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Brokered programming

Brokered programming, also known as time-buy or blocktime, is a form of broadcast content in which a third-party producer or broker purchases discrete blocks of airtime from a radio or television station and supplies the programming to fill that period, typically funding it through direct payment or by selling embedded advertising rather than receiving compensation from the station.^[1] This arrangement contrasts with traditional syndication models, where stations often acquire rights via cash payments or barter for ad spots, enabling stations—particularly independents or affiliates outside prime network hours—to monetize off-peak slots like weekends, late nights, or daytime without internal production costs.^[2] Prevalent in both radio and television, it supports niche formats such as religious broadcasts, ethnic-language shows, political commentary, and infomercials, which may not align with network priorities but cater to specific audiences willing to sponsor content.^[3] In the United States, brokered programming emerged alongside commercial broadcasting in the 1920s, initially allowing early radio stations to lease time to preachers, foreign-language groups, and advertisers amid limited in-house resources, though it faced scrutiny for potential undue influence on licensees.^[2] By the mid-20th century, it expanded in television, filling gaps for independent stations post-network affiliation shifts, and gained traction in the 1980s deregulation era when the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) eased restrictions on editorializing and time sales to foster market-driven diversity.^[2] Notable examples include daytime court shows and tabloid talk programs like those resembling Jerry Springer-style formats, where producers buy slots on local stations to air sensationalist content subsidized by ads, often dominating non-prime time on major-market independents.^[4] The practice has sparked regulatory evolution, with the FCC imposing attribution rules requiring on-air disclosure of brokers as sponsors to maintain transparency and prevent hidden control, especially amid concerns over foreign governmental influence via leased time.^[5] Time brokerage agreements are also factored into ownership limits under 47 CFR § 73.3555, treating extensive brokering—such as exceeding 15% of another station's airtime—as equivalent to ownership to curb media concentration.^[6] Controversies have centered on quality and accountability, with critics arguing it enables low-effort infomercials or polarizing ethnic/political blocks that evade network standards, yet proponents highlight its role in amplifying underrepresented voices through direct market access rather than centralized gatekeeping.^[3] As of 2024, FCC rules continue to mandate local retention of brokerage contracts for public inspection while prohibiting undisclosed foreign-sponsored programming, balancing commercial flexibility with public interest obligations.^[3]

Definition and Fundamentals

Core Definition and Characteristics

Brokered programming refers to a broadcasting practice in which a licensee sells discrete blocks of airtime to third-party brokers or producers, who then supply, schedule, and control the content aired during those periods while selling advertising spots within the block to generate revenue. The station receives a fixed payment upfront for the time, rather than sharing in ad sales or producing the content itself, thereby transferring the financial risk of low ratings or production costs to the broker. This model, also termed time brokerage or block-time programming, is defined in federal regulations as involving the sale of such blocks where the broker programs the time and handles advertising.^[6]^[3] Key characteristics include the station's relinquishment of editorial control over the brokered segments, enabling diverse niche content such as ethnic-language broadcasts, religious services, or public affairs shows targeted at specific communities. It is most prevalent in radio, particularly AM stations, where brokers often serve immigrant groups; for instance, ethnic brokered programs have historically aired in 43 languages across multiple states, providing entrepreneurial opportunities for minority producers who invest personal resources—or "sweat equity"—in content creation. In television, it appears as extended paid blocks, like foreign-language programming on independent UHF stations, but regulatory scrutiny limits its scale compared to radio due to ownership rules attributing brokered control toward ownership caps.^[2] The arrangement offers stations low-risk revenue generation, as brokers bear programming expenses and audience development, often filling otherwise unprofitable off-peak slots at minimal cost to the licensee. However, licensees retain ultimate legal responsibility for all aired content, including compliance with indecency prohibitions and sponsorship identification rules, requiring oversight to mitigate liability for broker violations. This contrasts with direct sponsorship, where advertisers fund specific spots within station-curated shows, and underscores brokered programming's role in enhancing format flexibility without eroding the licensee's core public interest obligations.^[2]^[7]

Distinctions from Syndication and Direct Sponsorship

Brokered programming, also known as time brokerage, involves a broadcast licensee selling discrete blocks of airtime to a third-party broker, who then assumes responsibility for formatting the content, selling advertising within that block, and programming the time, while the station receives a fixed remuneration regardless of the broker's ad revenue success.^[8] This arrangement cedes operational control of the brokered segments to the broker, allowing stations to monetize underutilized time slots—often for infomercials, ethnic, or religious content—without managing production or sales.^[9] In contrast, direct sponsorship typically entails advertisers purchasing specific advertising slots or underwriting segments directly from the station within its own programmed content, where the station retains full editorial and scheduling control over the surrounding material and integrates sponsor messages without relinquishing block-level autonomy.^[10] A fundamental economic distinction from syndication lies in the revenue flow and content integration: syndication requires stations to license pre-produced programs from distributors, paying fees or engaging in barter arrangements for air rights, after which the station schedules the content into its lineup and sells surrounding or embedded advertising to generate revenue.^[11] Brokered programming reverses this dynamic, with the broker paying the station upfront for time rather than the station compensating for content, enabling brokers to target niche audiences and retain all ad proceeds minus the station's fee, though this can limit the station's influence over programming quality or compliance.^[3] Syndicated content, by design, is distributed broadly to integrate seamlessly into diverse station schedules, often with network-like production values, whereas brokered blocks prioritize broker-specific formats that may not align with the station's overall branding.^[12] Regulatory implications further differentiate these models under Federal Communications Commission oversight; time brokerage agreements are attributable for ownership limits if they exceed 15% of brokered station time, treating the broker as a de facto owner to prevent circumvention of market concentration rules, a scrutiny not directly applied to syndication licensing or direct ad sales. Direct sponsorship, rooted in early broadcast eras where single advertisers funded entire shows, has evolved into spot-based transactions without the block-sale structure, avoiding brokerage attribution but requiring stations to ensure sponsorship identification for transparency.^[4] These distinctions incentivize stations to use brokering for low-risk revenue during off-peak hours, while syndication fills prime inventory with proven, scalable content.^[13]

Economic Incentives for Stations and Brokers

Radio stations engage in brokered programming primarily to secure low-cost content and predictable revenue streams, selling blocks of airtime at fixed rates that often fall below potential direct advertising yields but eliminate the risks and expenses associated with program production, sales efforts, and unsold inventory.^[2] This approach is especially advantageous for monetizing off-peak hours or niche slots where broad-appeal syndication or local sales prove inefficient, allowing stations to maximize spectrum utilization with minimal operational involvement.^[2] Time brokers, conversely, acquire these blocks to supply targeted programming—frequently ethnic, religious, or specialized formats—and offset costs by vending commercial announcements or securing sponsorships tailored to narrow demographics that yield higher per-spot value than general-market rates.^[2] While margins can be slim, with brokers sometimes subsidizing content via "sweat equity" or accepting below-market compensation to establish viable shows, the model lowers entry barriers compared to full station ownership, enabling revenue from underserved audiences through barter, contributions, or ad sales that stations might forgo due to limited sales infrastructure.^[2] In cases where stations claim a share of broker-generated ad proceeds, alignments emerge, though brokers retain primary control over programming decisions to cultivate loyal listenership.^[2]

