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Chippewa Cree

The Chippewa Cree Tribe is a federally recognized Native American tribe composed of descendants from the Ojibwe (Chippewa) and Cree peoples, who intermingled in the northern Plains during the late 19th century after Cree bands migrated southward from Canada and Ojibwe groups expanded westward from the Great Lakes region.^[1]^[2] The tribe, self-identifying as Ne Hiyawak, governs the Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation in north-central Montana, established on September 7, 1916, following persistent advocacy by leaders such as Chiefs Rocky Boy and Little Bear for a homeland amid displacement and landlessness.^[1]^[3] Spanning roughly 117,000 acres of agricultural and forested land in the Bear Paw Mountains, the reservation is Montana's smallest yet supports over 6,000 enrolled tribal members, with a focus on self-governance since joining the federal Tribal Self-Governance Program in the early 1990s.^[3]^[1] Historically reliant on bison hunting, fur trade, and gathering, the Chippewa Cree adapted to reservation life through federal compacts covering services like forestry, social welfare, and courts, while preserving cultural practices rooted in respect for land, kinship, and traditional economies.^[3]^[2] Key achievements include the 1999 settlement of longstanding water rights claims, enabling infrastructure development, and initiatives in education and economic diversification, though challenges persist from geographic isolation and limited resources in a harsh climate.^[4]^[3] The tribe's ethnogenesis reflects broader patterns of Algonquian mobility and resilience against 19th-century pressures from U.S. expansion and treaty erosions, distinguishing it from purely Ojibwe or Cree groups through hybrid Plains-woodland adaptations.^[1]^[2]

Geography and Demographics

Reservation Boundaries and Location

The Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation occupies approximately 124,000 acres in north-central Montana, primarily in Hill County with extensions into Choteau County, nestled within the Bear Paw Mountains and adjacent plains.^[5]^[6] This makes it the smallest reservation in Montana, situated about 40 miles south of the United States-Canada border and roughly 20 miles south of Havre.^[7]^[3] Established by Public Law 64-261 on September 7, 1916, the reservation's boundaries were delineated from surplus lands of the former Fort Assiniboine Military Reservation to address the landlessness of Chippewa and Cree bands, rather than to encompass expansive ancestral claims.^[8]^[9] Initial boundaries covered 56,035 acres, expanded in 1947 by 45,523 acres to reach nearly current dimensions, with no allotments but provisions for individual use assignments.^[10]^[11] The reservation's placement in an arid semi-arid zone, averaging 12 inches of annual precipitation, constrains water resources and arable land, rendering much of the terrain suitable primarily for ranching over intensive farming.^[6]^[12] Shallow aquifers provide insufficient quantities for sustained domestic or agricultural needs, exacerbating reliance on limited surface sources amid surrounding non-reservation private and federal lands.^[13]^[14] This geography underscores strategic challenges in resource access, as the mountainous and prairie mix limits self-sufficiency without external infrastructure.^[15]

Population and Enrollment

The Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation maintains an enrolled membership of 6,862 individuals as of February 2025.^[16] Of these, approximately 4,031 members reside on the reservation, representing about 59% of the total enrollment.^[16] This on-reservation population figure aligns with U.S. Census Bureau estimates for the reservation and adjacent trust lands, which reported 3,539 total residents in the 2023 American Community Survey, predominantly tribal members.^[17] Tribal enrollment criteria emphasize descent from historical Chippewa and Cree bands associated with the reservation's formation, including those documented in early 20th-century rolls under the Bureau of Indian Affairs.^[3] Intermarriage between Chippewa (Ojibwe) and Cree ancestors has contributed to the tribe's demographic composition, fostering a blended heritage that defines eligibility without strict blood quantum requirements in modern practice.^[2] Demographic patterns reflect significant off-reservation residency, with over 40% of enrolled members living elsewhere, often in nearby Montana urban centers or beyond state lines due to patterns of modern mobility.^[16] This distribution has persisted since the reservation's establishment, influenced by the influx of Cree families from Canadian border regions following advocacy efforts starting in 1885, which augmented the initial Chippewa population base.^[3] Enrollment growth from earlier figures—such as 5,656 reported in 2005 Bureau of Indian Affairs data—demonstrates steady increases tied to verified lineage claims rather than external impositions.

Historical Origins

Ancestral Background and Migrations

The Chippewa, or Ojibwe, component of the Chippewa Cree traces its ethnic origins to Algonquian-speaking peoples of the Great Lakes woodlands, with archaeological evidence and oral traditions placing ancestral bands along the eastern shores of Lake Huron and Georgian Bay prior to the 17th century.^[18] Intertribal warfare, notably Iroquois expansions disrupting beaver trade routes from the 1640s onward, prompted gradual westward migrations in small kinship groups, shifting populations toward Lake Superior and northern Wisconsin by the late 1600s.^[19] Fur trade alliances with French and British traders accelerated this movement, enabling access to firearms and encouraging pursuit of bison herds onto the northern plains, including incursions into present-day Montana and North Dakota by the early 1800s, where resource competition with other nomads shaped band-level adaptations.^[20] The Cree element derives from subarctic Algonquian groups indigenous to the boreal forests and tundra of eastern Canada, between Hudson Bay and the western Great Lakes, where woodland Cree bands historically subsisted on caribou, fish, and seasonal trapping since at least the protohistoric period.^[21] Plains Cree subgroups emerged through 18th-century southward expansions from these subarctic cores, adopting equestrian bison hunting amid fur trade-induced ecological shifts and horse diffusion from the south, transitioning from semi-sedentary trapping to mobile pastoralism on the northern grasslands of present-day Saskatchewan and Alberta.^[22] These adaptations were causally linked to trade network pressures and climatic variability favoring grassland expansion, rather than singular prophetic drives, as evidenced by ethnohistorical accounts of band fissioning over hunting territories.^[23] A pivotal convergence occurred in 1885, when approximately 200-300 Cree followers of Little Bear (Imasees), son of Chief Big Bear, fled southward across the U.S. border into Montana's Milk River valley following their involvement in the Northwest Rebellion's Frog Lake Massacre and the ensuing Canadian suppression after Louis Riel's defeat on November 16, 1885.^[24] This exodus was precipitated by treaty non-fulfillments, famine from bison decline, and military reprisals that displaced non-reserve Cree, compelling refuge among sympathetic U.S. agents amid resource desperation.^[25] The migrants integrated with landless Chippewa bands—displaced from Great Lakes treaty cessions and Turtle Mountain allotments—who had similarly ventured into Montana for unregulated hunting grounds, forging alliances based on linguistic kinship and mutual exclusion from established reservations, as corroborated by U.S. Indian Office censuses and tribal oral testimonies emphasizing survival imperatives over premeditated unification.^[26]

