Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

Daily Worker


The Daily Worker was the official daily newspaper of the of the United States of America (CPUSA), serving as its primary English-language organ from 1924 to 1958. Launched initially as the weekly The Worker in in by party members to promote socialist causes among laborers, it transitioned to daily publication in three years later, reflecting the CPUSA's alignment with the Communist International's directives and focusing on class struggle, union organizing, and critiques of . The publication's content closely tracked shifts in Soviet policy, including initial opposition to U.S. entry into during the 1939 Nazi-Soviet Pact—portraying the conflict as an imperialist war—before abruptly endorsing Allied efforts following Germany's 1941 invasion of the USSR, a reversal that underscored its role as a conduit for Moscow's geopolitical priorities rather than independent analysis. Circulation peaked in the 1930s amid the and labor unrest, reaching tens of thousands of subscribers, but faced mounting legal pressures from federal prosecutions under the targeting CPUSA leaders for advocating overthrow of the government, alongside FBI surveillance and raids. These challenges, compounded by internal party debates and financial insolvency from defense costs, led the CPUSA executive to suspend operations in late 1957, effectively ending the Daily Worker's run amid the broader anti-communist campaigns of the era. Though dormant for over a decade, the paper's legacy persisted through successors like the Daily World (launched ) and eventually , which continue limited publication as CPUSA-affiliated outlets, while digitized archives preserve its historical role in disseminating and defending Soviet actions, including during Stalin's purges, often without critical scrutiny of the regime's atrocities.

History

Founding and Early Years (1921-1929)

The Daily Worker traces its origins to the fragmented communist press of the early 1920s, amid the formation of the Workers Party of America as the legal successor to underground groups like the Communist Labor Party. The newspaper's immediate precursor was The Worker, a weekly established in late 1921 through the merger of The Toiler—organ of the Chicago-based Communist Labor Party founded in 1919—and the Workers Council of the Workers' Council of the United States, along with elements from The Ohio Socialist. This consolidation reflected efforts to unify socialist and communist factions post-World War I, creating a centralized mouthpiece for the party's above-ground activities. On January 13, 1924, The Worker relaunched as the Daily Worker in , marking the transition to daily publication under the direct control of the Workers Party, which reorganized as the (CPUSA) in 1925. The paper focused on agitating industrial workers during a period of postwar radicalism, emphasizing strikes, union organizing, and anti-capitalist propaganda aligned with Comintern directives. Early operations were hampered by operational challenges, including scarce advertising revenue and dependence on CPUSA dues and Comintern subsidies for survival, as the publication struggled to broaden its reach beyond party cadres. Circulation hovered below 10,000 copies by the late , underscoring its niche appeal to ideological loyalists rather than mass readership. A pivotal early campaign was the Daily Worker's intensive coverage of the trial and executions in 1927, featuring daily editorials, protest calls, and cartoons by artists like Fred Ellis to depict the anarchists' plight as emblematic of bourgeois repression. This effort rallied CPUSA supporters for demonstrations but highlighted the paper's propagandistic role over objective reporting. Concurrently, internal CPUSA factionalism—particularly the 1925–1928 rift between William Z. Foster's pro-Soviet centrists and James P. Cannon's —disrupted editorial stability, with debates over strategy infiltrating masthead decisions and content, foreshadowing purges aligned with Moscow's Stalinist consolidation.

Popular Front Era and Ideological Shifts (1930-1939)

In 1935, the Daily Worker adapted to the Communist International's (Comintern) strategy, announced at its Seventh from July 25 to August 20, 1935, which urged communist parties worldwide to form alliances with liberal and social-democratic forces against . The newspaper's July 5, 1935, issue explicitly inaugurated this shift, moving from "class against class" rhetoric to broader anti-fascist appeals that temporarily softened criticisms of figures like President . While maintaining Leninist advocacy for , the Daily Worker selectively endorsed aspects of the as a "people's front" measure to counter Nazi threats, framing economic reforms as bulwarks against rather than capitalist concessions. This tactical pivot correlated with circulation growth, reaching an estimated peak of 35,000 in the late from prior levels around 17,000. The Daily Worker's coverage of the (1936–1939) exemplified enthusiasm, portraying the Republican government and as heroic defenders against Franco's fascists. Reporters like Joseph North were dispatched to to glorify volunteer efforts, emphasizing unity under the banner while aligning with Soviet-supplied Republican forces. However, the paper downplayed Stalin's purges (1936–1938), which paralleled suppression of non-communist leftists in , such as anarchists and militants, prioritizing Comintern loyalty over balanced reporting on intra-left conflicts. This selective narrative reinforced ideological discipline but strained credibility among independent readers skeptical of Soviet influence. The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact of August 23, , compelled an abrupt reversal, as the Daily Worker pivoted from anti-Nazi primacy to denouncing as an "imperialist" conflict between capitalist powers, echoing Moscow's non-aggression stance with Hitler. Editorials justified the pact as a peace-preserving maneuver, suppressing prior warnings of German-Soviet and exposing the paper's rigidity to external directives. This volte-face alienated non-party subscribers drawn by anti-fascist appeals, contributing to readership declines amid perceived opportunism. Operationally, the era saw expansions like a dedicated edition from early 1936, alongside a Sunday edition launched in October 1935 featuring comic strips and proletarian cultural content to broaden appeal. Yet these innovations underscored subordination to Comintern and CPUSA lines, with editorial shifts mirroring Moscow's— from anti-fascist coalitions to pact-era —over independent journalistic judgment, limiting the paper's autonomy as a truth-seeking organ.

World War II and Postwar Adjustments (1940-1949)

Following the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact on August 23, 1939, the Daily Worker denounced the emerging European conflict as an imperialist war and opposed U.S. involvement, aligning with the (CPUSA) directive to prioritize Soviet security over anti-fascist alliances. This stance portrayed and as aggressors against while justifying Soviet actions in and the as defensive. The paper's editorials urged American workers to resist and war mobilization, framing U.S. preparedness as preparation for conflict with the . The German invasion of the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941 (), prompted an abrupt reversal, with the Daily Worker hailing the conflict as a people's anti-fascist crusade and calling for unconditional U.S. support to the USSR. After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, the paper shifted its slogan from opposing U.S. entry to "Everything for Victory," endorsing war bonds, production drives, and alliance with capitalist governments against . Circulation benefited from this pivot, reaching approximately 21,000 daily subscribers by 1948 amid broader CPUSA mobilization for the . Wartime editorials promoted labor unity in war industries but routinely criticized "capitalist profiteers" for production bottlenecks, strikes, and unequal , attributing delays to private ownership rather than logistical challenges. The paper ignored Soviet military setbacks and purges, focusing instead on Allied shortcomings and portraying CPUSA members as vanguard organizers in factories. Postwar, as U.S.-Soviet tensions escalated, the Daily Worker assailed the —announced March 12, 1947—as a blueprint for imperialist , equating aid to and with preparation for war against socialism. Under CPUSA General Secretary , who shaped editorial policy from prison after his 1948 arrest, the paper defended eleven CPUSA leaders prosecuted under the in the 1949 [Foley Square](/page/F Foley_Square) trial, depicting them as victims of "thought control" and patriotic advocates for peace rather than advocates of violent overthrow. Coverage emphasized First Amendment violations and U.S. hypocrisy, while omitting Soviet gulags and show trials that had claimed millions of lives. FBI intensified, culminating in arrests of CPUSA officials on July 20, 1948, under charges, which the Daily Worker framed as fascist suppression equivalent to Nazi tactics. This period reflected the paper's rigid adherence to Comintern directives, subordinating factual reporting on Soviet atrocities—such as the 1946-1947 killing over a million—to anti-imperialist amid mounting domestic legal pressures.

