+ million | Italy, Eastern Europe | Poverty, pogroms, quotas later |
| 1965–present | 70+ million | Mexico, Asia | Family reunification, skills |
Linguistic Landscape
Primary Languages and Usage
English is the predominant language spoken at home by Americans, with 78.3% of the population aged 5 and older reporting that they speak only English in 2018-2022 data from the American Community Survey (ACS).[96] This figure reflects the historical dominance of English, stemming from British colonial origins and subsequent waves of immigration where English served as the common tongue for assimilation.[97] Among the remaining 21.7%, Spanish is by far the most prevalent non-English language, accounting for 62% of all non-English speakers at home in 2019 ACS estimates, largely due to sustained migration from Latin America since the mid-20th century.[98] Other non-English languages include Chinese (including Mandarin and Cantonese), spoken by about 1.2 million households, Tagalog at around 1.7 million speakers, and Vietnamese with over 1.3 million, per 2017-2021 ACS detailed tables; these arise primarily from post-1965 Asian immigration following the Immigration and Nationality Act amendments.[99] Indigenous languages such as Navajo, with approximately 170,000 speakers, persist in localized communities but represent less than 0.5% nationally.[98] Proficiency in English among non-native speakers varies, with 52% of those speaking another language at home reporting they speak English "very well" or better in recent ACS data, though limited English proficiency correlates with lower socioeconomic outcomes and slower integration.[96] In public and professional spheres, English functions as the de facto lingua franca, used exclusively in federal government proceedings, primary education, and most commercial transactions, despite the absence of a constitutionally mandated official language.[100] This uniformity facilitates national cohesion across diverse populations, with bilingual services provided in high-density immigrant areas like California and Texas, where Spanish-English duality is common in signage, media, and customer interactions.[98] Media consumption reinforces English primacy, as major broadcast networks, print outlets, and digital platforms operate predominantly in English, though Spanish-language alternatives like Univision reach over 30 million households monthly.[99]Dialects, Regional Variations, and Evolution
American English originated from the varieties of English spoken by colonists arriving in the 17th century, primarily from southern and eastern England, with subsequent influences from Scots-Irish, German, Dutch, and other European settlers, as well as Native American and African languages.[101] [102] Divergence from British English began early due to geographic isolation, which preserved some archaic pronunciations (such as rhoticity in most regions) that later faded in England, while introducing innovations like simplified spellings promoted by Noah Webster's 1828 dictionary, which standardized forms such as "color" instead of "colour" and "theater" over "theatre" to foster national identity post-independence.[103] [104] Vocabulary expanded through borrowings, including Native American terms like "moose" and "raccoon" by the 18th century, and African contributions to words like "goober" for peanut, reflecting slavery's linguistic impact.[105] [102] Over time, dialects evolved through settlement patterns and internal migrations, such as the Scots-Irish influx into Appalachia shaping the Highland Southern dialect by the 18th century, characterized by features like the "pin-pen merger" where /ɪ/ and /ɛ/ vowels merge before nasals.[101] The Great Migration of African Americans from the South to northern cities in the 20th century spread elements of African American Vernacular English (AAVE), including habitual "be" (as in "he be working") and consonant cluster reduction, influencing urban dialects nationwide.[101] Mass media and increased mobility since the mid-20th century have promoted convergence toward General American, a rhotic, non-dialectal variety spoken by about 50% of Americans, particularly in the Midwest and West, though regional markers persist due to social identity and limited dialect contact in rural areas.[106] [107] Major regional dialects include New England English, featuring non-rhoticity (dropping 'r' sounds, e.g., "pahk the cah") in Boston and eastern Massachusetts, rooted in 17th-century East Anglian settler speech and affecting about 5 million speakers as of 2020 estimates.