Pre-Reservation Interactions with Settlers

The Chippewa bands associated with later Rocky Boy's group engaged in limited treaty negotiations during the mid-19th century, such as the 1855 treaty with the Mississippi, Pillager, and Lake Winnibigoshish bands, which ceded lands in Minnesota in exchange for reservations and annuities but provided minimal allotments insufficient for sustained self-support amid encroaching settlement.^[10] Subsequent agreements, including the 1863 treaty clarifying cessions from 1855, similarly yielded small land reserves that proved inadequate as U.S. expansion pressured bands to relocate westward, often without formal recognition for splinter groups like Rocky Boy's followers.^[10] These interactions reflected pragmatic exchanges where Chippewa leaders traded territorial claims for temporary provisions, though the allotments—typically under 160 acres per family—failed to counter the loss of traditional hunting grounds to settlers.^[27] Plains Cree groups, lacking any U.S. treaties as Canadian-origin refugees fleeing the 1885 North-West Rebellion, integrated with Chippewa bands in Montana by the late 1880s, seeking protection through informal assimilation into American Indian networks near Fort Assiniboine.^[27] These Cree, led by figures like Little Bear, pursued mutual benefits with settlers via labor in ranching and off-reservation work, such as ditch digging, railroad maintenance, and early farming on leased lands, which provided income amid buffalo depletion that had reduced herds from tens of millions to hundreds by 1889.^[27] Some individuals contributed to regional economies through trapping and seasonal employment, fostering alliances with sympathetic ranchers, though such arrangements often prioritized settler needs over long-term Indian land security.^[27] Conflicts arose from land encroachments, as wandering bands faced displacement by Montana settlers and stockmen, prompting disputes over grazing rights and leading to failed deportation efforts, such as the 1896 congressional appropriation of $5,000 to remove Cree despite petitions asserting U.S. residency since 1885.^[10] Chief Rocky Boy, a Chippewa leader, advocated for unified Chippewa-Cree groups by petitioning Congress and officials from 1902 onward, emphasizing self-supporting agriculture and cattle raising—such as seeding over 1,000 acres by 1918—over dependency, which garnered support from allies like agent Fred Baker and contrasted with Cree Chief Little Bear's less successful foreign-status pleas.^[27] These efforts highlighted survival strategies rooted in demonstrated productivity, including woodcutting and crop harvesting yielding 20,000 bushels of wheat by 1921, to justify land claims without framing reliance on federal aid.^[27]

Reservation Establishment and Development

Advocacy and Formation (1885–1916)

In the decades following the Dawes Act of 1887, which accelerated land loss through allotments and sales but failed to provide for landless bands, Chippewa and Cree groups in Montana, led by figures such as Rocky Boy and Little Bear, mounted sustained campaigns for federal recognition of a homeland. These nomadic bands, numbering around 500 by the 1910s, faced repeated displacement, winter hardships, and deportation pressures, including a 1896 congressional allocation of $5,000 to expel Canadian-origin Cree viewed as foreign rebels after the 1885 Riel Rebellion. Rocky Boy petitioned President Theodore Roosevelt in 1902 for a dedicated reservation, followed by a 1904 congressional bill that stalled amid bureaucratic resistance and local settler priorities.^[28]^[29]^[27] Advocacy intensified through alliances with non-Indian supporters like writer Frank B. Linderman and artist Charlie Russell, who lobbied officials and threatened media exposés to counter indifference. Proposed sites met serial rejections: the Flathead Reservation's bill died in Congress; 11,000 acres on Blackfeet in 1909 proved agriculturally unfit, prompting the bands' exodus; Culbertson was rescinded due to settler outcry; Valley County offers of 60 townships and $30,000 faltered on logistics and existing claims; and Beaver Creek's 8,800 fertile acres were diverted for a white campground. These setbacks stemmed from homesteading booms and policies favoring white expansion over tribal self-sufficiency, as enforced under the 1906 Burke Act's allotment delays.^[27]^[28]^[29] Persistent petitions, including 1913 correspondence from Little Bear and sub-chiefs to Interior Secretary Franklin Lane, aligned with federal recalibrations acknowledging the limits of assimilationist approaches, culminating in selection of remote Fort Assiniboine surplus lands near the Bear Paw Mountains to isolate "wandering" Indians from settled areas. On September 7, 1916, Congress enacted legislation amending the February 1915 Act, designating 56,035 acres in townships 28-29 north, ranges 14-16 east, as a refuge for the "Chippewa and Cree Indians" and other homeless Montana tribes, enabling allotments under the 1887 Dawes framework. This mixed-group viability reflected pragmatic acknowledgment of shared plight rather than cultural affinity, though initial provisions excluded prime valleys and offered scant tillable acreage—roughly 2,316 acres—exacerbating immediate subsistence challenges without supplemental funding.^[30]^[27]^[29]

Early 20th-Century Organization

In 1935, the Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Reservation adopted a constitution and bylaws under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, formalizing tribal governance for the first time since the reservation's establishment in 1916.^[31]^[32] The document, ratified by tribal members and approved by the Secretary of the Interior on October 18, 1935, and November 23, 1935, respectively, created a five-member Business Committee elected every two years to handle administrative decisions, land management, and federal relations.^[31]^[33] This structure emphasized collective decision-making rooted in the tribe's combined Chippewa and Cree traditions, such as consensus-based leadership, while adapting to federal oversight without erasing customary practices like extended kinship networks for resource sharing.^[34] Governance operated amid chronic resource shortages on the arid, 108,000-acre reservation, where poor soil and limited water constrained agriculture to subsistence levels, supplemented by hunting small game and seasonal wage labor off-reservation.^[11] Federal allotments under the Bureau of Indian Affairs provided rations and per capita payments, but these were insufficient, prompting the Business Committee to prioritize land consolidation and irrigation projects to sustain mixed farming of wheat and hay alongside traditional gathering of wild rice and berries.^[32] Tribal customs integrated Cree emphasis on mobility and Chippewa matrilineal elements into committee deliberations, fostering adaptive strategies like communal labor for fencing allotments rather than rigid assimilation to non-Indian models.^[27] By 1949, the tribe collaborated with the Bureau of Indian Affairs on economic rehabilitation legislation, culminating in a congressional bill to fund infrastructure such as roads, schools, and credit programs aimed at boosting self-sufficiency through expanded farming and livestock.^[29] This initiative, part of broader post-World War II federal efforts, allocated resources for 7,500 acres of irrigation development and vocational training, reflecting proactive tribal engagement to address poverty rates exceeding 80% without relying solely on welfare dependency.^[29] The Business Committee's role in negotiating these terms underscored early organizational resilience, blending indigenous self-reliance with pragmatic federal partnerships.^[34]