Decline, Merger, and End of Print Publication (1950-1958)

The Daily Worker's circulation plummeted in the early 1950s amid McCarthy-era investigations and , which deterred advertisers and isolated the paper from mainstream revenue sources, while the USA's (CPUSA) staunch opposition to the —portrayed in its pages as an imperialist aggression—further alienated potential sympathizers during a period of heightened national anti-communist sentiment. By late 1948, daily circulation had already fallen to 19,000, reflecting broader CPUSA membership erosion under legal and cultural pressures, and it dwindled to approximately 5,000 copies by 1957, a sharp drop from earlier peaks exceeding 20,000. These factors compounded operational strains, as lost advertising revenue from blacklisted businesses left the paper reliant on dwindling party subsidies, underscoring its vulnerability in a environment where Soviet-aligned advocacy faced systemic exclusion from commercial markets. Nikita Khrushchev's February 1956 "secret speech" denouncing Stalin's exacerbated internal CPUSA dysfunction, prompting mass resignations—including over 30,000 members—and forcing the Daily Worker into awkward ideological contortions, such as reevaluating prior defenses of Soviet purges without fully reconciling with broader anti-communist consensus in the U.S. This led to "unresolved party differences" that hampered unified support for the publication, as factional debates over eroded organizational cohesion and funding priorities. The paper's failure to adapt its content meaningfully—persisting in pro-Soviet framing despite these shocks—further distanced it from evolving leftist audiences seeking distance from Moscow's orbit, contributing to a $250,000 deficit in 1957 that the CPUSA could no longer subsidize amid its own resource constraints from membership decline. Legal vulnerabilities compounded financial woes, with the Daily Worker facing multiple libel suits in the for its aggressive attacks on anti-communist figures and exposés, including claims totaling $745,000 in damages from author over alleged defamation, highlighting the paper's exposure to costly litigation without robust evidentiary rebuttals to mainstream critiques. In December 1957, the CPUSA's National Executive Committee voted to suspend daily operations effective January 13, 1958, citing insurmountable debts and internal divisions, effectively merging its Sunday edition into an expanded weekly Worker format with circulation around 10,000—marking the end of daily print publication after 34 years and reflecting the CPUSA's retreat to less ambitious outlets amid unrelenting external and self-inflicted pressures.

Claimed Successors and Modern Iterations

Following the merger of the Daily Worker's assets into the weekly The Worker in January 1958, the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) briefly revived a daily format as The Daily World in New York City starting in 1968, which served as the party's primary print organ through the 1970s and 1980s. In 1986, The Daily World merged with the West Coast-based People's Daily World to form the People's Weekly World, which reduced frequency to weekly before ceasing print in 2010 and relaunching online as People's World (peoplesworld.org). This digital publication explicitly claims ideological and organizational continuity with the Daily Worker, asserting lineage from its 1924 founding as a CPUSA mouthpiece for Marxist-Leninist analysis of labor struggles, anti-imperialism, and class conflict. Modern readership for People's World remains negligible compared to the Daily Worker's historical peaks of over 50,000 daily subscribers in the and . As of September 2025, the site's global traffic ranking stands at approximately 217,000, correlating to modest monthly visits well under major platforms and reflecting limited audience engagement despite persistent of CPUSA-aligned views on issues like U.S. critiques. This marginal scale underscores the empirical failure of successor models to achieve the mass proletarian outreach envisioned in original Marxist frameworks, as audiences have shifted toward competitive, market-responsive media structures. No operational print revivals have materialized since 1958, with efforts confined to archival preservation rather than active publication. The Marxists Internet Archive maintains digitized collections of Daily Worker issues spanning 1924–1941, enabling historical research but not ideological propagation through new content. References to the Daily Worker in contemporary leftist outlets occasionally invoke its legacy for rhetorical purposes, yet these lack institutional continuity. A 2025 short documentary titled Daily Worker, directed by Ting Su and premiered at festivals including the Big Sky Documentary Film Festival, focuses on the digitization of the newspaper's archival film negatives in a New York preservation lab, highlighting cultural heritage efforts over any push for revival.

Editorial Structure and Leadership

Key Editors and Masthead Evolution (1920s-1930s)

In the 1920s, the Daily Worker's editorial leadership was dominated by figures aligned with the nascent (CPUSA), enforcing strict adherence to Comintern directives amid internal factional struggles. J. Louis Engdahl served as a primary editor during this period, contributing to the paper's establishment as the party's official organ after its transition from the weekly Worker in 1924. Engdahl, a socialist who joined the communist movement, helped shape the masthead's focus on proletarian agitation and international solidarity, reflecting the party's efforts to consolidate orthodoxy following splits like the 1921 expulsion of factional opponents. Robert Minor, initially prominent as the paper's art editor and in the mid-1920s, transitioned to full roles by 1928, using visual to reinforce Comintern loyalty during purges of suspected right-wing deviations within the CPUSA. Minor's tenure exemplified the masthead's integration of artistic and journalistic functions to combat ideological rivals, including Trotskyist sympathizers, whose expulsions from the party often led to staff turnovers. The staff composition drew heavily from Jewish-immigrant backgrounds, mirroring the CPUSA's early demographics of urban radicals from Eastern European origins, with roles like foreign correspondents channeling narratives aligned with Soviet perspectives. By the early 1930s, Clarence Hathaway emerged as editor, holding the position through much of the decade and steering the paper toward the strategy of antifascist alliances as dictated by the Comintern's Seventh Congress in 1935. Hathaway's editorials emphasized broad democratic fronts against , yet the masthead demonstrated rapid adaptability to policy reversals, such as the 1939 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, prioritizing party loyalty over consistent antifascist rhetoric. This era saw frequent personnel changes due to dismissals for ideological deviations, with editors and staff vetted for unwavering Stalinist alignment amid CPUSA's internal cleansings of Trotskyist elements.

Wartime and Postwar Leadership Changes (1940s-1950s)

In the early 1940s, Louis F. Budenz directed the Daily Worker as its editor and president of its publishing corporation, navigating the paper's pivot from anti-war to enthusiastic advocacy for the Allied effort after the entered on June 22, 1941. Budenz, whose career included labor and ties to communist networks, ensured editorial content prioritized Soviet defense and U.S. industrial mobilization against , often framing domestic strikes as detrimental to the wartime alliance while suppressing critical scrutiny of Stalinist policies. This alignment persisted despite external pressures like federal , but Budenz's abrupt in October 1945—followed by his testimony in over 60 anti-communist proceedings—exposed internal vulnerabilities and prompted immediate reconfiguration, underscoring the fragility of leadership loyalty amid ideological commitments. Morris Childs succeeded Budenz as editor in December 1945, serving until June 1947, during which the publication adapted to postwar realities including the onset of the Cold War and CPUSA expulsions of perceived dissidents like Earl Browder. With his own Moscow training and Comintern affiliations, Childs upheld uncritical reporting on Soviet sphere expansions, correlating with patterns of editorial deference that prioritized party orthodoxy over empirical deviations in USSR coverage. The era saw masthead shifts toward bolstering legal defenses against measures like the 1947 federal employee loyalty program, reflecting resource strains as circulation dipped from wartime peaks toward 21,000 daily copies by 1948, yet maintained subordination to centralized directives amid rising indictments. John Gates took editorial control post-1947, steering the Daily Worker through the 1950s under intensifying McCarthyist scrutiny, including his own Smith Act indictment in July 1948 and conviction in October 1949 for advocating overthrow of the government. Gates emphasized anti-McCarthy exposés and civil liberties campaigns for jailed communists, diverging from prewar agitation styles by centering defensive narratives, but retained pro-Soviet fidelity in foreign affairs, as seen in tempered responses to Khrushchev's 1956 de-Stalinization speech and the Hungarian intervention. Frequent leadership ties to international bodies like the Comintern or Abraham Lincoln Brigade—evident in Gates' Spanish Civil War service—aligned with ongoing uncritical USSR portrayals; however, his push for party democratization clashed with hardline resistance, leading to his 1958 resignation and the paper's merger into a weekly format amid circulation erosion to roughly 20,000 and resultant staff reductions signaling fiscal contraction.