[108] Mid-Atlantic dialects, such as those in New York City and Philadelphia, exhibit unique vowel shifts like the short-a split (raised /æ/ before certain consonants), persisting among older generations despite media-driven leveling.[108] Southern American English, spoken by roughly 20% of the population, encompasses variations like Coastal Southern (with a drawl and yod-dropping, e.g., "new" as "noo") and Appalachian English, influenced by 18th-century border reivers' speech patterns.[101] Western dialects, emerging post-19th-century frontier settlement, align closely with General American but incorporate Pacific Northwest innovations like the Canadian Raising of /aɪ/ and /aʊ/ diphthongs.[109] Specialized dialects include Cajun English in Louisiana, blending French Acadian influences with English since the 1760s expulsion of Acadians, featuring nasalized vowels and terms like "laissez les bon temps rouler."[110] AAVE, developed from 17th-century West African syntactic structures imposed on English by enslaved people, now numbers around 40 million speakers and includes phonological traits like th-stopping (e.g., "dis" for "this"), with ongoing debate over its creole origins versus dialect continuum status based on comparative linguistics.[101] Evolution continues with youth-driven changes, such as uptalk (rising intonation in statements) spreading via media since the 1990s, and immigrant enclaves introducing hybrid forms like Spanglish in Hispanic communities, where over 40 million Spanish-English bilinguals as of 2020 blend code-switching.[106] Despite homogenization pressures, dialect maintenance correlates with socioeconomic factors, with stronger regionalism in less-mobile, working-class groups per sociolinguistic surveys.[107]Religious Composition
Dominant Faiths and Historical Shifts
In the colonial era, Protestant denominations overwhelmingly dominated American religious life, with English Protestants such as Puritans establishing settlements in New England and Anglicans in the southern colonies, while Dutch Reformed and Quakers formed key communities elsewhere.[111] These groups shaped early societal norms, often enforcing religious observance through colonial laws, though adherence rates remained low, with estimates suggesting fewer than 20% of colonists were church members by the mid-18th century.[112] The First Great Awakening (1730s–1740s) spurred a revival, boosting participation and diversifying Protestant sects like Baptists and Methodists, which spread through itinerant preaching and emphasized personal conversion over established hierarchies.[113] The 19th century marked significant shifts as waves of Irish and German Catholic immigrants, fleeing famine and political unrest, swelled Catholic numbers from under 1% of the population in 1800 to about 10% by 1850, provoking nativist reactions like the Know-Nothing Party's anti-Catholic platform in the 1850s.[114] The Second Great Awakening (1790s–1840s) further entrenched Protestant vitality, particularly evangelical strains, fostering denominations such as Disciples of Christ and contributing to social reforms including abolitionism, though it also highlighted denominational fractures over slavery.[115] By 1900, Protestants still comprised roughly 60% of Americans, but Catholic growth continued with Southern and Eastern European arrivals, reaching parity in influence in urban centers by the early 20th century. Latter-day Saints (Mormons) emerged as a distinct American-born faith in the 1830s, gaining traction in the West despite persecution, numbering over 16 million members worldwide by 2023, with a significant U.S. base.[116] Post-World War II prosperity reinforced a cultural Protestant hegemony through mainline denominations, but the 1960s counterculture and 1965 Immigration Act diversified faiths, introducing larger Hindu, Muslim, and Buddhist communities.[117] Evangelical Protestantism surged in the late 20th century via movements like the Southern Baptist Convention's growth, peaking at around 25% of the population in the 1980s–1990s, while mainline Protestants declined amid theological liberalism and attendance drops.[118] As of 2023, Christians constitute 66% of U.S. adults, with Protestants at approximately 40% (including 14% white evangelicals, 14% white mainline, and various Protestant groups of color) and Catholics at 19%, reflecting immigration-driven non-white Christian gains offsetting white Christian losses.[114] Non-Christian faiths remain minorities, with Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism each under 2%.[119]Secularization Trends and Recent Revivals