Mid-to-Late 20th-Century Events

Following World War II, the Chippewa Cree Tribe on Rocky Boy's Reservation experienced disruptions from federal relocation programs initiated in the early 1940s, which encouraged migration to urban areas like Chicago for job training, contributing to temporary population outflows and labor shifts amid limited on-reservation opportunities.^[27] Harsh winters in 1948–1949 exacerbated economic vulnerabilities, prompting emergency federal airlifts of hay, food, and clothing to support livestock and residents, highlighting persistent infrastructural and agricultural constraints.^[10] The Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975 facilitated greater tribal oversight of Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) programs, enabling the Chippewa Cree to assume control of local education services around 1970, including the establishment of Rocky Boy School District 87J with 266 students after a community vote of 172–90.^[27] This shift supported initiatives like a bilingual Cree program serving 65 kindergarten and first-grade students in 1971 and the opening of Rocky Boy Alternative High School in 1979 for 32 dropouts previously underserved by public systems.^[27] Tribal participation in BIA health and education contracts during the 1970s–1980s aligned with broader self-determination policies, though specific contract data for the period remains limited, reflecting gradual transitions from BIA administration regained in 1965.^[27] Water scarcity persistently limited agricultural development, with the Bonneau Dam (completed 1940, capacity approximately 5,000 acre-feet post-enlargement efforts) constraining irrigation on arable lands, as evidenced by mandated family farming in the 1930s extending into postwar reliance on subsistence ranching amid dry conditions.^[27] Formal negotiations for reserved water rights began in 1992 but built on decades of disputes suspended during Montana's statewide adjudication process starting 1979, where irrigation shortfalls hindered expansion beyond small-scale operations like Dry Fork Farms, cultivated on 4,600 acres employing 30 seasonally by 1972.^[35]^[27] Demographic and economic patterns showed high unemployment rates of 70–80% by 1979, driving off-reservation employment trends as residents sought work in nearby urban centers, while tribal initiatives like Rocky Boy Manufacturing Company in the 1980s aimed at metal fabrication to diversify beyond agriculture and BIA dependency.^[27] Infrastructure advanced with the 1984 tribal ordinance chartering Stone Child College (initially 26 students) and construction of Rocky Boy Tribal High School in 1987 following state appeals, marking gains in educational self-sufficiency despite ongoing poverty indicators.^[10]^[27]

Government and Sovereignty

Tribal Governance Structure

The Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Reservation is governed by a Business Committee, serving as the primary elected body responsible for legislative and executive functions. Composed of nine representatives—two each from the Sangrey, Haystack, and Parker districts, one each from Duck Creek and Sandy Creek, and one at-large member—the committee manages tribal affairs, including negotiations with federal and state governments, employment of legal counsel (subject to Secretary of the Interior approval), land and resource administration, and enactment of ordinances.^[31] Elections occur via secret ballot, with representatives chosen from their respective districts, and meetings are held monthly on the last Friday, requiring a quorum of seven members for decisions.^[31] Officers of the Business Committee, including a chairperson, secretary, and treasurer, are selected internally by the representatives to lead operations, with the chairperson overseeing executive duties such as policy implementation and representation.^[31] This structure, established under the tribe's 1935 constitution and bylaws (approved November 23, 1935), integrates decision-making on internal matters like cultural preservation and economic development, though subject to amendments adopted in subsequent years, such as those in 2004.^[31]^[36] The committee exercises sovereignty in areas such as internal law enforcement through the tribal court system and resource management on reservation lands, bolstered by the tribe's early entry into the federal Tribal Self-Governance Program in the 1990s via a compact with the U.S. Department of the Interior.^[3]^[37] However, these powers operate within the framework of federal oversight, including trust responsibilities for assets and approval requirements for certain actions, reflecting the tribe's status as a federally recognized entity under the Indian Reorganization Act.^[3]^[31]

Legal Disputes and Sovereignty Assertions

The Chippewa Cree Tribe has engaged in negotiations and litigation to assert water rights as part of its sovereign claims, culminating in the Chippewa Cree Tribe-Montana Water Rights Compact ratified by Congress in 2000 under Public Law 106-163. This agreement quantified the tribe's reserved water rights at 300,000 acre-feet annually from the Milk River and its tributaries, prioritizing empirical needs for irrigation, domestic use, and economic development on the Rocky Boy's Reservation while protecting non-tribal users through state administration mechanisms.^[38] The Montana Water Court reviewed and upheld the compact in 2002, affirming its role in resolving historical claims without expansive aboriginal rights assertions, though implementation has faced delays due to funding shortfalls exceeding $100 million for infrastructure.^[39] This settlement represents a pragmatic achievement in self-determination, grounded in measurable resource allocation rather than indefinite claims, yet it underscores federal and state constraints on full tribal control.^[6] In Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Reservation v. United States Department of the Interior (2018), the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals rejected the tribe's challenge to a Department of the Interior award of $647,777 to former tribal chairman Ken St. Marks under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act's whistleblower provisions. St. Marks had reported mismanagement of over $27 million in federal funds allocated for a water pipeline project, leading to his removal from office, which the Interior Board of Indian Appeals deemed retaliatory.^[40] The court's ruling enforced federal accountability mechanisms over tribal assertions of internal sovereignty, highlighting practical limits where federal grants incorporate statutory protections that pierce tribal immunity.^[41] This outcome illustrates how sovereignty assertions can falter against evidence of malfeasance, fostering dependency on federal oversight rather than autonomous governance. Tribal assertions of sovereign immunity have extended to economic activities, such as affiliations with lending entities like Plain Green Loans, which leverage tribal status to shield high-interest operations from state usury laws and federal regulations. Critics, including consumer protection advocates, argue this enables exploitation by evading accountability, as seen in federal lawsuits challenging such "rent-a-tribe" schemes that prioritize short-term revenue over sustainable development and invite regulatory backlash.^[42] While immunity has shielded tribal enterprises from certain external suits, as affirmed in cases like Eagleman v. Rocky Boy's Chippewa-Cree Tribal Business Council (2015), it has also deterred non-tribal investment by creating jurisdictional uncertainties, constraining broader economic integration.^[43] These dynamics reveal sovereignty as a double-edged tool: bolstering self-determination in resource negotiations but enabling unaccountable practices that perpetuate federal reliance and internal disputes when overextended.^[44]

