Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

Durham Report

The Durham Report, formally the Report on Matters Related to Intelligence Activities and Investigations Arising Out of the 2016 Presidential Campaigns, is a 306-page investigative document issued on May 15, 2023, by John H. Durham, the U.S. Department of Justice tasked with probing the Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI) initiation and conduct of the investigation—a full-scope probe launched in July 2016 into purported coordination between Donald Trump's presidential campaign and Russian election interference efforts. Appointed initially by in 2019 and later designated special counsel by Barr and upheld under subsequent administrations, Durham's inquiry scrutinized the evidentiary basis for Crossfire Hurricane, the FBI's verification processes, and disparities in treatment compared to probes of Hillary Clinton's campaign. The report concluded that the FBI lacked an adequate investigative predicate to justify opening a full rather than a preliminary one, relying instead on thin intelligence from a single confidential source regarding Trump —information that warranted scrutiny but not the expansive resources deployed against Trump associates. It highlighted pervasive within the FBI, where agents and supervisors dismissed or rationalized contradictory evidence while pursuing tips that aligned with preconceived notions of Trump-Russia ties, including uncorroborated allegations from the —a collection of funded by the and , which the FBI presented to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court without sufficient verification or disclosure of its political origins. Durham further documented a stark : the FBI accorded intelligence alleging a Trump-Putin "well-developed of coordination" greater weight despite its sourcing, while downplaying or ignoring similar raw intelligence on 's role in tying Trump to as a . Over four years, Durham's probe yielded limited prosecutions—one FBI lawyer, Kevin Clinesmith, convicted for altering an email used in a FISA warrant application against Trump adviser , and an FBI headquarters analyst charged with making false statements but acquitted—reflecting challenges in proving criminal intent amid institutional practices rather than isolated malfeasance. The report eschewed claims of a coordinated "" conspiracy but emphasized systemic failures in FBI rigor, urging reforms to prevent politicized investigations, a that contrasted with portrayals often minimizing the findings as inconsequential despite the documented lapses, amid acknowledged institutional biases in coverage of Trump-related matters. Its release substantiated long-standing assertions of investigative overreach predicated on unverified claims, influencing debates on intelligence community accountability without prompting the sweeping indictments anticipated by some observers.

Historical Context

Rebellions of 1837–1838

The were two coordinated but distinct uprisings against British colonial rule in and , driven primarily by demands for political reform, including , amid frustrations with oligarchic control by groups such as the in Upper Canada and the Château Clique in Lower Canada. In , tensions escalated from long-standing disputes over French-Canadian rights, land distribution, and veto power exercised by the appointed , culminating in armed conflict starting in November 1837. The Lower Canada revolt, led by figures including and Wolfred Nelson, saw initial rebel successes, such as the victory at Saint-Denis on November 23, 1837, where approximately 12 British soldiers and a similar number of rebels died, but British forces under Colonel suppressed subsequent gatherings, including defeats at Saint-Charles on November 25 and Saint-Eustache on December 14, 1837. In , the rebellion erupted later in December 1837 under , who organized roughly 800 poorly armed insurgents for a march on from Montgomery's on December 5, aiming to overthrow Francis Bond Head's administration. The advance faltered after skirmishes on December 7, with rebels retreating amid loyalist counterattacks led by figures like ; Mackenzie fled to the , while supporters like Samuel Lount and Peter Matthews were captured and executed by hanging on April 12, . A second wave of incursions in , including attempts from American soil by , failed against reinforced British troops and Canadian volunteers, resulting in further executions and exiles. Overall, the conflicts caused approximately 27 British soldier deaths and nearly 300 rebel fatalities in , with far fewer casualties in , alongside over 1,000 arrests, trials, and deportations that highlighted underlying colonial instabilities. These events exposed systemic governance failures, prompting the British Parliament to dispatch Lord Durham in 1838 as and to investigate root causes, analyze conditions, and propose reforms to prevent recurrence, directly setting the stage for his subsequent report. The rebellions' suppression via military force, rather than negotiation, underscored the urgency for constitutional changes, though they did not achieve immediate or aims sought by elements.