Historical Development

Early Origins in Radio (1920s-1960s)

Brokered programming emerged in the 1920s as commercial radio stations, facing uncertain revenues in the nascent broadcasting industry, began selling fixed blocks of airtime to independent producers who paid upfront fees rather than sharing advertising income. This model allowed stations to fill schedules with minimal production costs while guaranteeing income, particularly during off-peak hours. Early adopters included religious preachers and representatives of immigrant communities seeking to reach niche audiences excluded from network-dominated schedules. By the late 1920s, as radio ownership grew from fewer than 100 stations in 1922 to over 600 by 1928, such arrangements became a practical solution for monetizing underutilized spectrum, predating formalized network sponsorships.^[14] Religious broadcasters pioneered paid time purchases, with CBS permitting such programming from its 1927 inception, enabling figures like Presbyterian minister Donald Grey Barnhouse to buy slots on WIP in Philadelphia starting that year for sermons targeting urban listeners. In contrast, NBC initially restricted religious access to donated "sustained time" slots allocated to denominations until policy shifts in the 1930s allowed limited paid access amid debates over commercialization. By the 1930s, paid religious shows proliferated, exemplified by evangelists like Walter Maier on "The Lutheran Hour," which debuted in 1930 and reached millions weekly through purchased syndication blocks, often funded by listener donations. These programs thrived on AM radio's reach, with stations benefiting from steady payments as preachers handled content creation and solicitation of offerings on-air.^[15] Ethnic programming followed a similar trajectory, with stations in urban centers like New York and Chicago selling blocks to immigrant groups for language-specific content as early as the mid-1920s. For instance, Yiddish-language shows on stations such as WEVD (founded 1927 by the Socialist Party but featuring brokered ethnic slots) allowed hosts to air music, news, and discussions tailored to Jewish audiences, funded by ads from ethnic merchants. African American programmers also secured short time blocks on white-owned stations starting in the late 1920s, such as WSBC Chicago's 1929 variety program, marking an entry point before dedicated Black-owned outlets emerged. This practice expanded through the 1940s, with Polish, Italian, and Hispanic blocks common in industrial cities, enabling communities to maintain cultural ties amid assimilation pressures; stations reported filling 10-20% of weekly hours this way by the 1950s, as ethnic brokers sold sponsorships within their slots.^[16]^[17] Into the 1950s and early 1960s, brokered formats persisted amid television's rise, which shifted radio toward music but left room for talk-oriented blocks. Urban AM outlets increasingly relied on these low-overhead arrangements, with religious and ethnic producers adapting to postwar demographics; for example, Spanish-language programming grew in Southwestern markets via time sales. Federal regulations, including the FCC's 1941 Chain Broadcasting Rules limiting network control, indirectly bolstered independent brokerage by encouraging local time sales, though no comprehensive pre-1970 data quantified prevalence. This era solidified brokered programming as a staple for stations prioritizing revenue stability over curated content.^[14]

Expansion and Deregulation Era (1970s-1990s)

During the 1970s, brokered programming expanded notably in radio broadcasting, driven by demographic changes and rising demand for ethnic-specific content amid increasing immigration and cultural retention needs. Spanish-language radio, in particular, experienced growth through brokered blocks, with corporate entities like Caballero Spanish Media and Katz Hispanic Radio replacing localized brokers and forming networks such as the National Spanish Language Network spanning 26 stations. A 1972 study indicated that 75% of Latinos in Los Angeles used Spanish as their primary language, while a 1979 Gallup poll found 58% of Hispanics aged 18-34 listening to Spanish radio daily, underscoring the appeal of brokered ethnic programming for concentrated audiences.^[18] This model enabled stations to monetize off-peak or underutilized airtime by selling blocks to brokers who supplied culturally relevant music, news, and talk, often at lower costs than in-house production.^[2] The Federal Communications Commission's (FCC) deregulatory actions in the early 1980s accelerated this trend by granting stations greater flexibility in programming and commercialization. In its 1980 Part-Time Programming report, the FCC endorsed time brokerage as a means to promote diversity and program alternatives, noting its role in providing low-cost access to niche content while cautioning against excessive delegation of licensee control.^[2] The pivotal 1981 Deregulation of Radio order (84 F.C.C.2d 968) eliminated formal guidelines on minimum programming categories, maximum commercial time, and community ascertainment, shifting emphasis to market competition over regulatory mandates.^[19] This freed approximately 8,900 radio stations from prescriptive rules, encouraging reliance on brokered arrangements to fill schedules efficiently and boost revenues, as stations could prioritize time sales over content creation.^[19] By the late 1980s and into the 1990s, time brokerage agreements—often termed local marketing agreements (LMAs)—proliferated as a workaround to FCC ownership caps, allowing one entity to program and sell ads for another's airtime without formal transfer of control. Usage grew amid economic pressures and the pursuit of operational synergies, with a 1992 survey revealing that 6% of 284 radio stations (17 stations) employed brokerage.^[20] Permissive FCC rulings, such as the 1990 Spanish Radio Music & Programming decision (5 FCC Rcd. 7586), approved near-total brokerage of stations, leading to a surge in filings: 398 contracts by July 1994.^[20] While this enhanced ethnic and specialized programming access, it intensified scrutiny over de facto ownership under section 310(d) of the Communications Act, as extensive brokering risked undermining the licensee's responsibility for operations and compliance.^[20] In television, brokered models remained more limited, often confined to independent stations' infomercials or religious blocks, but radio's deregulation-driven expansion dominated the era's developments.^[2]

Post-2000 Adaptations and Digital Shifts

In the early 2000s, the Federal Communications Commission refined its attribution rules for time brokerage agreements to address concerns over de facto control of stations, stipulating that brokering more than 15% of another television station's programming in the same market would count toward ownership limits under the local television ownership rule.^[21] This adjustment aimed to curb circumvention of consolidation caps established in prior decades, though radio brokerage faced fewer such restrictions, allowing continued prevalence in niche markets.^[3] By 2004, ethnic brokered programming remained a staple in urban radio, particularly for Spanish-language content, where brokers filled airtime with targeted shows to serve growing immigrant audiences at lower costs than full syndication.^[18] The 2009 transition to full-power digital television broadcasting enabled stations to multicast multiple subchannels from a single frequency, theoretically expanding slots for brokered blocks such as infomercials or ethnic programming on secondary streams.^[22] However, adoption varied, with many independent and low-power stations leveraging digital capacity for paid content to offset declining ad revenues amid cable and satellite fragmentation, though empirical data shows limited proliferation beyond existing paid-programming models.^[4] In radio, ethnic brokerage persisted through the 2010s, including leases to foreign entities like China Radio International for daily blocks, reflecting economic incentives for stations to monetize off-peak hours without producing content.^[23] Digital shifts introduced hybrid models, as broadcast stations began streaming their linear feeds online, inadvertently extending brokered programs' reach via apps and websites without altering core brokerage mechanics.^[4] The FCC's 2019 authorization of all-digital AM broadcasting improved audio quality and interference resistance, potentially sustaining brokerage viability in underserved markets, though it did not directly spur new agreements.^[24] By the 2020s, competition from unregulated streaming platforms eroded broadcast audience shares, prompting some stations to integrate brokered content into digital audio streams, as seen in major groups like iHeartMedia offering brokerage alongside on-demand and streaming services.^[25] Recent rules, such as the 2024 reinstatement of FM programming nonduplication protections, continue to apply to brokered stations, limiting content overlap with commonly controlled outlets and preserving format diversity incentives.^[26] Overall, while digital fragmentation challenged brokerage's scale, its low-overhead structure adapted through multicast and streaming extensions rather than wholesale reinvention.