Culture and Language

Linguistic Heritage and Current Status

The Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation historically spoke two Algonquian languages: Southwestern Ojibwe (a dialect of Ojibwe also known as Chippewa) and Plains Cree, reflecting the tribe's dual heritage from Ojibwe bands and Cree groups who migrated to Montana in the 19th century.^[45]^[46] These languages facilitated traditional communication, storytelling, and cultural transmission, with Plains Cree serving as the primary tongue for many Cree descendants and Southwestern Ojibwe among Ojibwe lineages.^[47] Both languages are classified as critically endangered, with fluency rates plummeting due to factors including mandatory English-only boarding schools from the late 19th to mid-20th centuries, economic incentives for English proficiency in wage labor and trade, and disrupted intergenerational transmission as younger generations prioritized survival in a dominant English-speaking society.^[48] A 2020 tribal survey of 650 members found only 3% self-identified as fluent first-language Cree speakers, while Chippewa fluency stood at 0.003%, with rates further declining after the deaths of remaining elders in the early 2020s.^[49] Less than 1% of the tribe's approximately 7,000 enrolled members now speak Cree fluently as a first language, and Ojibwe fluency approaches zero, as second-language learners rarely achieve proficiency without sustained immersion.^[50] Revitalization initiatives, such as the community-led Mahchiwminahnahtik Chippewa Cree Language Revitalization program established in 2019, emphasize grassroots classes, youth workshops, and documentation to rebuild usage, though empirical data indicate limited success amid persistent barriers like insufficient full-immersion schooling and English's role in education and employment.^[51] Tribal efforts include surveys and pilot programs since 2014 to gauge interest and aptitude, but generational gaps—exacerbated by fewer than 20 fluent elders tribe-wide—constrain progress, with no measurable uptick in fluency reported by 2025. Broader advocacy, including participation in the June 2025 Bozeman summit on Native language preservation, underscores calls for policy support, yet causal realities of language shift tied to socioeconomic integration suggest revitalization faces steep odds without transformative immersion models.^[52]

Traditional Practices and Beliefs

The Chippewa Cree maintained an animistic cosmology inherited from Ojibwe and Cree forebears, wherein manitous—spiritual entities residing in animals, plants, geographic features, and weather phenomena—exerted influence over human affairs, necessitating rituals of respect, offerings, and balance to avert misfortune or secure favor.^[53]^[54] Central to spiritual maturation was the vision quest, a rite of fasting and solitude undertaken primarily by youth to forge a bond with a guardian manitou, yielding personal directives for hunting prowess, healing abilities, or leadership roles.^[55] Pipe ceremonies, employing sacred tobacco as a conduit, invoked these spirits for counsel, purification, or communal accords, with the smoke symbolizing prayers ascending to the creator.^[56] Subsistence hinged on a hunting-gathering regime attuned to ecological cycles, prompting annual migrations: spring and summer aggregations at aquatic locales for fishing and manoomin (wild rice) procurement, autumn pursuits of game like deer and small mammals, and winter relocations inland for trapping and larger quarry such as moose, yielding hides, meat, and tools essential for survival.^[57]^[58] The Bear Paw Mountains embodied sacred topography, linked to the bear as a potent manitou emblematic of strength and introspection, hosting quests and rites amid peaks formed by ancient volcanic activity around 50 million years ago.^[59] Post-migration to the northern plains circa the late 19th century, woodland practices evolved pragmatically with equestrian adoption—horses acquired via trade or raids by the early 1700s—boosting mobility for extended hunts, tipi transport, and bison access, thereby hybridizing pedestrian foraging with mounted pastoralism while preserving animistic veneration of equine spirits.^[60]^[61] Historical ethnographies reveal these traditions as adaptive responses to environmental pressures rather than immutable ideals, with empirical evidence of selective Christian syncretism—such as biblical parallels to creation lore—facilitating endurance amid colonial disruptions, diverging from media portrayals that idealize unchanging harmony over documented intertribal conflicts and technological pragmatism.^[62]^[63] The Chippewa Cree social organization incorporates elements of bilateral kinship from Cree traditions and patrilineal clan affiliations from Chippewa heritage, where children typically inherit their father's clan while women retain their paternal clan ties for life.^[64] ^[65] Extended family networks remain central, with grandparents and aunts/uncles often sharing responsibilities for child-rearing and elder care, fostering intergenerational support amid resource constraints.^[66] These structures promote community cohesion, enabling mutual aid in daily challenges such as housing shortages and caregiving, though federal policies have historically encouraged a shift toward nuclear family units since the early 20th century.^[67] In contemporary life on the Rocky Boy's Reservation, tight-knit extended families provide resilience against social stressors, including high unemployment rates exceeding 30% among working-age adults, which correlate with elevated risks of family instability, substance abuse, and domestic issues.^[68] ^[69] Tribal initiatives, such as the Chippewa Cree Family Resource Center, integrate cultural teachings with services to bolster family wellbeing and reduce suicide risks through community-preparedness programs targeting youth and elders.^[70] ^[71] However, persistent dependency on federal aid exacerbates vulnerabilities, as limited local employment options hinder self-sufficiency and contribute to breakdowns in traditional support systems.^[72] Health disparities underscore daily realities, with diabetes prevalence among Chippewa Cree adults mirroring broader Native American trends of age-adjusted incidence rates around 17 per 1,000 population, driven by factors like limited access to fresh foods and genetic predispositions compounded by socioeconomic barriers.^[73] ^[74] Education outcomes reflect mixed progress, with institutions like Stone Child College implementing strategies to improve graduation rates and cultural integration, yet high poverty levels—over 40% in similar regional reservations—persistently link to lower attainment and intergenerational cycles of underemployment.^[75] ^[76] Community efforts emphasizing cultural resilience, such as youth lodges for skill-building and wellness, counter these challenges by reinforcing family bonds and traditional practices for long-term stability.^[77]