The proportion of Americans identifying as Christian declined steadily from 78% in 2007 to 62% by 2023-2024, according to Pew Research Center surveys, reflecting broader secularization marked by rising religious unaffiliation, or "nones," which reached 26% of the population in 2023 per Public Religion Research Institute data.[120][121] Church membership fell from 70% in 1999 to 47% in 2020, as reported by Gallup, while weekly attendance dropped to 20% of adults by 2023.[122][116] These trends correlate with higher education levels, urban residency, and generational shifts, particularly among millennials and Generation Z, where skepticism toward institutional religion has grown amid cultural emphasis on individualism and scientific explanations over supernatural claims.[123] Secularization accelerated post-1960s, driven by factors including the sexual revolution, declining social stigma for irreligion, and institutional scandals like clergy abuse in Catholic and Protestant denominations, which eroded trust in organized faith structures.[124] Gallup polls indicate that self-reported importance of religion in daily life fell from 70% in 1965 to 45% by 2022, with nones comprising 21.4% of adults in 2020-2024 averages, stable but elevated from prior decades.[116][125] This shift has been uneven, with steeper declines among mainline Protestants (from 18% to 14% affiliation since 2007) compared to evangelicals, who maintained relative stability at around 25% but faced retention challenges among youth.[120] Recent data from 2023-2025 suggest a pause in secularization, with Christian identification stabilizing at 62-69% across Pew and Gallup surveys, potentially leveling off after two decades of erosion.[120][125] Gallup reported 34% of Americans perceiving religion's influence as increasing in 2025, up from 20% the prior year, while Pew found 58% noting conflicts between faith and mainstream culture, indicating heightened salience rather than indifference.[126][127] Pockets of revival emerged, including the 2023 Asbury University outbreak, which drew thousands to spontaneous worship and inspired similar campus events, though these remained localized without national institutional impact.[128] Barna Group research in 2025 showed rising belief in Jesus among younger adults, with commitment levels up over four years, potentially signaling spiritual curiosity amid mental health crises and cultural disillusionment.[129] However, broader metrics from MinistryWatch and fact-checks indicate no widespread reversal, with unaffiliation steady and church attendance stagnant, attributing perceived revivals more to anecdotal enthusiasm than measurable growth in affiliation or practice.[130][131]Socioeconomic Structure
Education Levels and Attainment
As of 2022, 93.3% of Americans aged 25 and older had completed high school or obtained a GED equivalency, reflecting near-universal secondary attainment driven by compulsory education laws and expanded access since the early 20th century.[132] The adjusted cohort graduation rate (ACGR) for public high schools reached 87% in the 2021–22 school year, up from 80% a decade prior, though rates vary by state and demographics, with persistent gaps for certain subgroups.[133] Despite high completion metrics, proficiency assessments reveal limitations: National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) scores in 2024 showed fourth- and eighth-grade reading proficiency at 30% and math at similar lows, down 5 points in reading from 2019 pre-pandemic levels, indicating that formal credentials do not uniformly translate to skill mastery.[134] Postsecondary attainment has risen steadily, with 37.7% of adults aged 25 and older holding a bachelor's degree or higher in 2022, increasing from 30.4% in 2012, fueled by expanded enrollment and federal aid programs like Pell Grants.[132] The six-year college completion rate for the 2018 entering cohort stood at 61.1% in 2024 data, a slight improvement from prior years but still modest, with public institutions at 71% for four-year programs and lower for for-profits at 36%.[135] Internationally, U.S. performance lags top performers; Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2022 math scores averaged 465, a 13-point drop from 2018 and below leading Asian nations like Singapore (561), though aligned with OECD averages in reading (504) and science (499).[136] These trends correlate with economic incentives, as higher attainment links to median earnings exceeding $80,000 annually for bachelor's holders versus $40,000 for high school graduates.