Operational Mechanisms

Time Brokerage Agreements

A time brokerage agreement (TBA), often interchangeably referred to as a local marketing agreement (LMA), is a contractual arrangement whereby a broadcaster (the broker) leases discrete blocks of airtime from a radio or television station owned by a separate licensee, enabling the broker to supply programming, sell advertising inventory within those blocks, and retain associated revenues after paying a fixed fee to the station owner.^[27]^[28] The station licensee maintains formal responsibility for the facility's operations, including FCC license compliance, transmitter maintenance, and ultimate content liability, while the broker exercises day-to-day control over the brokered programming.^[29] These agreements typically specify programming formats, broadcast hours (potentially up to 24 hours per day, seven days per week), and FCC-conforming content standards, with the broker bearing costs for production and promotion.^[30] Operationally, TBAs facilitate revenue optimization for underutilized stations by outsourcing content and sales functions to specialized brokers, often larger media groups seeking market expansion without direct acquisition.^[20] The broker assumes risks and rewards of audience ratings and ad rates, negotiating fixed or variable payments to the licensee based on time blocks sold, while prohibiting the station from independently programming or selling ads in those slots to avoid conflicts.^[31] Amendments or extensions to TBAs must align with evolving FCC policies, and parties often include clauses for FCC approval of transfers or terminations.^[32] In practice, brokers may integrate the station into networked operations, sharing non-brokered content like news inserts, but must delineate responsibilities to preserve the licensee's ostensible independence.^[33] Under FCC rules codified in 47 CFR § 73.3526(e)(14), commercial radio and television stations must retain copies of all TBAs, including amendments, in their local public inspection files for the agreement's duration plus one year post-termination, enabling Commission audits for compliance and public access.^[7] Attribution rules in 47 CFR § 73.3555 treat TBAs as cognizable ownership interests if the broker controls more than 15% of the station's weekly prime-time or total broadcast hours in the top 50 markets (or 5% in smaller markets for radio), or if combined with other interests exceeding de minimis thresholds, thereby counting toward multiple ownership limits to curb excessive concentration.^[34]^[35] Non-attributable TBAs below these levels—such as short-form brokered infomercials—allow flexibility without triggering review, but any conferring de facto control prompts FCC scrutiny for localism and diversity impacts.^[36] Violations, including undisclosed control, have led to fines or license challenges, as in historical cases of unauthorized multi-station brokering.^[20]

Local Marketing Agreements and Joint Sales

Local Marketing Agreements (LMAs), also known as time brokerage agreements, enable one licensee—referred to as the broker—to assume operational control over another licensee's broadcast station, including programming decisions, advertising sales, and general management, while the nominal owner retains the FCC license.^[37] Under an LMA, the broker typically pays the station owner a fixed fee or a percentage of revenues in exchange for the right to program up to the maximum allowable airtime, often 100% minus a minimal amount retained by the owner for FCC compliance purposes such as station identification.^[30] This arrangement facilitates brokered programming by allowing the broker to fill the schedule with third-party content, such as ethnic or niche formats, and monetize it through targeted ad sales, without transferring ownership.^[38] In practice, LMAs are executed via written contracts specifying the broker's responsibilities for content origination, technical operations, and compliance with broadcast standards, while the owner remains liable for the license.^[39] For radio stations, brokers often use LMAs to consolidate operations across multiple outlets in a market, programming syndicated or brokered shows during non-peak hours to optimize revenue from underserved audiences.^[40] In television, LMAs have historically supported transitional operations during mergers, where the acquiring entity manages the target station's programming and sales pending regulatory approval, as seen in deals structured to navigate ownership limits prior to stricter attribution rules.^[41] Joint Sales Agreements (JSAs) differ from LMAs by focusing exclusively on advertising sales, authorizing one station (the brokering station) to sell some or all of another station's commercial time, while leaving programming control with the brokered station's licensee.^[42] Defined under FCC rules as an arrangement where the broker handles ad inventory for the brokered station, JSAs typically involve shared sales staff or commissions, with the broker retaining a portion of proceeds after reimbursing the owner.^[6] This mechanism supports brokered programming indirectly by enabling efficient ad monetization for stations running broker-supplied content, particularly in radio markets where JSAs exceeding 15% of weekly advertising time trigger attribution toward ownership caps.^[43] JSAs often complement LMAs or Shared Services Agreements (SSAs), forming hybrid models where sales consolidation pairs with partial programming input, allowing smaller stations to leverage economies of scale without full operational handover.^[41] In radio, JSAs have been prevalent for ethnic brokering, where a broker sells ad slots around imported programming to culturally specific advertisers, generating revenues that exceed what the owner could achieve independently.^[44] For television, post-2004 FCC policies attributed JSAs involving more than 15% of ad time as cognizable interests, limiting their use to avoid exceeding duopoly thresholds, though radio JSAs retained similar thresholds without programming control implications.^[45] Operationally, both LMAs and JSAs require FCC filings for disclosure, with brokers assuming EEO compliance and content standards to mitigate de facto control risks.^[46]

Role of Intermediaries like Agencies and Record Labels

In time brokerage agreements, the broker functions as the primary intermediary, purchasing discrete blocks of airtime from the station licensee and taking operational control over programming selection, production, and advertising inventory sales within those periods. This arrangement shifts financial risk from the station to the broker, who must generate sufficient ad revenue to cover the lease cost and profit. Brokers often include independent producers, ethnic community organizations, or specialized content firms, particularly in niche markets like foreign-language broadcasting, where they supply 24-hour programming while the licensee retains veto rights over content and ultimate legal responsibility for compliance.^[47]^[20] Advertising and media buying agencies serve as additional intermediaries by representing potential brokers or clients in negotiations, identifying available station inventory, and structuring deals to align with market rates and regulatory limits. For instance, these agencies facilitate connections in competitive markets, often handling contract filings required by the FCC under 47 C.F.R. § 73.3613, where agreements exceeding 15% of a station's airtime in overlapping markets trigger ownership attribution rules. In the Spanish-language radio sector, agencies have enabled extensive brokering—up to nearly the full broadcast week—since the FCC's 1990 policy shift, with contracts typically spanning 1-8 years and involving fixed monthly fees.^[20]^[47] Record labels participate less directly in brokered programming, primarily as funders or sponsors of music-oriented blocks through affiliated promoters rather than as primary brokers. Historically, labels have purchased airtime for promotional segments like artist interviews or themed shows to boost exposure, especially pre-1970s when radio was pivotal for record sales, but such arrangements require clear sponsorship disclosure to comply with anti-payola statutes under 47 U.S.C. § 508. Modern involvement remains limited, as labels prioritize negotiated airplay with stations over leasing full blocks, avoiding risks of perceived undue influence on editorial decisions.^[48]^[47]