Economy and Development

Historical Economic Patterns

Prior to the establishment of reservations, the Chippewa Cree economy centered on adaptive subsistence strategies integrated with European trade networks. The Chippewa bands participated in the fur trade from the 17th century onward, expanding westward as resources depleted and serving as intermediaries by the 19th century, trapping furs and exchanging them for goods along routes into Montana.^[26] Concurrently, Plains Cree bands shifted to a buffalo-based economy in the 18th and 19th centuries, conducting seasonal hunts in Montana territories where herds numbered tens of millions mid-century, utilizing every part of the animal for food, hides, and tools to sustain nomadic groups.^[27]^[26] These activities reflected environmental adaptation to woodland and plains ecologies, with causal pressures from overhunting and market demands driving westward migration and intergroup alliances, though internal band divisions sometimes hindered coordinated resource management. The near-extinction of bison by the late 1880s compelled a post-1885 economic pivot from hunting to wage labor, as federal restrictions and game scarcity eroded traditional mobility. Cree and Chippewa hunters, previously pursuing buffalo south of the Milk River in 1882, turned to seasonal employment on ranches and farms, including road construction and hay harvesting on the Blackfeet Reservation by 1889, amid deportations and lack of treaty lands.^[27]^[26] This shift exposed vulnerabilities in federal policies, such as the 1887 General Allotment Act, which distributed inadequate 80-acre parcels—e.g., 101 allotments on Blackfeet lands in 1909—on arid, marginal soils ill-suited for self-sufficiency, leading to widespread failures in proving up claims and subsequent land sales or losses totaling millions of acres nationally by 1934.^[26]^[10] While policy-induced fractionation fragmented holdings, tribal resistance to sedentary farming and preference for migratory labor contributed to underutilization, forgoing opportunities to consolidate resources against environmental limits. In the early 20th century, annuity payments from treaties like the 1855 agreement with Chippewa bands supplemented incomes, providing rations such as flour, meat, and cash equivalents amid landlessness, with $10,000 allocated for initial Rocky Boy's support in 1913 following the 1916 reservation creation on 56,035 acres of former Fort Assiniboine lands.^[10]^[27] Transitioning to mixed farming proved challenging in the semi-arid Bear Paw Mountains, where drought (1917–1920), hail, and grasshoppers reduced yields despite seeding over 1,000 acres by 1918; grain production rose modestly from 400 bushels in 1917 to 16,000 by 1923, but persistent low outputs and soil infertility underscored the mismatch between allotments and local hydrology, reinforcing dependence on annuities over viable agriculture.^[27] This era highlighted causal realism in economic adaptation: federal incentives clashed with ecological constraints, yet incomplete shifts from nomadism limited resilience without external aid.

Modern Enterprises and Resources

The Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Reservation maintains agricultural operations through the tribally owned Dry Fork Farm and Ranch, which produces wheat, barley, cattle, and irrigated hay, contributing to local food sovereignty and livestock support.^[78]^[79] The 1999 water rights settlement under Public Law 106-163 has facilitated these efforts by quantifying tribal rights to divert 1,690 acre-feet annually from Lower Big Sandy Creek and Gravel Coulee for irrigation and related agricultural uses, alongside broader allocations for economic development.^[6]^[4] Forested portions of the reservation, encompassing part of its 117,365 acres, support limited timber harvesting integrated with wildlife management and recreational codes to sustain ecosystem balance.^[3]^[5] Small-scale gaming occurs via the Northern Winz Hotel & Casino, operational since 2008 under a tribal-state compact, though its remote northern Montana location constrains visitor draw and revenue potential compared to more accessible tribal operations.^[80]^[81] Settlement funds from water rights agreements have established accounts for self-directed projects, including infrastructure like water delivery systems that enhance irrigation reliability and agricultural output.^[82]^[4] In 2025, the tribe advanced human capital investments with the $30 million Mīyō Pimātisiwinkamik Youth Wellness Center, incorporating health services, cultural education, and community facilities, with construction targeted for completion by year-end to address long-term workforce development amid geographic isolation.^[83]^[84] Geographic remoteness limits broader resource extraction viability, such as expansive timber or energy ventures, channeling successes toward market-oriented agriculture and targeted gaming over self-contained isolation, with empirical gains evident in quantified water-enabled farm expansions rather than speculative diversification.^[81]^[6]

Persistent Challenges and Reforms

The Chippewa Cree Tribe on Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation faces persistently high poverty rates, exceeding 40% in recent assessments, and unemployment levels historically surpassing 70%, driven by the reservation's remote location in northern Montana, which limits access to broader labor markets.^[85]^[71] These economic hurdles are compounded by federal trust status of reservation lands, which restricts alienation and flexible commercial development, thereby constraining private investment and job creation compared to non-trust properties.^[86] Water infrastructure deficiencies, including aging pipelines and chronic shortages, further impede agricultural and industrial expansion, as evidenced by ongoing tribal negotiations for enhanced supplies to support viable enterprises.^[14]^[6] Federal Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) programs provide substantial funding for tribal operations, yet outcomes remain mixed, with persistent dependency on transfers correlating to stagnant private sector growth amid criticisms that such aid disincentivizes off-reservation labor mobility and entrepreneurship.^[87] Data from Montana's reservations indicate that while BIA allocations sustain basic services, they have not proportionally reduced unemployment, prompting debates over reallocating resources toward self-sustaining models rather than perpetuating cycles of federal reliance.^[88] Advocates for reform argue that tribal sovereignty entails trade-offs, including self-imposed barriers to market integration, and emphasize individual agency in pursuing opportunities beyond reservation confines to break from welfare-centric patterns. Reform initiatives include tribal endorsements of business licensing streamlined through uniform commercial codes and incentives like tribal employment rights ordinances to attract firms, alongside pushes for water rights settlements enabling economic projects such as irrigation-dependent agriculture.^[89]^[6] Efforts to foster entrepreneurship focus on joint ventures and private-sector incentives over government-led enterprises, with studies highlighting successful informal economies built on cultural networks as models for scalable off-reservation expansion.^[90]^[91] These approaches counter narratives of inherent victimhood by underscoring tribal capacity to adapt sovereignty frameworks for market-oriented growth, such as partial fee-to-trust conversions or tax-sharing pilots to enhance land usability.^[86]