[137] Disparities persist across demographics, with Asian Americans achieving the highest rates: 66.5% postsecondary degree attainment for adults, compared to 52.9% for Whites, 32.3% for Blacks, and 22.1% for Hispanics in recent data.[138] For young adults aged 25–29 in 2022, 31% of Asians held a master's or higher, versus 12% of Whites, 8% of Hispanics, and 7% of Blacks, patterns attributable to factors including family emphasis on academics, immigration selectivity, and socioeconomic starting points rather than systemic barriers alone.[139] Women outpace men overall, with 39.7% of women aged 25+ holding bachelor's degrees versus 36.2% of men, a reversal from mid-20th-century norms driven by enrollment surges in humanities and service fields.[140] Regional variations show higher attainment in Northeast states (e.g., Massachusetts at over 45% bachelor's) versus South (around 30%), tied to industrial legacies and public investment.[141]| Demographic Group (Ages 25+) | High School or Higher (%) | Bachelor's or Higher (%) |
|---|---|---|
| Overall | 93.3 | 37.7 |
| Asian | 95.0+ | 60.0+ |
| White (non-Hispanic) | 94.5 | 41.8 |
| Black | 89.0 | 26.0 |
| Hispanic | 75.0 | 20.0 |
| Women | 93.8 | 39.7 |
| Men | 92.8 | 36.2 |
Economic Mobility and Class Dynamics
Economic mobility in the United States refers to the ability of individuals to improve their economic status relative to their parents (intergenerational) or over their own lifetime (intragenerational), often measured through absolute mobility—where children exceed parental income—and relative mobility—preserving or changing income rank within the distribution. Absolute mobility has historically been high, with about 90% of children born in 1940 out-earning their parents in adulthood, but it declined to roughly 50% for those born in 1980, reflecting slower overall income growth at the bottom and middle of the distribution.[143] Relative mobility, by contrast, remains low internationally; only 8% of Americans born into the bottom income quintile reach the top quintile as adults, compared to higher rates in countries like Denmark or Canada, with U.S. parent-child income rank correlation at around 0.4.[144] These patterns hold across administrative tax data covering millions of families, underscoring causal factors like geographic variation—mobility is higher in the Mountain West and lower in the Southeast—beyond aggregate economic growth.[145] Class dynamics exhibit a bimodal distribution, with the middle class shrinking from 61% of adults in 1971 to 50% in 2021, as defined by Pew Research using two-thirds to double the median household income adjusted for household size.[146] This contraction stems partly from upward movement, with upper-income households rising from 29% to 34% over the same period, while lower-income shares held steady at 16%, though real middle-class incomes grew modestly for dual-earner households since 1980.[147] Income inequality, proxied by the Gini coefficient, edged up from 0.394 in 1967 to 0.410 in 2023 per Census and World Bank data, driven by top-end gains in capital income and executive compensation rather than uniform polarization.[148] [149] Empirical evidence identifies family structure, neighborhood quality, and education as key drivers of mobility variance. Children from stable two-parent households experience 30-50% higher upward mobility rates than those from single-parent homes, independent of income controls, due to causal links via resource investment and behavioral modeling.[150] Residential segregation correlates negatively with mobility, as low-opportunity areas—often urban with high poverty density—trap generations via peer effects and limited social capital, though moving to higher-mobility counties before age 13 boosts outcomes by 30%.[151] [145] Cultural individualism, measured by linguistic analysis of texts, predicts higher mobility in regions emphasizing self-reliance over collectivism, explaining up to 15% of geographic differences.[152] Racial gaps persist, with Black children facing half the upward mobility of whites from similar starting points, attributable to both discrimination and community factors like incarceration rates, though class-of-origin explains more variance than race alone in recent cohorts.[153] [154]| Income Quintile Transition (Children Born 1980-1990) | Bottom to Top Quintile (%) | Mean Adult Income Rank Correlation |
|---|---|---|
| Overall U.S. | 7.5 | 0.40 |
| Two-Parent Family | 10.2 | 0.35 |
| Single-Parent Family | 5.8 | 0.45 |
| High-Mobility Commute Zone | 12.0 | 0.30 |
Family Formation and Social Norms