Content Characteristics

Ideological Framework and Routine Coverage

The Daily Worker framed its content through a Marxist-Leninist ideology that posited perpetual class war between workers and capitalists, viewing domestic events as manifestations of bourgeois exploitation inevitably leading to proletarian uprising. As the USA's flagship , it subordinated factual reporting to advancing agitation, critiquing as a decaying system without weighing its productive efficiencies or historical poverty reductions against alleged inequities. Front pages routinely led with class struggle narratives, using imperative headlines to rally readers against perceived capitalist aggressions, such as labor lockouts or wage cuts portrayed as deliberate starvation tactics rather than cyclical adjustments or managerial necessities. coverage, for example, consistently attributed joblessness to inherent capitalist contradictions, as in editorials decrying the crisis as proof of systemic rot and urging mass action under slogans like "—Fight!" without acknowledging policy interventions or market recoveries that historically mitigated downturns. Routine interior features reinforced this lens, including the "Worker Correspondents" section where proletarian contributors submitted dispatches glorifying strikes and party-led organizing, promoting unrelenting militancy while eliding economic fallout from communist-influenced disruptions, such as prolonged walkouts that eroded worker savings or employer relocations. Columns like Art Shields' "News from the Class Struggle Front" serialized accounts of workplace battles to inspire emulation, framing every dispute as a microcosm of inevitable . The paper's ideological consistency precluded evenhanded treatment of rival labor entities, devoting scant space to gains—like victories yielding stable wages for millions—while amplifying AFL shortcomings, such as exclusionary practices toward minorities, to discredit as complicit in exploitation. This style, reliant on wire services yet filtered through party doctrine, marked a departure from empirical , prioritizing doctrinal purity over causal dissection of labor outcomes.

International Reporting and Soviet Alignment

The Daily Worker routinely framed its international reporting to align with Soviet objectives, functioning as an extension of Moscow's apparatus through uncritical endorsement of USSR actions abroad. During the 1932–1933 collectivization drive, the newspaper minimized or denied the ensuing famine's severity, attributing mass starvation to " sabotage" and elements rather than coercive grain requisitions and policy failures that empirical demographic studies later quantified as causing millions of excess deaths, primarily in . This denial campaign echoed Comintern instructions to communist parties worldwide, dismissing eyewitness accounts and early reports from outlets like the Jewish Daily Forward as imperialist lies, thereby prioritizing ideological fidelity over verifiable human costs estimated at 3.5 to 5 million fatalities in affected regions. In World War II coverage, dispatches emphasized Soviet military triumphs on the Eastern Front, drawing heavily from TASS wire services without independent corroboration and often understating the material impact of Western Lend-Lease supplies—which totaled over 17,000 aircraft, 400,000 vehicles, and millions of tons of food aiding the Red Army's logistics—while portraying the conflict as primarily a Soviet-led antifascist crusade. This selective emphasis served to bolster the Communist Party of the United States' (CPUSA) unconditional defense of the USSR, even as Allied contributions enabled sustained Soviet offensives post-1942. Postwar reporting on Eastern Europe similarly depicted Red Army advances into Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary as genuine "liberations" welcomed by workers, ignoring forced elections, purges of non-communist elements, and occupation-enforced one-party rule that archival evidence later exposed as engineered rather than organic. Such alignment manifested acutely in the Daily Worker's rejection of Soviet responsibility for the 1940 , where approximately 22,000 Polish officers and intellectuals were executed; the paper parroted attributions to Nazi perpetrators, citing purported German confessions and dismissing forensic evidence from German investigations as wartime fabrications, a position maintained until Gorbachev's 1990 admission of guilt eroded its basis. This pattern of subordinating factual inquiry to Soviet directives—evident in reliance on state-controlled sources amid restricted access for Western journalists—compromised the outlet's credibility, as subsequent revelations from Soviet archives and defectors highlighted systematic distortions favoring geopolitical advocacy over causal analysis of events.

Domestic Labor and Political Agitation

The Daily Worker extensively covered domestic labor strikes, portraying U.S. employers and institutions as systematic oppressors while promoting (CPUSA) agitation to radicalize participants and recruit members. During events like the 1934 Teamsters' strike, which lasted from May to July and involved over 2,000 truck drivers demanding union recognition and better wages, the newspaper highlighted police violence—such as the "Bloody Friday" clash on July 20 where two strikers were killed—and urged escalation toward socialist , but downplayed worker-initiated disruptions to commerce and instances of striker aggression that prolonged economic hardship for non-union workers. This selective framing served CPUSA recruitment drives, as party organizers distributed the paper at picket lines to channel militancy into communist-led unions like the Unity League, though empirical data shows such interventions often fragmented broader labor coalitions and limited wage gains compared to AFL-affiliated efforts. Politically, the Daily Worker endorsed only candidates advancing CPUSA platforms, routinely critiquing figures as "social fascists" prior to the shift—a Comintern directive from the Third Period (1928–1935) that equated reformist socialists with fascism's enablers. A May 24, 1930, front-page explicitly termed opponents "social-fascists," rejecting alliances with Democrats or figures like , whose early measures—such as the National Industrial Recovery Act of 1933 providing rights—were dismissed as capitalist ploys despite their role in reducing from 25% in 1933 to 14% by 1937 through regulated private investment rather than wholesale nationalization. Post-, endorsements softened toward , but agitation persisted in framing U.S. institutions as irredeemable without proletarian overthrow, ignoring how legislative reforms like the Wagner Act of fostered union membership growth to 8 million by 1939 under a . Advocacy for industry nationalization permeated labor coverage, with the paper demanding state seizure of banks, railroads, and factories to end "," as echoed in CPUSA programs reprinted in issues like the February 27, 1928, edition featuring calls for alongside cartoons of idle factories. Yet this position disregarded causal mechanisms where rights incentivized innovation, contrasting Soviet stagnation—where industrial output per capita lagged U.S. levels by factors of 3–5 during despite forced collectivization—with America's Depression-era recovery, driven by entrepreneurial risk-taking that boosted productivity 50% from 1929 to 1941. Visual elements reinforced agitation, with cartoons by artists like Fred Ellis satirizing as a aloof aristocrat amid 1929 crash breadlines and as a banker post-1932 election, archived in collections spanning – issues. These depictions mirrored Soviet propaganda styles but lacked introspection on parallel censorship in the USSR, where dissenters faced purges, underscoring the paper's one-sided critique of domestic power structures while advancing CPUSA narratives un tempered by balanced assessment of reformist gains like rising under the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938.

Controversies

Defense of Stalinist Policies and Atrocities

The Daily Worker enthusiastically endorsed the show trials of 1936–1938, portraying them as necessary purges of "Trotskyite " and fascist agents threatening the Soviet state, with editorials and headlines like " the Reptiles!" framing the proceedings as authentic justice. Confessions extracted during these trials, which implicated high-ranking such as Zinoviev, Kamenev, and Bukharin in fabricated plots, were accepted at face value by the paper despite later evidence from declassified records and survivor accounts confirming their coercion via , , and threats to families. In coverage of the 1932–1933 , the Daily Worker systematically downplayed the famine's severity in , dismissing reports of mass starvation as capitalist propaganda or blaming "kulak saboteurs" and rightist deviations rather than acknowledging state-enforced collectivization, grain seizures, and export policies under that demographers estimate caused 3.9 million excess Ukrainian deaths. This stance aligned with Soviet directives to international communist outlets, ignoring eyewitness diplomatic cables and internal documents later revealed showing deliberate exacerbation of shortages to crush peasant resistance. The forced-labor network was depicted in the Daily Worker as a progressive system of "corrective labor" and reeducation for counterrevolutionaries, emphasizing over punishment and omitting conditions of , overwork, and exposure that archival data indicate led to at least 1.05 million documented deaths from onward, with total likely higher due to underreporting practices. Declassified Soviet records, including camp ledgers and amnesty files, substantiate that millions were arbitrarily sentenced through Article 58 of the penal code for political offenses, with survival rates plummeting during peak repression years like 1937–1938. Following Nikita Khrushchev's February 1956 "secret speech" critiquing Stalin's personality cult and purges, the Daily Worker offered a tempered response in its June 6, 1956, editorial, acknowledging some excesses but rejecting the address as the "last word" on Stalin's terror, instead stressing ongoing "socialist achievements" and attributing deviations to bureaucratic distortions rather than inherent flaws in one-party totalitarian control. This minimal shift preserved the paper's foundational narrative of Soviet infallibility, even as global communist movements grappled with evidence of systemic violence, including the purges' role in eliminating potential internal checks on power.