References

[1]
About Us - Chippewa Cree Tribe
The Rocky Boy's Reservation, established on September 7, 1916, is located in Hill County in north-central Montana, nestled within the scenic Bear Paw Mountains.
[2]
Chippewa Cree Tribe - Indian Affairs
The Chippewa Cree Tribe, about 2,500 members, are located on Rocky Boy's Reservation in northcentral Montana. They call themselves "Ne Hiyawak" and are ...
[3]
Rocky Boy's Agency | Indian Affairs
This agricultural and forested reservation is home to over 6,000 Chippewa Cree enrolled tribal members and contains about 117,365 acres of land within its ...
[4]
[PDF] chippewa cree tribe of the rocky boy's reservation indian ... - GovInfo
Dec 9, 1999 · To provide for the settlement of the water rights claims of the Chippewa Cree. Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Reservation, and for other purposes. Be ...Missing: facts | Show results with:facts<|separator|>
[5]
Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation Compact - DNRC
The Rocky Boy's Reservation is located in the Bearpaw Mountains with portions extending onto the plains between the mountains and the Milk River in north ...
[6]
H. Rept. 106-374 - CHIPPEWA CREE TRIBE OF THE ROCKY ...
In 1916 Congress set aside 56,035 acres of this land for the Chippewa and Cree Bands of Chief Rocky Boy. In 1947 this reservation was expanded by 45,523 acres, ...
[7]
[PDF] Rocky Boy's Reservation - Montana Indians Their History and Location
The Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation is located in north central Montana, taking in portions of both Hill and. Choteau counties.The reservation lies 90 miles ...
[8]
[PDF] 1997 Water Rights Settlement between the States of Montana and ...
The Rocky Boy's Reservation is land and water poor. Docu- ments and legislative history associated with the original estab- lishment of the Reservation and ...
[9]
UNTAPPED WATER Rocky Boy's struggles for adequate infrastructure
The Rocky Boy's reservation, home of the Chippewa Cree, looks like a severe drought has taken effect. There are no green lawns on the reservation. Children don' ...
[10]
[PDF] Testimony of Harlan Baker, Chairman, Chippewa Cree Tribe
Feb 25, 2025 · We have a total enrollment of 6,862, including 4,031 who live on the Reservation. Our community is isolated—the nearest supermarket is in Havre, ...<|separator|>
[11]
Rocky Boy's Reservation and Off-Reservation Trust Land - Profile data
Rocky Boy's Reservation and Off-Reservation Trust Land. 3,539 Population. 171.4 square miles 20.6 people per square mile. Census data: ACS 2023 5-year ...
[12]
The Ojibwe People | Minnesota Historical Society
Ojibwe oral history and archaeological records provide evidence that the Ojibwe moved slowly in small groups following the Great Lakes westward. By the time the ...
[13]
Ojibwe History | Milwaukee Public Museum
Like other Indian groups, the Ojibwe were forced westward beginning in the 1640s when the League of the Iroquois began to attack other tribes in the Great Lakes ...
[14]
The Ojibwe people - Turtle Mountain Chippewa Heritage Center
During the fur trade, the Ojibwe moved out onto the plains of North Dakota, Saskatchewan, and as far west as Alberta and Montana. The Ojibwe are perhaps one of ...
[15]
Western Woods Cree - Summary - eHRAF World Cultures
The Cree are a Subarctic group whose name is derived from the name of specific bands in the region between Lake Superior and Hudson Bay.
[16]
Subarctic Indigenous Peoples in Canada
The term “Subarctic Indigenous peoples” describes a number of different ethnic and linguistic groups, including the Dene, Cree, Ojibwe, Atikamekw, Innu ...Missing: Plains | Show results with:Plains
[17]
Indigenous Peoples in Canada: Cree - LibGuides
Cree First Nations occupy territory in the Subarctic region from Alberta to Quebec, as well as portions of the Plains region in Alberta and Saskatchewan. ...
[18]
Little Bear's Cree and Canada's Uncomfortable History of Refugee ...
Sep 9, 2015 · The Northwest Rebellion began 1885, over prolonged disagreements between the Métis and the Canadian government, exacerbated an already difficult ...
[19]
[PDF] US BORDERLANDS, 1885 - 1917 A Thesis Submitted to the Colle
This thesis examines the transnational mobility and diplomacy of Little Bear's Cree from the 1885 events at Frog Lake and their subsequent refuge into Montana ...
[20]
[PDF] Ethnogenesis of Metis, Cree and Chippewa in Twentieth Century ...
This thesis examines the history of Montana's Metis, Cree and Chippewa people as. “landless Indians” in a twentieth century context.
[21]
None
### Summary of Pre-Reservation Interactions, Treaties, Settlers, and Chief Rocky Boy Events
[22]
[PDF] The history of the Chippewa Cree of Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation
... history of our Tribe by allowing us to interview them and include their stories. Last, but not least, we would like to recognize the Chippewa-Cree Tribal ...
[23]
"The History of Chief Rocky Boy and His Band and The Founding of ...
In 1902, Rocky Boy dictated a letter to President Theodore Roosevelt asking him to establish a reservation for his band. A bill of 1904 to provide a home for ...
[24]
[PDF] Analysis of the Rocky Boy Reservation's Border Formation 1885 to ...
The location of the new reservation was very remote and was distant from most of the white population. By describing The Chippewa-Cree Tribe as both wandering ...Missing: demographics | Show results with:demographics
[25]
[PDF] 739 ~ufd - Indian Law Portal
SIXTY-FOURTH CONGRESS. SEss. I. Ca. 452. 1916. 739. C AIP. 452.-An Act To amend the Act of February eleventh, nineteen hundred. September 7,1916. and fifteen ...Missing: Chippewa | Show results with:Chippewa
[26]
[PDF] CONSTITUTION AND BYLAWS OF THE CHIPPEWA CREE ...
Pursuant to an order, approved October 18, 1935, by the Secretary of the Interior, the attached Constitution and Bylaws were submitted for ratification to the ...
[27]
History of the Chippewa Cree Tribe - Access Genealogy
The Chippewa Cree Tribe, officially recognized in 1935 under the Indian Reorganization Act, governs the Rocky Boy's Reservation in north-central Montana.
[28]
Constitution and by-laws of the Chippewa Cree Indians of the Rocky ...
Constitution and by-laws of the Chippewa Cree approved Nov. 23, 1935 and amendments 2004.
[29]
[PDF] The Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Reservation - BIA.gov
Nov 28, 2016 · Chippewa Cree Tribe is organized pursuant to Section 16 of the Indian. Reorganization Act of June 18,1934, as amended by the Act of June 15,1935 ...
[30]
The 1997 Water Rights Settlement between the State of Montana ...
Jan 20, 2016 · Water right settlement negotiations began in 1992 among the Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Reservation, the State of Montana and the ...Missing: history | Show results with:history<|separator|>