Applications Across Media

Radio Broadcasting

Brokered programming in radio broadcasting entails a station licensee selling discrete blocks of airtime to third-party brokers or producers, who then supply the content, manage operations within those segments, and typically sell advertising spots to cover costs and generate profit.^[47]^[2] This differs from traditional network-affiliated or station-produced formats by shifting production and revenue risks to the broker, allowing stations to fill schedules with minimal internal investment.^[2] The practice is most prevalent on AM stations, which often serve niche audiences underserved by mainstream FM formats, enabling revenue from otherwise unprofitable daytime or overnight slots.^[2] Ethnic and foreign-language programming dominates brokered radio, providing targeted content to immigrant communities. As documented in a 1980 FCC inquiry, approximately 2,000 weekly ethnic broadcasts aired for a combined 2,000 hours, spanning 54 groups across 16 states, with examples including 20 hour-long programs in Pittsburgh and broadcasts in 18 languages in San Francisco.^[2] One early instance occurred on San Antonio's KONO-AM, which initiated successful Spanish-language brokered shows around 1934, shortly after the station's 1930 sign-on, capitalizing on local Hispanic demographics.^[18] Such arrangements allow brokers—often from the served communities—to produce culturally relevant talk, music, and news without full station ownership, though stations must ensure compliance with indecency and sponsorship identification rules.^[2] Religious organizations represent another major application, purchasing time for ministry broadcasts, sermons, and donor appeals. Many AM outlets, particularly in competitive markets, allocate blocks to Christian networks or independent evangelists, who handle programming and fundraising.^[49] For example, stations like KEZY-AM in California offer Spanish religious formats via brokered slots, reflecting broader trends where religious content fills extended periods on lower-powered or urban signals.^[49] This model supports diverse theological voices but has drawn scrutiny for potential overemphasis on solicitation over informational content.^[2] Brokers in radio often secure fixed fees or revenue shares from the station while retaining ad sales control, fostering entry for underrepresented producers but raising concerns about fragmented station accountability.^[2] Urban markets like New York and Los Angeles feature heavy brokered schedules, with AM outlets dedicating up to the majority of airtime to such blocks, sustaining viability amid FM dominance.^[2] While promoting programming diversity, the approach ties station economics to broker performance, influencing content toward advertiser-friendly or audience-specific niches.^[2]

Television Broadcasting

Brokered programming in television consists of stations selling discrete blocks of airtime—often 30 to 60 minutes—to third-party producers or brokers who supply the content, sell advertising within it, and pay the station a fixed fee. This contrasts with traditional models where stations or networks compensate producers or acquire rights; instead, the broker assumes financial risk and retains most ad revenue. Such arrangements are prevalent on independent and UHF stations, particularly during low-viewership periods like late nights or early mornings, enabling stations to generate income from otherwise unprofitable slots while offloading production responsibilities.^[2]^[1] Primary forms include infomercials, which function as extended direct-response advertisements disguised as informational programs, where producers like those marketing consumer goods pay for nationwide clearances across multiple stations. Ethnic and religious programming also relies heavily on brokering, with community organizations or faith-based groups purchasing time for foreign-language news, cultural shows, or worship services targeted at immigrant populations or specific denominations. For example, stations in diverse markets such as Chicago's WCIU-TV have aired time-brokered ethnic and foreign-language blocks since the 1960s, filling schedules with content from Polish, Greek, and other communities. Similarly, religious entities like the Trinity Broadcasting Network have historically bought slots on secular stations for evangelical broadcasts. These uses expand access to niche audiences but depend on the broker's ability to attract viewers or donors.^[50]^[51] Under Federal Communications Commission oversight, brokered television programming must adhere to sponsorship identification rules requiring on-air announcements identifying the sponsor or payor at the start and conclusion of paid segments, with additional cues for longer blocks. Time brokerage agreements, including local marketing agreements, trigger attribution rules if the broker programs more than 15% of the station's weekly hours or controls key operations like ad sales, counting toward the broker's ownership limits under 47 CFR § 73.3555 to prevent circumvention of market concentration caps. In television markets, this attribution applies stringently due to national audience reach restrictions, limited to 39% of U.S. households as of 2004 amendments, with duopoly allowances only in larger designated market areas. Violations can lead to license challenges, as seen in FCC reviews of agreements where brokers effectively controlled programming without formal ownership transfer.^[47]^[20] This model supports operational efficiency for stations facing rising affiliate fees and cord-cutting pressures, with brokered slots often comprising 20-50% of non-prime inventory on independents, though exact figures vary by market. However, it limits licensee editorial control, potentially prioritizing broker interests over public service obligations like local news. FCC policy since the 1980s has viewed time brokerage as a tool for programming diversity, yet empirical analyses of consolidated markets show mixed outcomes, with some studies linking heavy brokering to reduced local content origination.^[2]^[20]

Emerging Uses in Digital and Streaming

In digital audio broadcasting, traditional time brokerage agreements have extended to unused capacity in digital sidebands, such as those enabled by in-band on-channel (IBOC) systems like HD Radio. The Federal Communications Commission in 2007 authorized radio stations to time-broker portions of their digital bandwidth to third parties for supplemental programming streams, provided the arrangements comply with attribution rules treating the broker as an attributable interest holder exceeding 15% control.^[52] This allows stations to monetize spectrum otherwise idle in analog-only transmissions, with brokers producing niche content like ethnic or religious programming aired alongside the main signal digitally.^[52] Major broadcasters like iHeartMedia integrate brokered programming into their digital streaming platforms, such as iHeartRadio, where operators manage live and automated brokered shows across broadcast, on-demand, and streaming formats.^[25] By 2025, iHeart's audio ad technology stack supports brokered content delivery in digital streaming radio, enabling producers to purchase time blocks for targeted audiences via apps and smart speakers, often blending with programmatic advertising.^[53] This model has grown with the expansion of connected devices, where brokered ethnic talk shows, for instance, reach diaspora communities through streamed simulcasts of over-the-air slots. In video streaming, brokered programming analogs appear in free ad-supported streaming television (FAST) services and digital multicast networks (diginets), where content providers secure linear channel slots on platforms like Pluto TV or Roku Channel by sharing ad revenue or paying placement fees akin to time buys.^[54] Diginets, multicasting via ATSC 1.0 or 3.0 standards, frequently allocate blocks to paid programming such as home shopping or infomercials, with examples including networks like OnTV4U featuring brokered paid content since 2006. The convergence of over-the-air diginets and FAST has accelerated post-2020, with providers like Scripps and Hearst experimenting with brokered blocks to fill schedules, leveraging algorithmic ad insertion for dynamic monetization.^[54] These arrangements bypass traditional syndication by allowing direct time purchases for short-form or looped content, though they raise concerns over diluted localism without FCC oversight equivalent to broadcast rules.^[55] Internet radio platforms further adapt brokered models for fully digital operations, where operators lease virtual airtime to independent producers via services like Live365 or Radio.co, enabling low-cost entry for niche shows without physical towers.^[56] As of 2024, such setups support automated brokered programming for 24/7 online stations, with programmers handling ad sales and compliance independently, reflecting a shift toward decentralized, app-based brokerage unbound by terrestrial spectrum limits.^[56]