Espionage Links and Subversive Allegations

Louis Budenz, managing editor of the Daily Worker from 1935 until his defection in April 1945, testified before the and the FBI about Soviet espionage networks embedded within the (CPUSA), identifying over 300 individuals as active or sympathetic to Soviet intelligence operations and revealing how party channels, including media outlets, facilitated the funneling of to the . Budenz's disclosures, corroborated by his insider knowledge of editorial decisions, exposed recruitment tactics where Daily Worker staff vetted potential assets for underground roles. J. Peters (also known as József Péter or Isador Boorstein), a senior CPUSA official who directed the party's clandestine underground apparatus in the 1930s and 1940s, coordinated espionage support for Soviet agents, including facilitating contacts that aided Alger Hiss in passing State Department documents to Whittaker Chambers for transmission to Moscow handlers. Chambers, in his 1948 congressional testimony, detailed Peters' role in linking open CPUSA activities—including those tied to party publications like the Daily Worker—to covert NKVD-directed subversion. Jacob Golos, a top CPUSA operative and NKVD asset who managed multiple spy rings in the United States during the 1930s and early 1940s, oversaw the transfer of sensitive military and industrial data to Soviet contacts, drawing recruits from party circles that overlapped with Daily Worker operations. Golos's network, which included couriers and handlers embedded in CPUSA media efforts, collapsed after his death in 1943 but had already compromised U.S. defenses through systematic information leaks. The Daily Worker editorialized in defense of after their March 1951 espionage convictions, dismissing evidence of their atomic secrets transmission to the Soviets as a fabricated "frame-up" by U.S. authorities, despite VENONA decrypts—partially released in the 1990s—from 1944 cables identifying as the agent "Liberal" (or "Antenna") who recruited subagents and passed data. These intercepts, decoded from traffic, confirmed the Rosenbergs' guilt independently of trial testimony, contradicting the paper's narrative of innocence. Whittaker Chambers, who contributed to the Daily Worker in the early before transitioning to Soviet underground work, testified in 1948 that CPUSA front organizations and publications systematically scouted ideological sympathizers for recruitment, with party journalists and editors serving as initial vetters to identify reliable candidates for tasks. Chambers's accounts, bolstered by microfilm evidence he produced, illustrated how the Daily Worker's masthead functioned as a conduit for talent identification in subversive operations. FBI counterintelligence efforts included informant penetration of the Daily Worker staff, exemplified by Budenz's post-defection cooperation, which dismantled linked networks and provided empirical documentation of over 80 espionage cases tied to CPUSA media personnel by 1948.

Internal Party Control and Suppression of Dissent

The Daily Worker served as a primary mechanism for enforcing CPUSA ideological conformity by publicizing expulsions of members labeled as "revisionists" or Trotsky sympathizers, particularly during the late 1920s and 1930s, in direct emulation of Soviet Comintern tactics. In 1928, the newspaper explicitly denounced the expulsion of James P. Cannon, Max Shachtman, Martin Abern, and roughly 100 others for endorsing Trotsky's critiques, framing them as counter-revolutionary factionalists undermining party unity. Similarly, following the 1929 ouster of Jay Lovestone's Bukharinite faction—which opposed Comintern directives and resulted in 200 expulsions alongside 2,000 voluntary quits—the Daily Worker reinforced the Stalinist narrative of necessary purification to eliminate deviation. These reports not only justified the removals but also deterred broader internal debate, transforming the publication from an initial venue for Trotsky's 1924 articles into a strict propagator of anti-Trotskyist materials by 1925, such as pamphlets compiling speeches by Stalin, Zinoviev, and Kamenev. Self-censorship and editorial pressures further stifled dissent, as evidenced by abrupt shifts in coverage to align with Moscow-dictated lines, including hesitations around the 1939 . Initial shock within CPUSA ranks, including among Daily Worker contributors, led to rapid enforcement of the pact's defense as an anti-imperialist maneuver against Western powers, suppressing alternative views and contributing to a membership plunge from approximately 50,000 to 20,000 as disillusioned members departed or faced marginalization. The paper's foreign desk and leadership adhered to this pivot, avoiding scrutiny of the pact's secret protocols or its facilitation of Soviet territorial gains, thereby modeling obedience over critical analysis. CPUSA internal "trials" and commissions, often covered approvingly in the Daily Worker, functioned as loyalty tests that downplayed evidence of the party's subordination to Soviet directives, portraying accused individuals—frequently suspected of or independent thinking—as existential threats warranting . This orthodoxy extended to suppressing documentation of Comintern cables mandating factional crackdowns, as seen in publications that framed unity appeals as absolute imperatives. Such mechanisms of marginalized dissenters, fostering a monolithic structure that alienated the CPUSA from mainstream labor alliances and hastened its isolation. The party's inflexible adherence to foreign-dictated positions, amplified through Daily Worker agitation, culminated in the ' expulsion of 11 communist-influenced unions between 1949 and 1950, stripping CPUSA of significant institutional footholds and underscoring how internal suppression eroded broader working-class engagement.

Influence and Assessment

Circulation Metrics and Readership Limits

The Daily Worker reached a peak circulation of approximately 35,000 in the late 1930s, far below that of established dailies like The New York Times, which exceeded 700,000 daily copies by the mid-1930s and saw further gains into the 1940s amid rising national newspaper totals surpassing 40 million. This disparity highlighted the paper's niche status as the official organ of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA), appealing mainly to committed partisans rather than achieving mass dissemination. Circulation contracted after pivotal disruptions to CPUSA credibility. The 1939 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact forced an editorial pivot from to opposing U.S. war involvement, alienating subscribers aligned with broader anti-Nazi sentiments and contributing to early readership erosion. exacerbated this; publication of Nikita Khrushchev's full 1956 speech denouncing Stalin's sparked party infighting, with editor ' support for reforms clashing against orthodox factions, hastening financial strain that suspended daily operations in January 1958. Readership skewed toward urban, ideologically aligned demographics, including industrial workers, Eastern European immigrants, and CPUSA activists concentrated in northern cities like and , where party branches were strongest; penetration remained minimal in rural regions or the , hampered by and scant organizing efforts. Sustained low appeal stemmed from rigid Soviet fidelity and partisan slant, which deterred moderates seeking objective reporting, compounded by dependence on CPUSA funding for production costs that could not rival the advertising-supported efficiencies of commercial competitors.

Effects on American Labor and Leftist Circles

The Daily Worker, as the primary organ of the (CPUSA), played a role in mobilizing support for during the 1930s, particularly through coverage of strikes and organizing drives that aligned with the (CIO)'s formation in 1935 under United Mine Workers leader . CPUSA activists, amplified by the paper's , contributed to grassroots efforts in sectors like auto and steel, where communist trade unionists were active in building membership amid the . However, attributes the CIO's rapid growth—from roughly 3 million union members in 1933 to over 9 million by 1941—primarily to the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 and leadership from figures like Lewis and of the , rather than CPUSA dominance, which overstated its influence in retrospective narratives. The paper's advocacy for Soviet-aligned policies increasingly alienated mainstream labor leaders, contributing to divisions that culminated in the CIO's 1949-1950 expulsions of 11 communist-led unions, representing about 20% of CIO membership at the time. These purges, driven by tensions and accusations of , diminished CPUSA clout within organized labor, as anticommunist factions consolidated control and prioritized anti-Soviet resolutions over radical agitation. While the Daily Worker highlighted worker grievances and promoted class-struggle rhetoric, union membership continued expanding to a peak of 34.2% of the non-agricultural workforce by 1945, driven by wartime production and reforms independent of communist efforts. In leftist cultural circles, the Daily Worker influenced figures like , who contributed articles and drew on its platform to advocate for workers' rights and , fostering solidarity among fringe intellectuals and artists sympathetic to . Yet this reach remained marginal, confined to CPUSA orbits without effecting broader policy shifts in labor or leftist movements, as mainstream unions distanced themselves from the paper's uncritical Soviet endorsements, which prioritized ideological purity over pragmatic organizing. Overall, the Daily Worker's agitation amplified immediate economic discontent but exacerbated factionalism, limiting its causal impact on sustainable labor gains amid evidence of union resilience under non-communist leadership.