British Governmental Response

The British government responded to the Rebellions of 1837–1838 with swift military reinforcement and suppression. Following the outbreak in November 1837, additional British regular troops were dispatched to both Upper and Lower Canada, bolstering local militias and loyalist volunteers to defeat rebel forces decisively. In Upper Canada, the main uprising at Montgomery's Farm near Toronto was crushed on December 7, 1837, leading to the rapid collapse of organized resistance. In Lower Canada, initial Patriote victories at Saint-Denis were offset by defeats at Saint-Charles and elsewhere, scattering insurgents by late November 1837, though sporadic fighting and cross-border raids persisted into 1838 before full suppression. Punitive measures followed to deter further unrest and reassert colonial authority. Rebel leaders faced courts-martial or civilian trials; in , Samuel Lount and Peter Matthews were executed by hanging on April 12, 1838, while others, including , fled to the . In , approximately 12 rebels were executed, and over 60 were transported to penal colonies in , with the constitution suspended and a Special Council appointed to govern in place of the assembly. These actions emphasized loyalty to over concessions to reformist demands. Politically, the government maintained its pre-rebellion stance against radical changes, as embodied in Lord John Russell's Ten Resolutions passed by the on March 6–24, 1837. These resolutions explicitly rejected key colonial grievances, including demands for an elected , control over crown lands, and enhanced legislative powers akin to , framing such reforms as incompatible with imperial oversight. Post-rebellion, this position was upheld without immediate reversal, viewing the uprisings as illegitimate challenges to British sovereignty rather than legitimate protests warranting concessions. To investigate underlying causes and propose long-term solutions amid ongoing tensions, the government appointed John Lambton, 1st Earl of Durham, as and for on January 14, 1838, granting him extraordinary powers including suspension of and indemnity for military actions. Durham arrived in on May 27, 1838, tasked with restoring order and reporting on constitutional arrangements, marking a shift from pure suppression toward structured inquiry while prioritizing imperial unity.

Commission and Inquiry

Appointment of Lord Durham


In response to the Rebellions of 1837–1838 in Upper and Lower Canada, the British Whig government under Prime Minister Lord Melbourne sought a high-profile figure to restore order and investigate the underlying causes. John George Lambton, 1st Earl of Durham, a leading reformer known for his role in the Reform Act 1832, was initially approached in July 1837 but declined due to reservations about the scope of authority offered. He accepted the position on 15 January 1838 as Governor-in-Chief of British North America and Lord High Commissioner, following assurances of dictatorial powers to enable decisive action.
Durham's empowered him with extraordinary , including the ability to govern by ordinance, or without , and reorganize colonial to suppress ongoing threats from border incursions and lingering insurgencies. The specifically directed him to inquire into the state of the colonies, ascertain the origins of the disturbances, and propose measures for their pacification and future governance. This appointment reflected the British government's intent to blend military suppression with political inquiry, granting Durham status over the North American possessions. Durham departed from Britain on 24 April 1838, accompanied by a staff of advisors and commissioners, and arrived in Quebec on 29 May 1838, where he immediately proclaimed an amnesty for minor rebels while initiating investigations. His selection underscored Melbourne's preference for a progressive yet authoritative administrator capable of addressing French-English tensions and demands for reform, though Durham's radical inclinations would later influence his recommendations.

Scope of Investigation and Methods

Lord Durham received his commission from on 31 March 1838, appointing him of and with extraordinary powers to address the aftermath of the 1837–1838 rebellions. His primary mandate was to investigate the causes of discontent and disturbances in Upper and , evaluate the broader state of governance across all British North American provinces—including , , , and Newfoundland—and propose measures for restoring tranquility, reforming defective constitutions, and improving administrative systems such as the judiciary, police, education, and land management. These instructions emphasized addressing racial animosities, particularly between French-speaking and English-speaking populations in , while ensuring the colonies' loyalty to and long-term prosperity without granting independence. Durham's powers included the authority to suspend provincial legislatures in cases of rebellion, establish special councils for governance, grant general or conditional amnesties to rebels, and conduct unrestricted inquiries into and grievances, unhindered by the limitations faced by prior officials. The scope extended beyond immediate pacification to systemic reforms, encompassing economic conditions, clergy reserves, jury systems, and municipal institutions, with a focus on causal factors like political exclusion and administrative inefficiency rather than individual culpability. Upon arriving in Quebec on 29 May 1838, Durham pursued an informal and expedited inquiry, relying on personal observations, direct consultations, and delegated expertise due to the urgency and brevity of his tenure, which ended with his resignation on 9 October 1838. He engaged with lieutenant-governors, law officers, judicial figures, clergy such as Bishop McDonell, local politicians like Dr. Morin, and deputations from provinces and public bodies to assess public sentiment and administrative failures. Supporting this were targeted reports from appointed assistants, including Arthur Buller's unfinished analysis of Lower Canada's education system, investigations into Crown lands and emigration by Dr. Skey and Dr. Poole, and evaluations of institutions like hospitals by Sir John Doratt, which provided empirical data on specific grievances without formal trials or exhaustive public hearings. This pragmatic method prioritized breadth over judicial rigor, enabling Durham to synthesize findings from documents, eyewitness accounts, and on-site reviews—such as public works projects—into recommendations drafted before his departure on 1 November 1838.