Regulatory Framework

FCC Ownership and Attribution Rules

The Federal Communications Commission's (FCC) attribution rules, codified in notes to 47 CFR § 73.3555, determine when contractual arrangements such as time brokerage agreements (TBAs) or local marketing agreements (LMAs)—common vehicles for brokered programming—are deemed "cognizable interests" equivalent to ownership for purposes of enforcing multiple ownership limits.^[6] These limits restrict the number of radio or television stations a single entity may control in a given market, such as no more than eight commercial stations (with subcaps on AM/FM and same-service ownership) in the largest radio markets, to promote competition and viewpoint diversity.^[33] Under the rules, a brokering entity that programs or sells advertising for more than 15% of a station's weekly broadcast time holds an attributable interest, counting the brokered station toward the broker's ownership tally as if directly owned.^[44] This 15% threshold, established for radio in a 1996 FCC order and extended to television in 1999, targets arrangements where the broker effectively controls non-entertainment programming, news judgment, or operations, thereby circumventing statutory caps on concentration.^[44]^[57] Prior to these changes, extensive brokering allowed entities to amass de facto control over multiple outlets without triggering ownership restrictions, prompting the FCC to attribute such interests to safeguard against undue influence over local media markets.^[58] Licensees bear the affirmative duty to assess attributability and, if applicable, include the brokered station in ownership compliance filings; failure to do so risks license revocation or fines.^[35] A de minimis exception exempts brokering of 15% or less of programming time from attribution, provided the agreement includes a certification that the broker will neither air programming influencing the licensee's FCC-mandated responsibilities (e.g., serving community needs via public affairs content) nor exert control over facilities or personnel.^[59] Such limited arrangements must still be disclosed in the licensee's local public inspection file, alongside written copies of the contract, to enable public scrutiny.^[35] The rules apply symmetrically: brokering by an entity owning a same-market "companion" station triggers attribution unless the brokered outlet was acquired before August 1996 (with grandfathering for pre-existing LMAs).^[44] Joint sales agreements (JSAs), a subset involving ad sales brokering without full programming control, follow similar attribution if exceeding the 15% threshold or involving editorial influence, though the FCC has scrutinized them separately for radio-television cross-ownership contexts.^[6] These provisions, reaffirmed in periodic reviews (e.g., 2014 and 2024 orders), balance flexibility for operational efficiencies against risks of hidden consolidation, with the FCC emphasizing empirical evidence of market effects over presumptive bans.^[33]^[57] Attribution does not apply to non-commercial stations or isolated barter exchanges lacking ongoing control.^[59]

Programming Duplication and Localism Requirements

The Federal Communications Commission's radio duplication rule, codified at 47 CFR § 73.3556, restricts the extent to which commonly owned or time-brokered commercial radio stations operating in the same service—either AM or FM—with 50% or greater predicted signal contour overlap may duplicate programming. Specifically, such stations are prohibited from sharing more than 25% of their total weekly programming hours, measured by clock hour, to foster programming diversity and prevent undue concentration of content control within local markets. This rule explicitly encompasses time brokerage arrangements, attributing programming decisions during brokered periods to the broker for compliance purposes, thereby treating brokered stations akin to commonly owned entities under ownership attribution guidelines. The rule, originally established to promote viewpoint diversity amid consolidation concerns, was eliminated in October 2020 via a Report and Order that argued market forces sufficiently incentivized variety, but was reinstated on June 10, 2024, following a federal court remand, with existing duplicative operations granted case-by-case waivers pending full compliance by August 8, 2025. Non-commercial stations and those with less than 50% overlap remain exempt, and violations can trigger enforcement actions during license renewals or transfers. In the context of brokered programming, the duplication rule serves as a safeguard against de facto control by a single entity over multiple outlets, which could otherwise homogenize content and undermine competitive incentives for localized offerings. For instance, a broker managing airtime on overlapping FM stations must ensure distinct programming streams beyond the 25% threshold, often necessitating tailored content such as market-specific music rotations or talk segments to avoid FCC scrutiny. Empirical data from pre-elimination enforcement highlighted instances where excessive duplication correlated with reduced ad revenue diversity and listener choice in mid-sized markets, though post-reinstatement monitoring remains ongoing to assess impacts. The rule's application to brokerage underscores the FCC's attribution policy, where brokered time exceeding 15% of a station's schedule triggers ownership counting, amplifying duplication risks in clustered deals. Localism requirements, rooted in Section 303 of the Communications Act of 1934, mandate that broadcast licensees operate in the public interest by ascertaining and addressing the needs and interests of their designated communities of license, irrespective of brokered arrangements. The licensee retains ultimate responsibility for overall station operations, including ensuring that brokered programming contributes to community-responsive service, such as through issues programs, public service announcements, or culturally relevant content for underserved groups like ethnic minorities. Unlike the duplication rule's quantitative limits, localism lacks enforceable quotas for "local" content—deregulated since the early 1980s—but is evaluated qualitatively during license renewals via public file documentation of community advisory boards, needs assessments, and programming logs demonstrating responsiveness to local issues like emergencies or civic events. In brokered contexts, the FCC has approved arrangements where minimal licensee-staffed local programming coexists with broker-supplied blocks, provided the overall schedule avoids "total brokering" that evades licensee oversight, as affirmed in multiple adjudications. Critics of extensive brokering argue it can erode localism by prioritizing revenue-generating syndicated or foreign-language fare over homegrown news and public affairs, potentially leaving broad community segments unserved; however, FCC precedents uphold such models when they demonstrably fulfill niche local demands, such as Spanish-language programming in high-immigrant areas. The agency reinforces localism through ancillary rules, including the requirement for a main studio in or near the community of license (reinstated for full-power stations in 2017 after partial elimination) and political broadcasting obligations under Section 315, which apply station-wide. Renewal denials are rare but have occurred in cases of egregious non-responsiveness, emphasizing that brokers cannot absolve licensees of statutory duties. Recent proposals, such as expedited renewals for stations airing at least three hours of local news weekly, indirectly pressure brokered outlets to integrate verifiable local elements amid declining traditional journalism.