Marriage rates in the United States have remained low in recent years, with 6.1 marriages per 1,000 population recorded in the latest available data covering 45 states and the District of Columbia.[156] The number of marriages reached 2,065,905 in 2022, returning to pre-pandemic levels after a dip to 5.1 per 1,000 in 2020.[157] The median age at first marriage has risen steadily, reaching 30.2 years for men and 28.4 years for women in 2023, up from 26.1 and 22.0 in 1890.[158] This delay contributes to a declining share of married adults, dropping from 55.9% in 1996 to 46.4% in 2023.[159] Additionally, 25% of 40-year-olds had never married as of 2021, a record high compared to 20% in 2010.[160] Cohabitation has become prevalent, with 80% of marriages formed between 2020 and 2022 preceded by cohabitation, continuing an upward trend from 41% in 1980-1984.[161] The fertility rate has fallen to a record low of 1.6 births per woman in 2024, down from 1.62 in 2023 and below the replacement level of 2.1.[69] This decline reflects broader patterns, with nearly half of births in 2019 occurring outside marriage, up from 5% in 1960.[162] Single-mother households numbered 7.3 million in 2023, heading 25% of households with children under 18, a near tripling from 9% in 1960.[163][164] Divorce rates have declined since the 1980s, reaching 2.4 per 1,000 population in recent data from 45 states and the District of Columbia.[156] From 2012 to 2022, the divorce rate for women aged 15 and older fell, while marriage rates stagnated.[165] However, "gray divorce" among those over 50 has increased threefold since the 1990s, reaching 15% in 2022.[166] Social norms around family formation have shifted toward acceptance of cohabitation and non-marital childbearing, with 69% of Americans viewing cohabitation as acceptable even without marriage plans.[167] Public views on the modern family are mixed, with concerns over declining marriage and fertility rates alongside greater tolerance for diverse structures.[168] Despite these changes, intact two-parent families remain associated with improved child outcomes in areas like education and economic stability, though causal factors including selection effects and policy influences complicate attributions.[162]Cultural Characteristics
Core Values and Individualism
American culture emphasizes individualism, characterized by a preference for personal autonomy, self-reliance, and loose social bonds over collective obligations. In Geert Hofstede's cultural dimensions framework, the United States scores 91 out of 100 on individualism, the highest among surveyed nations, indicating societal expectations for individuals to prioritize personal goals and decisions rather than group conformity.[169] [170] This orientation fosters innovation and entrepreneurship but can contribute to lower social cohesion compared to collectivist societies.[171] Surveys consistently identify freedom and self-reliance as central to American values. A 2025 Gallup-Aspen Institute poll found that 30% of Americans rank freedom as their top personal value, following family at 49%, with over 80% deeming freedom, respect, and trustworthiness essential.[172] [173] Similarly, empirical analyses link self-reliance to perceptions of individual freedom, with 59% of Americans reporting high levels of personal freedom in a 2022 study, rooted in beliefs of equal opportunity through effort.[174] These values underpin the "American Dream," where success is attributed to personal initiative rather than systemic support.[175] Historically, American individualism traces to Enlightenment influences and the founding principles articulated in the Declaration of Independence (1776), which asserts inalienable rights to "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness" for individuals, not collectives.[176] This framework, combined with frontier experiences and Protestant work ethic emphasizing personal moral responsibility, shaped a national ethos of rugged individualism, as articulated by Herbert Hoover in 1922 and echoed in 19th-century transcendentalist writings of Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau.[177] [175] In practice, individualism manifests in economic mobility pursuits, with policies historically favoring limited government intervention to preserve personal agency, though tensions arise with modern welfare expansions that some view as eroding self-reliance.[178] Cultural icons like the self-made entrepreneur reinforce this, supported by data showing Americans' preference for merit-based achievement over inherited status.[179] Despite critiques from collectivist perspectives, empirical outcomes include high rates of patent filings and startup creation, correlating with individualistic traits.[170]Arts, Entertainment, and Media Influence