Long-Term Legacy and Anti-Communist Critiques

The Daily Worker's enduring legacy serves as a stark example of media as an instrument of ideological propaganda, a perspective vividly conveyed by defector Whittaker Chambers in his 1952 autobiography Witness, where he recounts his tenure as the paper's de facto editor from 1927 to 1929 and its role in enforcing doctrinal conformity over independent inquiry. Chambers depicted the publication as emblematic of communism's demand for total allegiance, suppressing dissent and fabricating narratives to advance Soviet imperatives, thereby illustrating the causal link between uncritical partisanship and the erosion of journalistic integrity. This insider critique aligns with broader anti-communist assessments that view the paper not as a genuine voice for workers but as a conduit for foreign-directed subversion, substantiated by declassified records of Soviet subsidies to the CPUSA exceeding $28 million between 1959 and 1989 alone, funds that sustained party organs including the Daily Worker. Anti-communist scholars contend that the paper's advocacy facilitated Moscow's infiltration efforts, tainting authentic labor grievances by conflating them with for regimes responsible for mass and purges, a pattern whose warnings were empirically vindicated by the Soviet Union's in 1991 amid chronic shortages, repression, and the exposure of archival atrocities affecting tens of millions. Such operations, per Venona decrypts and FBI surveillance, compromised U.S. security and delegitimized leftist causes, fostering long-term skepticism toward union radicals perceived as Soviet proxies—a dynamic that prioritized geopolitical loyalty over domestic reform. The paper's distortions, including denial of realities during the 1930s, exemplified how ideological capture preempted of socialism's incentives for central planning failures, ultimately discrediting its premises in public discourse. Today, the Daily Worker's successors, such as the CPUSA's People's World, reflect this rejection through their negligible influence, with the party maintaining fewer than 5,000 dues-paying members amid a U.S. population exceeding 330 million, in stark contrast to the adaptability of market-driven outlets. This marginality underscores the ideological bankruptcy exposed by real-world outcomes, where communist experiments yielded stagnation rather than prosperity, rendering the paper's worldview untenable. While conceding merits in select exposés, like Lester Rodney's advocacy for baseball integration in the 1930s and 1940s, these instances pale against the overarching pattern of fidelity to a failed paradigm that subordinated evidence to orthodoxy, enabling totalitarian excesses abroad and disillusionment at home.

Supplementary Materials

Pamphlets, Special Editions, and Archival Outputs

The Daily Worker extended its propaganda efforts through pamphlets issued by the USA's publishing arms, including the Daily Worker Publishing Company, which produced works like the 1931 pamphlet Race Hatred on Trial on the case, framing the trials as evidence of systemic racial oppression under . These pamphlets, spanning the to , reprinted or adapted newspaper content for targeted distribution at labor rallies and party events, aiming to recruit sympathizers rather than achieve broad commercial sales. Special editions amplified seasonal or event-specific messaging, such as the May Day supplement published on May 1, 1925, which urged workers to observe the holiday through strikes and demonstrations in solidarity with global communist movements. War-related inserts during the 1930s and 1940s echoed the paper's line on antifascism and Soviet support, while election extras in years like and repackaged daily endorsements of CPUSA candidates, focusing on agitation against mainstream parties without independent investigative depth. Archival holdings, including digitized pamphlets and issues, reside in collections like the , which scans Daily Worker content from 1924 to 1958 but curates selections to prioritize Marxist interpretations, often excluding contemporaneous critiques of Soviet policies or party tactics from non-aligned sources. This partisan filtering underscores the materials' role as ideological artifacts rather than neutral historical records, with pamphlets functioning empirically as low-circulation adjuncts to party organizing—distributed in quantities sufficient for events but not rivaling the newspaper's peak print runs of 30,000-60,000 daily copies in the 1930s.