Disclosure and Foreign Influence Mandates

The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) mandates sponsorship identification for brokered programming under Section 317 of the Communications Act and 47 CFR § 73.1212, requiring licensees to disclose any consideration received for airing material, including time brokerage arrangements where third parties pay for substantial control over content and advertising.^[60] Licensees bear ultimate responsibility for compliance, even when brokers select programming or sell ads, with announcements typically aired at the program's start or conclusion identifying the sponsor by name.^[4] Failure to disclose can result in fines, as the rule aims to inform audiences of potential biases in paid content without presuming the sponsor's intent.^[61] In brokered contexts involving foreign entities, enhanced disclosure rules adopted in April 2021 via the FCC's Second Report and Order extend sponsorship identification to leased airtime provided or funded by foreign governments or their agents, addressing risks of undisclosed influence or propaganda.^[62] Broadcasters must exercise "reasonable diligence"—such as reviewing lease agreements and querying providers—to ascertain foreign sponsorship, with required on-air announcements stating: "The [following/preceding] program was [sponsored, paid for, or furnished] by [foreign governmental entity], as authorized by the United States Government under [the Foreign Agents Registration Act or Section 4 of the Communications Act]."^[63] For programs exceeding one hour, disclosures occur at both beginning and end; shorter segments require announcement before the first commercial break and at conclusion if applicable, applicable to both primary and multicast streams.^[5] These rules took effect March 29, 2022, following Office of Management and Budget approval.^[64] Foreign influence via brokering is further constrained by FCC attribution rules under 47 CFR § 73.3555, which deem time brokerage agreements controlling more than 15% of weekly airtime as cognizable interests equivalent to ownership, subjecting foreign brokers to Section 310(b) limits prohibiting foreign government holdings and capping aggregate alien/foreign entity ownership at 20% direct or 25% indirect without case-by-case review for national security risks.^[65] Exceeding these thresholds without approval can trigger license revocation or denial, as seen in FCC scrutiny of arrangements mimicking control to evade ownership caps.^[66] While not banning foreign brokering outright, these mandates prioritize transparency over prohibition, enabling public discernment of influence without relying on subjective assessments of content bias; ongoing FCC reviews as of April 2025 propose codifying review processes but maintain core restrictions.^[67]

Controversies and Debates

Criticisms on Public Interest and Journalistic Standards

Critics argue that brokered programming enables broadcast licensees to relinquish effective control over substantial portions of their airtime, thereby undermining their statutory obligation to operate in the public interest, convenience, and necessity as mandated by the Communications Act of 1934.^[20] In cases such as Cosmopolitan Broadcasting Corp. v. FCC (1985), where a station brokered 75% of its programming time, the arrangement facilitated violations including false advertising and failure to maintain operational control, highlighting how such deals can lead to lapses in oversight and accountability for content quality.^[20] The FCC's policies, such as those permitting up to 100% brokerage in Spanish-language radio under certain conditions, have drawn scrutiny for allowing minimal licensee staffing and review, potentially shifting primary responsibility for issue-responsive and community-oriented programming to third-party brokers with incentives misaligned from public service goals.^[20] Regarding journalistic standards, extensive reliance on brokered content raises concerns about diminished editorial integrity, as stations often conduct only passive or cursory reviews of news and public affairs material produced by external entities.^[20] Contracts for brokered time frequently allocate programming decisions—including adherence to accuracy, balance, and fairness—to brokers, reducing the licensee's direct involvement in upholding professional norms akin to those in station-produced journalism.^[20] This outsourcing can result in content that prioritizes commercial or ideological agendas over rigorous fact-checking and impartiality, as evidenced by FCC rulings emphasizing that licensees retain ultimate liability yet may lack mechanisms for robust intervention.^[4] Furthermore, brokered arrangements have been linked to erosion of localism, a core public interest principle requiring stations to address community needs through tailored programming.^[20] Regulations limit programming duplication between commonly owned or brokered stations to 25% for FM radio to preserve diversity, yet heavy brokerage often leads to homogenized content sourced from centralized brokers rather than local production, potentially sidelining coverage of regional issues.^[68] FCC localism initiatives underscore these risks, noting that diminished station control over brokered blocks can disconnect programming from specific community demographics and events, contrary to the agency's goals of fostering viewpoint diversity and responsiveness.^[69]

Benefits for Market Diversity and Free Speech

Brokered programming enhances market diversity by enabling independent producers to access broadcast spectrum without the need for full station ownership, thereby lowering barriers to entry for niche content creators. This model allows stations to lease airtime blocks to third-party brokers who curate programming tailored to specific audiences, such as ethnic minorities, fostering a broader array of cultural and linguistic offerings that might not sustain under centralized station control. For example, brokered arrangements have facilitated substantial segments of minority-oriented content, including South Asian, Spanish-language, and other ethnic programming on commercial radio stations. In markets where standalone ethnic stations would be economically unviable, brokering permits targeted content delivery, optimizing spectrum use for underserved demographics.^[70] The Federal Communications Commission has historically recognized time brokerage—closely akin to brokered programming—as a means to promote competition and viewpoint diversity prior to stricter attribution rules, by shifting day-to-day programming control to independent entities capable of introducing varied formats.^[20] This separation reduces reliance on station owners' editorial preferences, allowing brokers from ethnic communities, often community leaders, to produce content reflective of their groups' interests and perspectives.^[71] Consequently, brokered time supports a competitive marketplace where diverse producers vie for audience share, countering homogenization from consolidated media ownership. In terms of free speech, brokered programming expands expressive opportunities by providing a direct, market-driven pathway for voices that might face rejection in advertiser-supported or owner-curated schedules, effectively democratizing access to the airwaves. Producers pay for time outright, minimizing gatekeeping and enabling the broadcast of unconventional ideas or advocacy that could influence public discourse.^[72] This aligns with broadcasting's role as a forum for the marketplace of ideas, where willingness to compensate for airtime signals demand, potentially amplifying minority or dissenting viewpoints without regulatory favoritism toward dominant formats. Empirical patterns in brokered ethnic radio underscore this, as such programming sustains viability through community sponsorship rather than broad-appeal conformity.