American contributions to global arts, entertainment, and media have profoundly shaped cultural consumption worldwide, with U.S.-produced content dominating markets through innovation, scale, and export. Hollywood films accounted for approximately 55% of the global box office in 2023, contributing to a total worldwide gross of $33.9 billion, driven by blockbusters like Barbie and Oppenheimer that achieved massive international earnings.[180][181] U.S. music, originating genres such as jazz in the early 20th century, rock 'n' roll in the 1950s, and hip-hop in the 1970s Bronx, generates substantial revenue and influences global charts; the U.S. recorded music industry reached $17.7 billion in 2024, with streaming comprising the majority and fueling international adoption via platforms like Spotify. Surveys indicate 61-85% of respondents in various countries perceive moderate to large U.S. influence in entertainment, reflecting the export of American narratives emphasizing individualism and aspiration.[182][183] In television and streaming, American platforms like Netflix and Disney+ have revolutionized global viewing habits, with U.S. original content exported to over 190 countries and accounting for a significant share of international subscriptions. By May 2025, streaming captured 44.8% of total U.S. TV usage, surpassing traditional broadcast and cable, while U.S.-based services generated $61.9 billion in transactional and subscription video revenue, exerting "soft power" through serialized storytelling that often embeds American values like meritocracy and personal liberty.[184][185] This dominance, however, coexists with rising foreign content consumption in the U.S., signaling bidirectional flows amid globalization.[186] American literature, from Mark Twain's 19th-century realism to 20th-century works by authors like Ernest Hemingway and Toni Morrison, has influenced global perceptions of democracy, individualism, and social critique, with adaptations into films and media amplifying reach; for instance, Twain's Adventures of Huckleberry Finn (1884) remains a cornerstone for examining racial and moral themes internationally. Visual arts and performing arts sectors grew at twice the U.S. economy's rate from 2022 to 2023, adding over $1.2 trillion in value and exporting styles like abstract expressionism pioneered by Jackson Pollock in the 1940s. Mainstream U.S. media outlets, such as CNN launched in 1980, provide 24-hour global news cycles, though critiques highlight systemic left-leaning biases in coverage that skew portrayals of events like elections or foreign policy, as evidenced by studies on editorial slant in outlets like The New York Times.[187][188][189]Sports, Leisure, and Daily Life
Americans engage extensively in sports, with 247.1 million individuals participating in sports and fitness activities in 2024, representing an 80% participation rate among the population aged six and older.[190] This marked the highest level of activity recorded, up 12.1% from 215.8 million in 2019, driven by increases in individual pursuits like running and group fitness alongside team sports such as basketball and soccer.[191] Youth participation has also risen, with high school sports reaching a record 7.8 million participants in the 2024-25 school year, led by track and field (513,808 athletes), volleyball (492,799), and soccer (393,048).[192] Professional leagues draw massive audiences, exemplified by Major League Baseball's total attendance exceeding 70 million in 2024 and the NFL's consistent sellouts, reflecting sports' cultural centrality despite regional variations in popularity.[193][194] Leisure time centers on passive media consumption, with the average American spending 2.6 hours per day watching television in 2023, accounting for over half of total leisure hours.[195] Broader surveys identify watching movies or TV shows as the top hobby (45% participation), followed by reading (37%), spending time with pets (35%), and cooking or baking (41%).[196] Outdoor activities like grilling, swimming, and hiking appeal to 30% of respondents, while shopping ranks similarly for retail-oriented leisure.[197] Emerging trends include pickleball, with 13.6 million participants nearing outdoor soccer's 14.1 million, signaling growth in accessible, social fitness options. Daily life patterns, per the 2023 American Time Use Survey, allocate about five hours to leisure and sports activities on average, with adults over 75 dedicating 7.6 hours— the highest among age groups.[198] Household activities consume around 80% of adults' time on an average day, including cooking, cleaning, and lawn care, while paid work averages 3.5 hours for full-time employed individuals.[199] Gender differences persist: men average more time in sports (0.5 hours daily) and women in household chores (2.6 vs. 2.0 hours), though overall leisure engagement nears 95% for men and 93% for women.[200] Commuting and eating/drinking fill additional slots, underscoring a structure balancing productivity with recreation amid long work hours for many.[201]Political Orientation