References

  1. [1]
    The Daily Worker Online - Primary Sources — Brill
    The Daily Worker was the official mouthpiece of the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) between 1924 and 1958.
  2. [2]
    The Daily Worker: A Communist Newspaper out of Chicago
    Jan 6, 2021 · The Daily Worker was created for Communist Party USA members in 1921. The paper was originally titled the Worker, centered in Chicago and marketed as a weekly ...
  3. [3]
    The Daily Worker USA - Spartacus Educational
    The American Communist Party established the Daily Worker newspaper in 1924. It generally reflected the prevailing views of the party.
  4. [4]
    People's World – Continuing the Daily Worker – Founded 1924
    From Daily Worker to Daily Show: Communists back in the national conversation.About People’s World · News · Contact · Communist leader Carl Winter...
  5. [5]
    The Daily Workers - Contents by Issue (1924 - 1941)
    May 14, 2023 · The Daily Worker was a newspaper published in New York City by the Communist Party USA, a formerly Comintern-affiliated organization.
  6. [6]
    The Daily Worker and The Daily World Photographs Collection
    Historical Note. The Daily Worker traces its origins to the Communist Labor Party, founded in Chicago in 1919, and its newspaper the Toiler. When the Communist ...
  7. [7]
    The Daily Worker and the Daily World Negatives Collection
    The Daily Worker was established as the Communist Party USA's daily newspaper in 1924. The newspaper was initially established as the weekly The Worker in 1921 ...
  8. [8]
    Daily Worker — Browse by title - Illinois Digital Newspaper Collections
    The lack of ad revenue meant that the paper was vulnerable to funding losses from subscriptions and support from the official communist party.Missing: circulation 1920s<|separator|>
  9. [9]
    The Case of Sacco and Vanzetti in Cartoons from the Daily Worker
    Mostly in August, around the time of the (legal) murder of Sacco and Vanzetti. One cartoon is from July. In Jospeh Freeman's introductory text in this pamphlet, ...
  10. [10]
    The daily worker. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1924-1958, May 19, 1927 ...
    Over 110,000 Appeals, 200 Cables and Over 50,000,000 People To Date Protest on Behalf of Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti CHICAGO.
  11. [11]
    Sacco and Vanzetti: Murdered by Capitalism
    Aug 1, 2025 · They were convicted of robbery and first-degree murder in a sham trial. On April 9, 1927 they were scheduled to die in the electric chair and ...
  12. [12]
    The Daily Worker for 1936 - Marxists Internet Archive
    The right political shift to that of “The Popular Front” political line ... «Daily Worker for 1935 | Daily Worker for 1937. Jump back to Daily Worker ...
  13. [13]
    Ninety years later, we still need a Popular Front - People's World
    Jul 25, 2025 · 5, 1935 issue of Daily Worker announces the inauguration of the Popular Front strategy; Top right: The main stage of the 7th World Congress, ...Missing: shift | Show results with:shift
  14. [14]
    The Popular Front Revisited | Theodore H. Draper
    May 30, 1985 · The Popular Front phase lasted only about four years, from 1935 to 1939. ... Daily Worker on the corner, and marched in demonstrations” (italics ...
  15. [15]
    Looking Back on the Spanish War | The Orwell Foundation
    Our memories are short nowadays, but look back a bit, dig out the files of New Masses or the Daily Worker, and just have a look at the romantic warmongering ...Missing: coverage | Show results with:coverage
  16. [16]
    The Daily Worker - Spartacus Educational
    A new CPGB newspaper. Wintringham found premises at 41 Tabernacle Street, London EC2. On 1st January 1930, launched The Daily Worker.
  17. [17]
    Max Shachtman: Behind the Stalin-Hitler Pact (September 1939)
    Mar 15, 2016 · On May 13, 1939, the Daily Worker quoted with editorial approval a dispatch which said: “Rapid spreading rumors of an impending German ...
  18. [18]
    From “Class against Class” to the Hitler-Stalin Pact
    On 24 August 1940, the Daily Worker even celebrated the anniversary of the Pact by reproducing an article from Izvestia that translated opportunism into the new ...
  19. [19]
    [ii] The Peace Movement and the USSR - The Bukovsky Archives
    The British Daily Worker adopted a similar line and greeted the new alliance as a victory for peace, as did the American Daily Worker. On 19 September 1939 ...
  20. [20]
    75 Years Since the Soviet Invasion of Poland - Leftcom.org
    Sep 17, 2014 · In Britain the General Secretary of the CP (Harry Pollitt) and the editor of the Daily Worker (J.R. Campbell were both sacked for opposing this ...Missing: stance | Show results with:stance
  21. [21]
    Why were so many Americans, politicians especially, against the ...
    Jul 23, 2023 · ... Molotov-Ribbentrop pact and the start of Barbarossa. The Daily Worker called the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact "a great day for Poland." The CPUSA ..."Soviet's Dramatic Peace Move To Halt Aggressors." British ... - RedditWhat was the anarchist foreign policy during World War 2? - RedditMore results from www.reddit.com
  22. [22]
    Confronting the “Good War”: The Policies of the Radical Left in the ...
    The day after Pearl Harbor, the Daily Worker changed its slogan “the Yanks are not coming” to “Everything for Victory” (Ottanelli 202-217). The party also ...
  23. [23]
    The Communist Conspiracy Case: Views of 72 Daily Newspapers
    The circulations reported for 1948 were: Daily Worker, 21,206; The Worker (Sunday). 64,348. Go to Footnote ...Missing: peak | Show results with:peak
  24. [24]
    [PDF] Daily .^Worker
    ... DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, APRIL 28, 1984. America's Only Daily WorktflffciMe Newspaper. IAgainst the “New Deal” of Hunger, Fascism and War! For the ...
  25. [25]
    [PDF] Truman Doctrine Means War
    The. Daily Worker hides behind the redoubtable Henry Wallace. But neither the Kremlin (nor Foster-Dennis) have dared even to demand that the issue be raised ...
  26. [26]
    Verdict Against Freedom: 75th anniversary of the Foley Square anti ...
    Oct 11, 2024 · The two articles below are from the Oct. 17, 1949, issue of the Daily Worker, the first full edition of the paper after the trial concluded. The ...Missing: trials | Show results with:trials
  27. [27]
    Peaceful Transition and the Communist Party, USA 1949-1958
    ... Daily Worker. The inner-Party debate was initiated by Eugene Dennis's speech ... Smith Act trials. But, given at least twenty years of revisionist ...
  28. [28]
    Leading U.S. Communists Arrested by F.B.I.; Conspiracy Charges Laid
    and the "Daily Worker." All New York newspapers. told the story of the arrests in ... Leading U.S. Communists Arrested by F.B.I.; Conspiracy Charges Laid (1948, ...Missing: raids | Show results with:raids
  29. [29]
    DECLINE INDICATED BY DAILY WORKER; Communist Organ ...
    At the end of last year, Joseph Roberts, general manager of the newspaper, said in an official party report that its circulation had fallen to 19,000. Since ...
  30. [30]
    CLOSING DATE SET BY DAILY WORKER; Paper Will Suspend ...
    Suspension of the daily newspaper was decided upon at a meeting of the Communist party's Na- tional Executive Committee, last Dec. 20-22, though no reference to ...
  31. [31]
    On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences - Wikipedia
    It politically devastated organised communists in the West; the Communist Party USA alone lost more than 30,000 members within weeks of its publication. The ...Panegyric · 1956 Georgian demonstrations · Mingrelian affair · 20th Congress
  32. [32]
    Press: Leftist Libel - Time Magazine
    The Daily Worker is now being sued for a total of $745,000 in damages for libel. ... Author Eastman charged that the Daily Worker had finally gone too far, sued ...
  33. [33]
    END MARKED HERE BY DAILY WORKER; But Communist Paper ...
    The Communist Daily Worker suspended publication with today's issue, but its front page carried two banner headlines: Editor Had Resigned John Gates, ...
  34. [34]
    People's World archives - The Online Books Page
    People's World is a descendant of the Daily Worker, which was eventually renamed the People's Daily World, and which then became the People's Weekly World in ...
  35. [35]
    About People's World
    People's World traces its lineage to the Daily Worker newspaper, founded by communists, socialists, union members, and other activists in Chicago in 1924. On ...
  36. [36]
    peoplesworld.org Website Analysis for September 2025 - Similarweb
    Website ranking helps evaluate the value of a business. Over the last three months, peoplesworld.org's global ranking has increased from 100,090 to 217,441.
  37. [37]
    Daily Worker (Short 2025) - IMDb
    In a dark preservation lab in New York City, international student Ting Su works to digitize archival film negatives from the Daily Worker, ...
  38. [38]
    [PDF] THE DAILY WORKER WM. F. DUNNE J. LOUIS ENGDAHL Editors ...
    THE DAILY WORKER. WM. F. DUNNE. J. LOUIS ENGDAHL Editors. THE LITTlE RED LIBRARY. Communist Books & Pamphlets. THE WORKERS MONTHLY. EARL R. BROWDER, Editor.