Empirical Evidence on Consolidation Risks

Empirical studies following the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which deregulated radio ownership limits, document a sharp increase in consolidation, with the number of station owners declining by 33.6% from 5,133 in March 1996 to 3,408 by March 2002, even as total stations rose by 5.4%.^[73] This concentration enabled firms like Clear Channel to expand from 36 stations to 1,225, capturing 27% of national listeners and 27.5% of advertising revenue by the early 2000s.^[73] Such shifts correlated with reduced localism, as stations increasingly relied on remote management, voice-tracking, and syndicated content, replacing local newscasts with national feeds like Associated Press services in many communities.^[73] Ownership concentration has been linked to diminished programming diversity, particularly in concentrated markets where playlist overlap increased—such as 76% between contemporary hit/rhythmic and urban formats—limiting unique song plays and artist exposure.^[73] An analysis of top markets found a negative correlation between concentration and diversity measures, including fewer formats, overall plays, and unique titles, countering claims of market-driven variety.^[74] Niche formats like classical and jazz declined, with independent and minority artists marginalized by payola practices charging up to $4,000 per song add, favoring major labels.^[73] FCC data from 2002–2007 show average owners per market falling from 13.5 to 9.4, alongside reduced local news coverage, such as 3% less local content per 100-point rise in the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (HHI).^[75] For brokered programming, which frequently supports ethnic and minority voices through time-leased blocks, consolidation poses risks by prioritizing high-revenue syndicated or automated formats over niche slots. Cross-owned stations aired 432 fewer seconds of total news (p<0.01) and 308 fewer seconds of local news (p<0.05) daily, trends extending to community-oriented brokered content.^[75] While format variety remained stable overall (averaging 10 per market), concentrated ownership reduced availability of minority-targeted programming, with niche availability at 21% versus 48% for general news.^[75] These patterns indicate causal links from fewer owners to homogenized airwaves, squeezing independent brokers despite some post-1996 growth in Spanish-language formats.^[73] Evidence remains mixed on viewpoint diversity, with some FCC analyses showing no uniform decline in formats from multi-station ownership, potentially offset by differentiation incentives.^[75] However, risks to localism and niche access persist, as consolidated operators favor economies of scale, evidenced by Clear Channel's $200,000 annual savings in markets like Syracuse through centralized operations that diminished unique local offerings.^[73] In television contexts analogous to brokered time sales, consolidation reduced minority station viability, with 27% of minority-owned outlets sold amid duopoly expansions by 2006.^[75]

Notable Examples and Impacts

Influential Brokered Programs

One of the earliest influential examples of brokered radio programming was the Spanish-language content aired on KONO-AM in San Antonio, Texas, which commenced in 1934, shortly after the station's 1930 launch, marking a pioneering success in ethnic broadcasting that enabled producers to pay for airtime and target Hispanic audiences with news, music, and community discussions.^[18] This brokered model proliferated, fostering the development of Spanish-language radio into the largest ethnic format in the U.S., with over 700 stations by 2009, serving immigrant communities and preserving cultural ties while amplifying local voices often overlooked by mainstream outlets.^[18] Empirical research indicates such ethnic brokered programming enhances political engagement, increasing voter turnout and participation among minority immigrants by providing accessible information on civic processes and mobilizing communities through trusted, language-specific content.^[76] In the realm of talk radio, brokered time facilitated innovative interactive formats that influenced broader broadcasting trends. "The Happiness Exchange," hosted by Big Joe Rosenfeld on WABC in New York during the 1960s, operated as a time-brokered telephone-talk program where listeners called in to share needs or stories, with the host facilitating exchanges of goods, services, or advice, thereby pioneering audience-driven content that prefigured the call-in shows dominant in later decades.^[77] The 1987 repeal of the FCC's Fairness Doctrine further empowered brokered and local talk slots by removing requirements for balanced viewpoints, enabling stations to fill airtime with third-party conservative programming without editorial oversight, which contributed to conservative talk radio's ascendancy, attracting an estimated 15 million weekly listeners to top programs and shaping national political narratives through unfiltered commentary.^[78]^[79] On television, brokered paid programming gained prominence through infomercials, with Ron Popeil's Ronco productions exemplifying transformative impact starting in the late 1950s on local stations and scaling nationally by the 1970s and 1980s.^[80] Popeil's half-hour blocks promoting inventions like the Veg-O-Matic vegetable slicer and Showtime Rotisserie oven—featuring live demonstrations, testimonials, and catchphrases such as "Set it and forget it!"—generated hundreds of millions in sales, standardized the long-form direct-response format, and convinced broadcasters of its profitability, leading to widespread adoption of brokered infomercials in off-peak slots that reshaped late-night and weekend viewing economics.^[80]^[81] These examples illustrate how brokered arrangements allowed producers to bypass traditional gatekeepers, fostering specialized content that drove commercial innovation and audience segmentation in both radio and television.

Economic and Cultural Effects

Brokered programming offers radio stations, particularly smaller or AM outlets facing advertising challenges, a predictable revenue mechanism via fixed lease fees or shares of broker-generated ad income, thereby enhancing financial viability without requiring in-house content creation.^[2] This model minimizes operational risks and costs for licensees, who often arrange with multiple independent programmers to fill airtime slots that might otherwise remain unsold or underutilized.^[2] In practice, such arrangements have sustained marginal stations by converting potential dead air into steady income, though extensive time brokerage agreements—where one entity effectively controls programming on another station—can consolidate economic influence, potentially diminishing competitive incentives in local markets.^[82]^[20] Culturally, brokered formats have facilitated access for niche producers, including ethnic and religious groups, enabling programming in minority languages such as Spanish, Asian dialects, and others that mainstream stations might overlook due to limited advertiser interest.^[83] These blocks preserve linguistic heritage and community ties, as seen in urban markets where brokered ethnic shows draw dedicated audiences underserved by homogenized national syndication.^[83] However, reliance on brokering can erode local responsiveness, prioritizing broker-selected content over community-specific issues, which regulatory analyses link to broader concerns about viewpoint uniformity amid ownership consolidations facilitated by such deals.^[82] Empirical reviews of media ownership indicate that while brokered ethnic programming bolsters format diversity in fragmented segments, overall localism suffers when stations cede significant airtime control, reducing exposure to regionally tailored discourse.^[82]^[74]

Case Studies of Station Transformations

KMPX-FM in San Francisco exemplifies a transformation away from brokered programming toward an innovative music format. In the mid-1960s, under station manager Ronald C. Hunt, the outlet primarily aired blocks of brokered foreign-language content, a common practice for underperforming stations seeking to monetize airtime through third-party producers. On April 7, 1967, program director Tom Donahue initiated a shift to progressive rock, emphasizing album tracks from emerging San Francisco artists rather than commercial hits or brokered segments; by August 6, 1967, the station adopted a full 24-hour freeform rock schedule. This change attracted a dedicated youth audience, elevated KMPX as a pioneer of underground radio, and spurred national adoption of similar formats, though a 1968 staff strike temporarily disrupted operations and advertiser support. The station sold for $1.084 million in November 1969, reflecting the format's revenue potential compared to prior brokered operations.^[84] In contrast, many AM stations have adopted ethnic brokered programming to revive declining formats amid FM dominance and shifting demographics. Religious broadcaster Cascade Broadcasting, for instance, began incorporating ethnic blocks in the 1980s to supplement core content, culminating in 1994 with the addition of Hmong programming on one of its outlets targeting immigrant communities in areas like Fresno, California. This strategy filled otherwise low-revenue "dead air" slots via time sales to ethnic producers, generating steady income from diverse groups such as Southeast Asian broadcasters without requiring in-house production investments. Such shifts have sustained viability for marginal stations, with brokered ethnic formats often yielding higher per-hour returns than unsuccessful English-language attempts, as ethnic brokers pay premium rates for targeted audiences.^[85] Brokered ethnic programming has similarly revitalized stations in Hispanic-heavy markets by replacing unprofitable general-audience formats. In early 2002, WWOW-AM (1500 kHz) in Fairfax, Virginia, transitioned from a honky-tonk country format to Spanish-language brokered blocks amid stagnant listenership and revenue. The change capitalized on the region's growing Latino population, allowing brokers to produce and sell content directly to advertisers, which increased station profitability through fixed time leases—often exceeding ad-dependent models—while minimizing operational risks. By 2004, this model had proliferated in metropolitan areas, with brokered Latino shows filling up to 80% of schedules on similar AM outlets, demonstrating how demographic-targeted brokering transforms economically distressed stations into niche revenue generators.^[86]