Civic Participation and Institutions
Americans demonstrate moderate electoral participation, with voter turnout in presidential elections reaching 66.6% of the voting-eligible population in 2020 and approximately 65% in 2024, though this remains below levels in many peer democracies and historical U.S. peaks exceeding 80% in the late 19th century.[202] [203] Turnout varies by demographics, with higher rates among older voters and college graduates, and recent elections showing increased mobilization through mail-in and early voting options amid partisan competition.[204] Confidence in public institutions has eroded significantly, with Gallup surveys in 2025 recording the lowest aggregate trust levels since tracking began, averaging below 30% across entities like Congress (8%), the Supreme Court (under 40%), and the presidency (around 25%). [205] The federal government ranks among the least trusted, with only 31% of adults expressing some trust in its actions for societal benefit, contrasted by higher confidence in small businesses (62%) and military (60%), reflecting skepticism toward centralized authority potentially rooted in perceived inefficiencies and scandals.[206] This distrust spans parties but has intensified among Republicans post-2020, while Democrats' institutional faith also hit lows by mid-2025.[207] Civic engagement beyond voting shows mixed trends, with formal volunteering rebounding to 28.3% of adults (75.7 million people) in 2023 after dipping to 23% during the COVID-19 pandemic, though still below the pre-2019 rate of 30%.[208] [209] Union membership persists at 9.9% of the workforce in 2024 (14.3 million members), concentrated in public sectors like local government (38.2%) but declining in private industry to 5.9%, signaling reduced labor associational activity.[210] Participation in traditional civic groups, such as PTAs and fraternal organizations, has fallen sharply since the 1960s, as documented in Robert Putnam's analysis of nearly 500,000 interviews showing halved membership rates and fewer petitions signed, attributed to generational shifts, suburbanization, and electronic entertainment displacing face-to-face bonds.[211] [212] Federalism fosters localized involvement, with Americans more engaged in community-level decisions through town halls, school boards, and volunteer fire departments, where turnout for local elections often exceeds national averages despite lower visibility.[213] This structure encourages direct accountability but coexists with broader disengagement, as evidenced by stagnant or declining rates in non-electoral activities like attending public meetings, potentially exacerbating polarization by channeling participation into echo-chamber-like groups rather than bridging institutions.[214]Ideological Spectrum and Polarization
The ideological spectrum among Americans features a distribution where, as of 2024, 37% self-identify as conservative, 25% as liberal, and 34% as moderate, reflecting a slight conservative tilt overall but with moderates comprising a shrinking center.[215] This breakdown has remained relatively stable year-over-year, yet within political parties, ideological purity has intensified: 77% of Republicans identify as conservative—a record high—while 54% of Democrats identify as liberal, also at a peak, indicating greater sorting of voters into ideologically homogeneous parties.[215] Party affiliation itself shows near parity, with 48% of registered voters leaning Republican and 49% leaning Democratic as of early 2024.[216] Polarization has accelerated since the 1990s, marked by a decline in self-identified moderates from 43% in 1992 to 34% in 2024, alongside rising extremes that correlate with diminished cross-party compromise in Congress and heightened partisan animosity.