[31]
Constitution and by-laws of the Chippewa Cree Indians of the Rocky ...
Constitution and by-laws of the Chippewa Cree approved Nov. 23, 1935 and amendments 2004.
[32]
[PDF] COMPACT OF SELF-GOVERNANCE BETWEEN THE CHIPPEWA ...
The United States reaffirms its trust responsibility to Chippewa Gree Indian Tribe of the Chippewa Cree Indian. Reservation to protect and conserve, the trust ...
[33]
Public Law 106-163 - GovInfo
... Boy's Reservation Indian Reserved Water Rights Settlement and Water Supply Enhancement Act ... (9) Rocky boy's reservation; reservation.--The term ``Rocky Boy's ...Missing: September 1916 64-261
[34]
Chippewa Cree Tribe of Indians - Montana Case Law
Act of February 11, 1915, 38 Stat. 807. In 1916, upon petition of the leaders of the Chippewa and Cree Tribes, Congress amended the Act of 1915 to "set ...
[35]
CHIPPEWA CREE TRIBE OF ROCKY BOY RESERVATION ...
And when “Congress clearly indicates that Indian tribes are subject to a given law, no tribal sovereignty exists to bar the reach or enforcement of that law.” ...
[36]
15-71772 - The Chippewa Cree Tribe v. USDOI, et al - Content ...
The Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy Reservation, Montana, Petitioner Sally Jewell, Respondent Ken St. Marks, Respondent U.S. Department of the Interior ...
[37]
Selling Sovereignty: How Corporations Used Tribal Sovereign ...
Jul 29, 2022 · The federal government recognizes the Chippewa Cree Tribe and 573 other tribes as sovereign, self-governing nations. And Plain Green is ...
[38]
Eagleman et al v. Rocky Boys Chippewa-Cree Tribal Business ...
Dec 2, 2015 · Tribal sovereign immunity limits a federal court's subject matter jurisdiction over suits against an Indian Tribe. Alvarado v. Table ...
[39]
Tribal sovereign immunity: What is it, and what are its limitations?
Tribal sovereign immunity will extend to a tribal official acting in their official capacity and within the scope of their authority.
[40]
https://caselaw.findlaw.com/court/us-9th-circuit/1948371.html
[41]
The Chippewa and Cree culture - Stone Child College
The Chippewa-Cree people are a Native American tribe who live in the northern United States and southern Canada, primarily Montana.Missing: population | Show results with:population<|control11|><|separator|>
[42]
Documenting and Revitalizing the Rocky Boy Cree Language and ...
Despite the lack of existing data, the number of fluent Cree syllabic writers in Rocky Boy is at a critically lower level than Cree language speakers. This ...Missing: survey | Show results with:survey
[43]
"State of emergency" declared for the Chippewa and Cree languages
Aug 10, 2019 · The Chippewa and Cree Languages of the Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation are in decline and have reached dangerously low numbers of fluent ...Missing: rates endangered
[44]
The Chippewa Cree Tribe of The Rocky Boy Reservation
Mar 8, 2023 · In 2020, the Tribe surveyed 650 tribal members and 3% self-identified as first language fluent speakers and 0.003% self-identified as a Chippewa ...Missing: facts | Show results with:facts
[45]
Mahchiwminahnahtik | Chippewa Language Revitalization
Less than 1% of them are considered fluent first language Cree speakers. 0.2% are considered fluent Chippewa speakers. These numbers are now lower due to the ...Missing: endangered | Show results with:endangered
[46]
ABOUT | Cree Languages Training — Mahchiwminahnahtik
Mahchiwminahnahtik Chippewa Cree Language Revitalization (MCCLR) is a non-profit organization that was established in May, 2019 by a small group of Chippewa ...Missing: 2020-2025 | Show results with:2020-2025
[47]
Summit focuses on preservation of Native American languages
Jun 6, 2025 · A recent Bozeman summit brought together cultural and education advocates focused on preserving tribal languages by teaching their children.Missing: 2020-2025 | Show results with:2020-2025
[48]
Ojibwe People, Culture & Language - Study.com
The Ojibwe people practice a form of animism, which is a belief system that relies on spiritual or supernatural qualities imbued in nature. They derive their ...
[49]
History, Beliefs, Rituals, Legends – World Religions: The Spirit ...
vision quests–a time of fasting and solitude arranged so that young people might find their purpose, direction.Missing: Cree animism
[50]
Vision quest | Native American Rituals & Beliefs - Britannica
Vision quest, supernatural experience in which an individual seeks to interact with a guardian spirit, usually an anthropomorphized animal, to obtain advice ...Missing: Chippewa animism pipe<|separator|>
[51]
(PDF) Sacred Tobacco Use in Ojibwe Communities - ResearchGate
A sacred relationship exists between tobacco and American Indian ceremonial activities and beliefs. This ancient connection continues to play an important role.
[52]
Indigenous Principles of Wild Harvest and Management: An Ojibway ...
The principle of SEASONally based harvesting implies that harvesters adhere to SEASONal cues that alert Ojibway people of the temporal availability of ...Missing: Ojibwe | Show results with:Ojibwe
[53]
The History and Culture of the Ojibwe (Chippewa) Tribe
Oct 30, 2022 · The Ojibwe people moved westward along the Great Lakes because of a prophecy that they were to go find "the land where food grows on water." ...Missing: ancestral | Show results with:ancestral<|separator|>
[54]
Welcome to the Chippewa Cree Tribe - Archived Page
Bear Paw tracks, these tracks represent the Bear Paw Mountains where the Chippewa Cree now make their present home. Also, the sacred animal, “The Bear”, who ...<|separator|>
[55]
How Horses Transformed Life for Plains Indians - History.com
Nov 6, 2020 · “With the introduction of the horse, tribes gained more wealth, in a sense,” says Her Many Horses. Not only did tipis get bigger, but it lifted ...
[56]
Chapter 3: The Plains Peoples—Allies, Conflict, Adaptation
This chapter looks at the Indigenous peoples of the Prairies within the context of trade, resources, relationships, and competition across the interior of ...Missing: non- refugees assimilation
[57]
Anishinaabe Ojibwe Ways - The Pluralism Project
The Ojibwe, also known as Chippewa, traditionally inhabit the Western Great Lakes region. Over the centuries, many Ojibwe have converted to Christianity.
[58]
Myths That Hide The American Indian
The Indians of what is now the United States have been hidden from white men's view by a number of conflicting myths.
[59]
[PDF] Ojibwa Families and Kinship in Historical Perspective Laura Peers
A woman retained her father's clan for life, while her children belonged to her husband's clan. Clan ties overlay immediate and regional kinship networks, ...
[60]
Cree, Western Woods - Kinship