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The FCC has revised its broadcast and cable/MDS ownership attribution rules. The attribution rules define what constitutes a "cognizable interest" for purposes ...
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The FCC's Broadcast Media Ownership and Attribution Rules
Mar 29, 2012 · the brokered station verifying that it maintains ultimate control over the station's facilities including, specifically, control over station ...<|separator|>
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FCC Issues Reminder On Sponsorship Identification Requirements
Mar 17, 2021 · This means that a broadcaster needs to ask any party providing syndicated programming to a station to ensure that the rules are met. The same ...Missing: direct | Show results with:direct
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[PDF] FCC FACT SHEET* Sponsorship Identification Requirements for ...
The Commission issued a Notice of Proposed. Rulemaking (NPRM) in October 2020, proposing additional sponsorship identification rules to address specifically the ...
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FCC Adopts Broadcast Sponsorship Identification Requirements for ...
Apr 23, 2021 · Frequency of On-Air Disclosure. Under the new rules, the specified disclosure must be made at both the beginning and the end of the programming.Missing: brokered | Show results with:brokered
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FCC's New Foreign Sponsorship Rules Go into Effect - Baker Hostetler
Mar 23, 2022 · Under the new rule, broadcast licensees must exercise “reasonable diligence” to determine whether the lessee or any party within the production/ ...Missing: brokered | Show results with:brokered<|separator|>
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FCC Adopts Revised Foreign Sponsorship Disclosure Requirements
Jun 12, 2024 · The FCC released a Second Report and Order revising and expanding requirements to identify and disclose whether any “leased” broadcast program is sponsored by ...
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[PDF] Federal Communications Commission FCC 21-42 1
Apr 22, 2021 · That is, for the reasons discussed below, we will require a specific disclosure at the time of broadcast if material aired pursuant to the lease ...
[66]
Foreign Ownership Rules and Policies for Common Carrier ...
Foreign governments cannot hold radio licenses. Foreign individuals/corporations are limited to 20% ownership, and 25% for U.S. entities controlling licensees. ...
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[PDF] April 7, 2025 FCC FACT SHEET* Review of Foreign Ownership ...
Apr 7, 2025 · Background: The Commission's foreign ownership rules set out the requirements for investment in broadcast, common carrier wireless, and common ...
[68]
How FCC Regulation of Broadcasters May Change in a New ...
Nov 7, 2024 · This rule prohibits commercial FM stations from duplicating more than 25% percent of the programming of a commonly owned or brokered station, ...
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FCC Proposes Policy to Promote Localism
This Notice of Proposed Rulemaking proposes to modify processing procedures to prioritize the review of renewal, assignment or transfer of license applications.
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[PDF] Before the Federal Communications Commission Washington, D.C. ...
Jan 9, 2023 · the stations' markets might not be economically sustainable, while brokered programming enabled offerings geared towards their interests ...
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[PDF] Immigration, Diversity, and Broadcasting in the United States
• Brokered programming tends to be done by those members of the ethnic community who are seen as community leaders, those of higher social standing who ...<|control11|><|separator|>
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Readers weigh in on brokered radio issue - Sarasota Herald-Tribune
Apr 18, 2005 · Either people will listen to brokered radio and it will grow, or they won't and the shows will go. SPRING INTO SUMMER -- Air America's newest ...
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[PDF] No Competition: How Radio Consolidation Has Diminished Diversity ...
Dec 9, 2003 · Part III examines the resulting consolidation of radio ownership and explores how deregulation of ownership restrictions impedes the “public ...
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Radio Programming Diversity in the Era of Consolidation
Aug 5, 2025 · This article addresses the issue of market structure in the top 50 radio markets and the different types of program diversity measures.Missing: brokered | Show results with:brokered
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[PDF] FCC Media Ownership Study #5
Jun 24, 2007 · This paper empirically studies the effects of radio ownership structure on content diversity, using a rich, cross-sectional dataset reflecting ...
[76]
[PDF] Ethnic radio and immigrants' political engagement
Jul 3, 2024 · Abstract. Does the ethnic media promote the political engagement of minority ethnic immigrants? This is a salient question in Western ...
[77]
Big Joe Rosenfeld - WABC Musicradio 77
Big Joe Rosenfeld hosted "The Happiness Exchange," a time-brokered, early "telephone-talk" show on WABC, where he helped people in need, and was a mysterious ...
[78]
Talk Radio Is Turning Millions of Americans Into Conservatives
Oct 9, 2020 · At least 15 million Americans every week tune into one of the top 15 talk radio programs. They are not monolithically conservative, but they are overwhelmingly ...
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How Conservative Talk Radio Came to Dominate the Airwaves
Nov 29, 2024 · Reporter Katie Thornton explains how radio programming shifted from the 1930s to the 1960s, and how the FCC attempted to prevent propaganda on the airwaves.
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How Ron Popeil perfected the art of the infomercial
Aug 10, 2021 · Pitchman Ron Popeil made the infomercial an indelible expression of consumerist dreams: This could be the first gadget of the rest of your ...
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Welcome to the Official Ron Popeil Website
Ron Popeil was a famed American inventor, pitchman, television star, and the creator of the television “infomercial”. Born Ronald Martin Popeil in New York ...
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[PDF] GAO-14-558, Media Ownership: FCC Should Review the Effects of ...
Jun 27, 2014 · affect FCC's policy goals of competition, localism, and diversity. You ... agreements: time brokerage agreement/local marketing agreement,.<|separator|>
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[PDF] Minority Commercial Radio Broadcasters Sandoval MMTC 2009 ...
Brokered programming stations include a mix of Asian programming, including South. Asian programming, Spanish, and other minority-language or oriented ...
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Historical Timeline of 106.9 FM in San Francisco - KMPX KEAR KHIP
Hunt was named Station Manager of KMPX in 1966; at this time, the station was broadcasting blocks of brokered programming, generally in foreign languages. In ...
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These Stations Serve America's Hmong Communities - Radio World
Apr 9, 2025 · The other California-based Hmong-language station is KBIF(AM) 900 in Fresno. In the 1980s, owner Cascade Broadcasting started adding ethnic ...
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https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/local/2004/01/18/from-honky-tonk-to-a-latino-beat/f02b6441-09c8-4915-895d-b64bf61eb363