  39. [39]
    [PDF] the daily worker. new york
    THE DAILY WORKER. J. LOUIS ENGDAHL, Editor. MORITZ J. LOEB, Business Manager,. CHIHLIWAR-LORD. BETRAYS FORCES. OFKUOMINCHUN. Aids Chang Gain Con- trol of Peking.
  40. [40]
    'In Memory of J. Louis Engdahl' by the Central Committee ...
    Feb 8, 2023 · 'In Memory of J. Louis Engdahl' by the Central Committee, Communist Party U.S.A. from The Daily Worker. Vol. 9 No. 280. November 23, 1932.
  41. [41]
    Robert Minor (1884–1952) - Labor Arts
    Robert “Bob” Minor was an accomplished political cartoonist, a radical journalist and a leading member of the American Communist Party.
  42. [42]
    'Art as a Weapon' by Robert Minor from The Daily Worker. Vol. 2 No ...
    Jan 27, 2024 · The definitive character of the artist is in that he to a high degree responds to and expresses in harmonious, unifying form the stimuli of ...Missing: editor | Show results with:editor
  43. [43]
    ROBERT MINOR, 68, I COMMUNIST LEADERI; A Founder of Party ...
    ROBERT MINOR, 68, I COMMUNIST LEADERI; A Founder of Party in U. S. DiesmFormer Editor of Daily Worker Also Was Cartoonist. Share full article. Special to TFF ...<|separator|>
  44. [44]
    Abe Magil: A tribute to a working class, Marxist journalist
    Mar 20, 2003 · ... Jewish immigrant ... In 1926, soon after graduating, he moved to New York and joined the Communist Party (CPUSA) and the staff of the Daily Worker ...Missing: masthead | Show results with:masthead
  45. [45]
    [PDF] Daily Worker
    “DAILY WORKER. “CLARENCE A. HATHAWAY, Editor.” TieBetweenWilson! And Zaharoff Seen. (Continued from Page 1). ' testimony centered around testi- mony ...
  46. [46]
    Communist Clarence Hathaway and His Powerful Impact on ...
    In 1936, Hathaway, as editor of the Daily Worker, had come to the defense of Olson and the Farmer-Labor Party following the sensational murder of Walter Liggett ...
  47. [47]
    'Building the Democratic Front' by Clarence A. Hathaway from The ...
    Mar 31, 2024 · A useful summation by then top Party leader Clarence Hathaway of the Communists' stated reasons, aims, and practice of the 'Popular Front' ...
  48. [48]
    [PDF] Daily
    R. Magnates Clamp New. Wage Cut on Workers. DespiteProvocationof. S.P.Leaders, Workers. UniteforGarden Meet. Clarence Hathaway, Daily Worker Editor, Badly.
  49. [49]
    Editor of Daily Worker - The New York Times
    Apr 28, 1972 · Budenz was a key Government witness in no fewer than 60 proceedings before Congressional committees, courts and loyalty review boards. In these ...
  50. [50]
    Louis Francis Budenz - CatholicAuthors.com
    I then returned to New York to become president and managing editor of the Daily Worker, all through this time writing columns and articles for these respective ...
  51. [51]
    Our Man in Moscow | Theodore H. Draper
    May 9, 1996 · Morris Childs was a ranking member of the American Communist Party. ... In 1946, after Browder's expulsion, he was made editor of the Daily Worker ...
  52. [52]
    John Gates, 78, Former Editor of The Daily Worker, Is Dead
    May 24, 1992 · John Gates, who quit as a top American Communist official and chief editor of The Daily Worker after losing a campaign to democratize the party ...
  53. [53]
    John Gates Archive - Marxists Internet Archive
    Marxists Internet Archive: John Gates. John Gates ... 1951: Jailing an Editor, Daily Worker, July 3, 1951 ... 1956: A Personal Message from John Gates, Daily Worker ...
  54. [54]
    Black and White and Red All Over | The New Yorker
    Actually, there are two Workers— the Daily Worker, a Monday-through-Friday journal that almost always consists of twelve buzzing pages, and a Sunday edition, ...
  55. [55]
    [PDF] Daily Worker
    The Daily Worker helps mobilize millions for the historic demonstrations from coast to coast on. Jan. 6, 1930 for unemployment relief and insurance. (Jan. 1, ...
  56. [56]
    International Unemployment Day: The 1930 revolt against capitalist ...
    Mar 6, 2024 · The Daily Worker newspaper spent weeks publicizing the campaign and building support for it under the slogans, “Don't Starve—Fight!” and “Work ...Missing: criticism | Show results with:criticism
  57. [57]
    The Forgotten History of the Workers' Unemployment Insurance Bill
    Oct 28, 2020 · The editors of the Daily Worker plaintively asked their readers, “Isn't it time we overhauled our old horse-and-buggy methods of recruiting?Missing: shift | Show results with:shift
  58. [58]
    [PDF] 4 Worker Correspondents
    A column of the. Daily Worker, with the type now used, will take about 660 words. It is therefore evi- dent that most of the news need not run to more than a ...
  59. [59]
    'News From the Class Struggle Front' by Art Shields from The Daily ...
    Aug 28, 2025 · Already a legendary labor reporter in 1924, Art Shields begins a series of advice on the importance and mechanics of working class ...Missing: examples | Show results with:examples
  60. [60]
    The AFL and Racial Discrimination | The Black Worker From the ...
    Daily Worker, February 28, 1945. 29. LARUS CASE SPOTLIGHTS AFL'S POLICY ON NEGROES. The AFL's practice of Jim Crowing its Negro members into class B locals ...
  61. [61]
    A Land of Plenty: American Press Coverage of the Holodomor
    Feb 3, 2021 · daily worker The Daily Worker was a newspaper published by the American Communist Party. Source: Wikipedia. “Today, the truth is beginning ...<|separator|>
  62. [62]
    Holodomor Propaganda: "Victorious Socialism" Hid the Genocide
    May 30, 2023 · Communist Party leader Earl Browder delivered a “Victorious Socialism” address at the 1934 CPUSA national convention, under directive from Moscow.
  63. [63]
    Holodomor denial and the origins of the American popular front
    Mar 2, 2025 · 'The. Forward was mouthing every rotten slander about 'famine' in the. Ukraine', the Daily Worker's staff complained, 'repeating every lie … out ...
  64. [64]
    [PDF] No. 158 Jul 3, 1941
    An analysis of the military operations on the Eastern front in the. Soviet-Nazi war is a daily feature of the Daily Worker. The author, a military expert ...
  65. [65]
    Secret Memos on How Voice of America Was Duped by Soviet ...
    In his confidential and later declassified memorandum, Opal discussed Voice of America's reporting on the World War II massacre of members of the Polish ...
  66. [66]
    [PDF] The Soviet Katyn Lie and the Anglo-American Press
    the truth of the massacre and blame the crime on Nazi Germany. In their ... Daily Worker, echoed this in his reporting on Katyn, citing the words of a ...
  67. [67]
    Communist Propaganda in Pre-Cold War America: The Daily Worker ...
    Sep 29, 2025 · Communist Propaganda in Pre-Cold War America: The Daily Worker and the Great Depression ... Soviet Union. The second group was composed of social ...
  68. [68]
    The Minneapolis Strike - International Brotherhood of Teamsters
    The strike began on May 16. The workers demanded recognition of the union, wage increases, shorter working hours and the right of the union to represent “ ...
  69. [69]
    1934 Minneapolis Teamster Strike Page - Marxists Internet Archive
    First hand narration and interviews with the major participants of the Strike. This book tells the story of Minneapolis as it became a union town under the ...
  70. [70]
    Page 1 — Daily Worker 24 May 1930
    Page 1. Page PDF (3.93 ... They are social-fascists, and for that reason the American workers should ...
  71. [71]
    [PDF] Daily Worker
    tbe Daily Worker, 56 E. 13tb St-, New Vcrk, S. y. Daily-Worker. C«wtrd. 4 ... by the social-fascists to revise and distort the Communist. Manifesto. These ...
  72. [72]
    https://www.marxists.org/history/usa/pubs/dailyworker/1925/1925-nat/v02b-n211-sep-17-Chi-1925-DW-mfilm.pdf
  73. [73]
    [PDF] daily
    WORKER is out of danger, these comrades are making a very serious mistake. It was not merely to meet current expenses that THE DAILY. WORKER asked for support.
  74. [74]
    Search or Print: The Daily Worker and Daily World Cartoon Collection
    Aug 20, 2023 · Individuals represented in the cartoons are diverse and range from US Presidents, Eisenhower, Johnson, Nixon, and Roosevelt to Communist ...
  75. [75]
    Martin Upham: History of British Trotskyism (Chap.6)
    Only late in the year and in 1938 did the most willing Labour journal editor, Emrys Hughes, start to have exclusive articles from Trotsky for Forward.
  76. [76]
    [PDF] Right Center Left
    Oct 2, 2025 · them, Daily Worker editor Louis Budenz, returned to the Catholic ... “offered their endorsement of Stalin's murder of his Old. Bolshevik comrades.
  77. [77]
    Soviet Show Trials: A Grueling History of Repression - TheCollector
    May 14, 2025 · Show trials were a tool of political repression. The trials were orchestrated events that coerced confessions out of innocent people.
  78. [78]
    The Stalin Purges and "Show Trials" - Teach Democracy
    In 1936, Stalin put on his first "show trial" featuring "confessions" that we know today were the result of all sorts of intimidation and even torture. That ...Missing: coerced | Show results with:coerced