Kinship Terminology. The kinship system was bilateral, with bifurcate merging terminology in the first ascending Generation, and Iroquois cousin terminology in ...<|separator|>
[61]
[PDF] AMERICAN INDIAN & ALASKA NATIVE GRANDFAMILIES:
Jul 13, 2020 · In almost all Native cultures, extended family kinship structures prevail. ... On Chippewa Cree tribal lands in Montana, GRAND Voice Wilma Tyner ...
[62]
Restructuring family production and reproduction on the Rocky Boy's ...
Aug 6, 2025 · The ideal familial household was nuclear, composed of a husband, wife, and children. Using primary documentation, in concert with the ...
[63]
[PDF] Montana's Reservation Economies - Labor Market Information
Unemployment rates also tend to be higher among younger workers, which may factor into higher unemployment among the younger populations on the Rocky Boy's, ...Missing: social issues
[64]
Unemployment on Native American Reservations - Ballard Brief - BYU
May 30, 2024 · With the average unemployment rate reaching 10.5%, Native Americans face some of the highest rates of joblessness among racial and ethnic minority groups.Missing: Rocky Boy
[65]
[PDF] MO NT A NA - The Administration for Children and Families
According to project planners at Stone Child. College, the Cree language is in steep decline on the Rocky Boy's Indian. Reservation. The latest update on the ...
[66]
Chippewa Cree Tribe - Suicide Prevention Resource Center
The goal of this project is to reduce the incidence of suicide by creating a prevention-prepared community where Chippewa Cree Tribal members, families, schools ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[67]
[PDF] The Spirits of Enterprise and Rent Seeking on Rocky Boy and Fort ...
ABSTRACT. Montana's Fort Belknap and Rocky Boy reservations are interesting case studies to understand why economic development on Native American ...Missing: collaboration | Show results with:collaboration
[68]
Diabetes in a Northern Minnesota Chippewa Tribe: Prevalence and ...
Jan 1, 1993 · Some 97 new cases of diabetes were identified for an age- and sex-adjusted average annual incidence of 17/1000 population. The incidence of ...Missing: contemporary disparities
[69]
[PDF] Community Health Assessment 2019
• Chippewa Cree Natural Resources Department. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. I am pleased to present the Chippewa Cree Tribe Community Health Assessment that was funded by ...Missing: contemporary disparities
[70]
[PDF] Stone Child College (PDF) - U.S. Department of Education
Our efforts will result in an effective strategies that will improve the educational outcomes of Indian students on the Rocky. Boy's Indian Reservation.
[71]
Indian Education on Rocky Boy's Reservation - Native News
“Culture is a process. Our community supports culture.” Social issues and poverty come into play, she notes, but “schools need to be more focused.” Corcoran, ...Missing: unemployment | Show results with:unemployment<|separator|>
[72]
The Chippewa Cree Tribe Is Investing in the Future Through Youth ...
Jan 2, 2025 · We're building this lodge for our youth so they have a safe place to learn, grow, build resilience in our community, and also to foster a ...
[73]
[PDF] Rocky Boy's Reservation
The majority of reservation residents work for the self-governing Chippewa. Cree Tribe. Compacts are maintained with the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) and ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[74]
The Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation farm enterprise development ...
DescriptionThis report concerns a tribal farming enterprise on the Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation known as Dry Fork Farms, Inc. Both small grain-growing and ...Missing: agriculture | Show results with:agriculture
[75]
About Us - Chippewa Cree Bear Paw Fish & Game
About Us. The Rocky Boy's Reservation is located on 124,000 acres of prime hunting land in north central Montana, 100 highway miles south of the US ...
[76]
[PDF] Gambling Control Division Biennial Report FY 2007 2008
Dec 17, 2008 · The Chippewa Cree Tribe of Rocky Boy's Reservation has opened Northern Winz. Casino on Highway 87 north of Box Elder. The gaming compact with ...
[77]
Chippewa Cree Tribe Case Study
In 2011, the Chippewa Cree Tribe took a bold step toward self-determined economic growth by launching Plain Green, LLC, a sovereign Tribal financial ...
[78]
Chippewa Cree Tribe Rural Innovation Fund Water Systems Program
The Chippewa Cree Tribe Rocky Boy Reservation comprises 122,000 acres near the Canadian border in north-central Montana. It has a population of 2,500 members.
[79]
2025 Real Estate QLICI of the Year: Rocky Boy Youth Wellness ...
The Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Indian Reservation headed up the development, which cost $30 million. The NMTC equity helps address a funding gap ...
[80]
Dakotas America supports new wellness center that will empower ...
Oct 1, 2024 · ... Chippewa Cree Tribe in north central Montana. The existing health ... The team effort will see the youth center to completion by the end of 2025.
[81]
About Us - Chippewa Cree Tribe Community Development Foundation
According to the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, the unemployment rate for Chippewa Cree tribal members is 70%. The median household income is $22,824. Due to ...
[82]
[PDF] Privatizing the Reservation? - Stanford Law Review
Apr 4, 2019 · In the last several decades, Congress has enacted a set of statutory reforms meant to empower tribes and individual Indians in their quests for ...
[83]
[PDF] FY 2025 Budget Justification and Performance Information BIA
This document is the FY 2025 budget justification for the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) within the Department of the Interior.
[84]
[PDF] Reservation Economies and Labor Markets in Montana
A relatively high share of jobs is in finance on the Rocky Boy's Reservation through Chippewa. Cree Tribe's economic development arm. The Fort Belknap ...Missing: 1950-1990 | Show results with:1950-1990
[85]
[PDF] Chippewa Cree Tribe of the Rocky Boy's Reservation - BIA.gov
Oct 30, 2017 · Co-regulation is critical with tribal compliance programs strengthened to meet the challenges within tribal lending and gaming. In addition to ...Missing: modern agriculture water rights<|separator|>
[86]
Economic development attitudes must change - ICT News
Cornell agreed that tribes must create more joint enterprises and encourage more lower-tier firms to open their doors on and near reservations. Some tribes have ...Missing: reforms privatization
[87]
[PDF] Political Economy of Native American Economic Development
Despite the barriers, entrepreneurs across several reservations have leveraged their cultural and social ties to create robust informal economies. In some cases ...