[215] Affective polarization—characterized by emotional hostility toward the opposing party—has surged, with data from the American National Election Studies showing Democrats' thermometer ratings of Republicans dropping to 27/100 and Republicans' of Democrats to 25/100 by the 2020s, far below mid-20th-century levels and indicative of tribal-like distrust rather than mere policy disagreement.[217] Surveys reveal broad agreement on the depth of division, with 80% of Americans in 2024 viewing the nation as greatly divided on core values, though perceptions of extremism differ: 53% cite left-wing views as a major problem and 52% right-wing views, suggesting symmetric concern despite asymmetric media amplification often favoring progressive narratives.[218][219] This polarization manifests in geographic and social sorting, with urban areas trending liberal (e.g., 60%+ Democratic lean in major cities) and rural/exurban regions conservative (70%+ Republican), exacerbating echo chambers via selective media consumption and social networks.[216] Empirical measures, such as the Pew typology, classify Americans into nine groups—from progressive "Outsider Left" (12% of public) to staunch conservative "Faith and Flag Conservatives" (11%)—highlighting not a unidimensional left-right axis but multidimensional divides on economics, social issues, and government role, with libertarian-leaning independents (about 10-15%) bridging gaps but often alienated from both major parties. Despite these trends, outright support for political violence remains low (under 4% per Polarization Research Lab data), underscoring that while rhetoric escalates, most division stems from irreconcilable visions of governance—e.g., limited vs. expansive federal authority—rather than existential threats.Views on Patriotism and Exceptionalism
A majority of Americans express pride in their national identity, though recent surveys indicate declining levels of intense patriotism. In a June 2025 Gallup poll, 58% of U.S. adults reported being extremely or very proud to be American, marking the lowest figure in the poll's 25-year history, down from 70% in 2013. This includes 41% extremely proud and 17% very proud, with the decline accelerating since 2001 when 70% expressed extreme pride.[220] Partisan and generational divides sharply influence these sentiments. Republicans maintain higher pride levels, with approximately 80% expressing extreme or very pride in recent years, while only 36% of Democrats reported such feelings in the 2025 Gallup survey, contributing to the overall drop. Younger Americans, particularly Generation Z, drive much of the decline, with polls showing them less likely to view the U.S. favorably compared to older cohorts; for instance, Northeastern University analysis of Gallup data highlighted Gen Z's role in pushing national pride to record lows.[220][221] Belief in American exceptionalism, the notion that the U.S. holds a unique and superior status due to its founding principles, democratic institutions, and global influence, has also waned, particularly among younger and liberal demographics. A 2021 Pew Research Center survey found 42% of adults aged 18-29 agreeing that other countries are better than the U.S., the highest across age groups, contrasting with older Americans' stronger endorsement of exceptionalism. Earlier Pew data from 2014 showed 58% viewing the U.S. as one of the greatest countries alongside others, while only 28% saw it as standing above all, reflecting a tempered rather than absolute exceptionalism.[222][223] These views correlate with broader attitudes toward U.S. history and achievements, such as military service, economic innovation, and constitutional freedoms, which bolster patriotism among adherents. However, critiques from academia and media, often emphasizing historical flaws like slavery or imperialism, have influenced younger generations, as evidenced by declining exceptionalism in surveys tracking post-2008 recession and cultural shifts. Gallup trends link sustained pride to perceptions of national strength, with drops tied to economic downturns and political polarization rather than objective metrics of U.S. performance in areas like GDP growth or technological leadership.[224][220]Global Impact and Diaspora
Expatriate Communities
 and the United Kingdom (170,000 to 243,000).[225] [226] These figures derive from census data, embassy registrations, and surveys, though actual numbers likely exceed official counts as many expatriates avoid formal ties to evade U.S. tax obligations.[227]| Country | Estimated U.S. Expats |
|---|---|
| Mexico | 823,502 |
| Canada | 273,000+ |
| United Kingdom | 243,570 |
| Germany | 152,501 |
| Australia | 114,202 |
| France | 117,462 |
| Spain | 108,684 |
| Japan | 111,021 |