  79. [79]
    Holodomor | Holocaust and Genocide Studies | College of Liberal Arts
    In 1932 and 1933, millions of Ukrainians were killed in the Holodomor, a man-made famine engineered by the Soviet government of Joseph Stalin.
  80. [80]
    2. Direct Famine Losses in Ukraine by Region in 1932, per 1000
    The total number of 1932-1934 famine losses in Soviet Ukraine is estimated at 4.5 million, with 3.9 million direct losses (excess deaths) and 0.6 million ...
  81. [81]
    Americans in the Soviet prison camps: narratives of survival
    Jul 24, 2020 · My current dissertation research focuses on communist media in the US – particularly the party paper Daily Worker. In comparing and ...
  82. [82]
    Excess mortality in the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin - Wikipedia
    According to a 1993 study of recently declassified archival Soviet data, a total of 1,053,829 people died in the Gulag (not including labor colonies) from 1934 ...
  83. [83]
    The Gulag's Veiled Mortality by Golfo Alexopoulos - Hoover Institution
    Jan 7, 2013 · ” Why then, following the declassification of the gulag archives, did the official mortality rates appear so low? Two scholars offered the ...
  84. [84]
    [PDF] Khrushchev's secret speech and the aftermath
    The June 6, 1956 U.S. Daily Worker wrote: 't'vVe do not consider the speech to be the last word on just how Stalin's terror control came into existence and ...
  85. [85]
    The Reception of Khrushchev's 'Secret Speech' in Britain: Critique
    May 29, 2019 · ... Daily Worker, 18 February 1956, p. 3. 27 Khrushchev did refer to Stalin in his preamble, which is not included in the official version of his ...
  86. [86]
    EXPLOITATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST ... - CIA
    ... worker who is known to have been connected with Soviet espionage, Steve ... Louis Budenz, who, before his defection, was managing editor of the Daily ...
  87. [87]
    [PDF] CI_Reader_Vol3.pdf - DNI.gov
    Jun 7, 2025 · ... (CPUSA) that developing at the same time as the Soviet espionage apparatus in the United States. The CPUSA was founded in 1919 in Chicago and ...
  88. [88]
    The Alger Hiss Story - Maryland State Archives
    According to Whittaker Chambers, Jozsef Peter succeeded Max Bedacht as the head of the Communist Party underground in the United States during the 1930s.Missing: J. | Show results with:J.
  89. [89]
    The Face of Soviet Espionage in the United States during the Stalin ...
    Jun 21, 2024 · Many of the NKVD's most valuable U.S. agents had been recruited or were managed by Jacob Golos, a charismatic revolutionary. Born in Ukraine ...
  90. [90]
    Atom Spy Case/Rosenbergs - FBI
    Using intelligence, the FBI uncovered an espionage ring run by Julius and Ethel Rosenberg that passed secrets on the atomic bomb to the Soviet Union.
  91. [91]
    [PDF] The Venona S tory - National Security Agency
    That release was a compilation of forty-nine VENONA translations which related to Soviet espionage efforts against U.S. atomic bomb research, including messages ...
  92. [92]
    Whittaker Chambers - Spartacus Educational
    With the recruitment of the four agents, Chambers's underground work, and his daily routine, now centred on espionage. "In the case of each contact he had ...
  93. [93]
    [PDF] The Stalinization of the Communist Party, USA Jacob Zumoff
    Apr 11, 1997 · Throughout 1924, the Daily Worker published several articles by Trotsky 229 In ... expulsions of Trotsky and. Zinoviev from the CPSU. Wolfe ...
  94. [94]
    https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-8/rose-cio.htm
  95. [95]
    An Untold Story of the Nazi-Soviet Pact - The Atlantic
    Sep 17, 2023 · Hundreds of thousands of people were sent to work on state-run collective farms. This was both a means of suppressing dissent and a way of ...Missing: Worker | Show results with:Worker
  96. [96]
    The Communist Party and the CIO
    Jul 9, 2015 · The expulsion of the eleven left-led unions from the CIO in 1949-50 marked the end of major communist influence in the American labor movement.
  97. [97]
    [PDF] Destructive Tactics of the CPUSA, 1944–8
    By 1958 membership had collapsed to about three thousand, and Communists had been expelled from the CIO. The CPUSA had become a political pariah and retained no ...
  98. [98]
    https://www.dol.gov/general/aboutdol/history/chapter6
  99. [99]
    Morning Papers Reached Peak Circulation in '40
    "Daily circulations, as of Sept. 30, 1940, totaled 41,131,611 net paid copies per day, of which 16,114,018 were morning and 25,017,593 evening. The morning ...Missing: Worker | Show results with:Worker
  100. [100]
    Chapter 6: Unions and Rights in the Space Age By Jack Barbash
    ... CIO regarded the Eisenhower administration as essentially antagonistic to the interests of organized labor. While in the 1930s and 1940s both AFL and CIO unions ...
  101. [101]
    Insights from the Early Institutionalist Theory of Industrial Relations
    From 1935 to 1945, the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) trade unionists were indefatigable and dedicated organizers for the Congress of Industrial Organizations ...
  102. [102]
    Labor Unions During the Great Depression and New Deal
    In 1933, the number of labor union members was around 3 million, compared to 5 million a decade before. Most union members in 1933 belonged to skilled craft ...<|separator|>
  103. [103]
    A Brief Examination of Union Membership Data | Congress.gov
    Jun 16, 2023 · 1930s-1960s: Following the passage of the NLRA, union density increased steadily from 12.8% in 1935 to a peak of 34.2% in 1945. Despite some ...
  104. [104]
    CIO Anticommunist Drive | Encyclopedia.com
    CIO strategy in the affiliates was to exert heavy pressure on communist leaders and their allies while encouraging anticommunists to oust them, hoping thereby ...
  105. [105]
    [PDF] THE ClO's LEFT-LED UNIONS - Libcom.org
    pervasive, in fact, that when the CIO expelled the Communist- influenced unions in what was presumably a matter internal to the labor movement, it invoked ...
  106. [106]
    Paul Robeson, Black Dockworkers, and Labor-Left Pan-Africanism
    Jul 25, 2016 · A gifted actor and singer, he was also an unabashed leftist and union supporter. This resulted in his bitter persecution, destroying his career ...
  107. [107]
    https://whittakerchambers.org/books/witness/bbc/
  108. [108]
    [PDF] Unions, Workers, and Wages at the Peak of the American Labor ...
    Thus, after the sharp rise in union membership during the late. 1930s and 1940s, it appears that unions' basic imprint on the labor market's wage structure ...
  109. [109]
    Witness – BBC | Whittaker Chambers
    He became an undistinguished member of the Daily Worker staff, and then drifted out of the Party in 1928 for two years, and eked out a living translating German ...
  110. [110]
    Still Witnessing: The Enduring Relevance of Whittaker Chambers
    Apr 1, 2011 · Chambers instructed in his autobiography Witness, published in 1952, that his witness was only partially about espionage and betrayal. Emanating ...
  111. [111]
    The American Communist Con Man - Commentary Magazine
    Oct 15, 2020 · FBI records logged more than $28 million of secret and illegal Soviet subsidies to the CPUSA during Hall's tenure as head of the party. None of ...
  112. [112]
    [PDF] HOW THE SOVIETS FUNDED AMERICAN COMMUNISTS - CIA
    For almost three decades two brothers, Morris and Jack Childs, had been FBI informants deep in the apparatus that transferred Soviet funds to the. CPUSA for ...
  113. [113]
    Soviet Archives Detail How US Communists Aided USSR
    Apr 11, 1995 · What they also found was a startling repository of information about the American Communist Party (CPUSA). ... Daily Worker. Some of this ...
  114. [114]
    Communist Party USA (CPUSA) - InfluenceWatch
    Nicolai Bukharin, a vital Stalin ally in the battle to purge Trotsky, favored a moderate course for the Comintern. ... The Daily Worker, the CPUSA's newspaper, ...
  115. [115]
    The Red and the Black: Lester Rodney, the Daily Worker and the ...
    In recent decades, the American Communist Party's newspaper the Daily Worker and its long-time sports editor Lester Rodney have been accorded a significant.
  116. [116]
    Clarence Hathaway: Civil Rights Pioneer
    Some Communist Party members, including Clarence Hathaway, did help advance the American civil rights movement.
  117. [117]
    communist labor party of america (1919-1920)
    Throughout the 1920s there was a rough division of the Communist Party's Publications between the Daily Worker Publishing Co./Workers Library Publishers for ...Missing: 1950s | Show results with:1950s<|separator|>
  118. [118]
    [PDF] Special May Day Edition of the
    ' government exists. The Workers (Communist) Party of America calls on the workers and exploited farmers of America to celebrate this May Day, theinternational ...
  119. [119]
    The Daily Worker archives - The Online Books Page
    The Daily Worker was a Communist daily newspaper published in the US in the 20th century. (There is a Wikipedia article about this serial.)