Challenges and Resignation

Lord Durham encountered significant administrative and political obstacles upon arriving in Quebec on May 29, 1838, as and for . Ongoing threats from rebel remnants and American sympathizers, including border incursions by groups like the , complicated efforts to restore order, while entrenched colonial bureaucracies in both Canadas resisted his reforms. His attempts to include French Canadian reformers in advisory councils provoked backlash from British loyalists and colonial officials, who viewed such appointments as concessions to potential . Additionally, Durham's poor health exacerbated these tensions, limiting his capacity to navigate the polarized environment. A primary challenge arose in addressing the fate of political prisoners and rebels captured during and after the 1837–1838 uprisings. To expedite pacification, issued Ordinance No. 2 on June 28, 1838, granting conditional to most participants while reserving judgment on leaders, and Ordinance No. 5, which authorized the summary without of certain offenders to or . These measures aimed to avoid lengthy trials amid but were criticized for circumventing protections under British law, such as the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act. Colonial tories and some British parliamentarians condemned the ordinances as arbitrary, arguing they undermined judicial and executive authority. The British government's refusal to endorse these ordinances intensified the crisis. In August 1838, parliamentary debates led to their annulment, signaling a lack of support from and eroding 's credibility among local administrators. perceived this as a by Whig leaders, including Lord Melbourne, who had initially empowered him with broad discretionary powers but withdrew backing amid domestic political pressures. Feeling his authority undermined and unable to implement further stabilizing measures, he tendered his resignation on October 9, 1838, departing in November. This abrupt end to his five-month tenure shifted focus to his ongoing inquiry, culminating in the report submitted upon his return.

Core Analysis in the Report

Conditions in Upper Canada

In , Lord Durham observed a society characterized by rapid driven primarily by British immigration, with the population rising from a few hundred at the end of the to approximately 374,000 by 1834 and exceeding 400,000 shortly thereafter. This expansion occurred amid a dispersed settlement pattern along the and , hampered by inadequate transportation infrastructure, which isolated communities and stifled . The province's economy relied heavily on , with settlers clearing land for farming, but potential for prosperity was undermined by systemic barriers including poor roads and limited markets. Durham identified the root of discontent in the province's governance, dominated by a narrow known as the —a of officials, , and landowners who monopolized appointments, judicial roles, and legislative influence through the appointed . This group, comprising individuals elevated by talent or connection to public office, exercised unchecked power, fostering corruption, patronage, and exclusion of reform-minded elements from participation in administration. The elective , while representative, possessed limited authority, as the remained unaccountable to it, leading to persistent clashes over budgets, appointments, and policy. Key grievances centered on land policy and ecclesiastical reserves, which Durham deemed inefficient and provocative. Crown and clergy reserves—allocating one-seventh of land to the Crown and another to the Protestant clergy—interspersed undeveloped lots amid settlements, inflating costs for settlers and delaying infrastructure like roads and mills. The clergy reserves, predominantly benefiting the Church of England despite Anglicans forming only about one-eighth of the population, exacerbated sectarian tensions among Methodists, Presbyterians, and other denominations, who viewed the allocation as an unjust monopoly. Additional complaints included judicial partiality, where Family Compact members favored their interests in courts, and economic favoritism, such as chartering banks controlled by the elite, which restricted credit access for ordinary farmers. These conditions culminated in widespread political agitation, culminating in the 1837 rebellion led by figures like , whom Durham portrayed not as disloyal radicals but as reformers responding to legitimate frustrations with oligarchic misrule. Unlike Lower Canada's ethnic conflicts, Upper Canada's unrest stemmed from institutional abuses rather than national divisions, with the province's predominantly British population exhibiting underlying loyalty to but demanding accountable government. Durham concluded that the absence of responsible executive councils, allowing the to govern against popular will, perpetuated instability and emigration to the , warning that without reform, the colony's progress would remain stunted.

Conditions in Lower Canada


Lord Durham identified the fundamental conditions in Lower Canada as a profound racial divide between the French-speaking Catholic majority and the English-speaking Protestant minority, describing it as "two nations warring in the bosom of a single state." The population had grown sevenfold since the 1760 conquest, reaching over 600,000 inhabitants, with French Canadians comprising approximately 450,000, primarily rural habitants engaged in small-scale farming, and English settlers numbering around 150,000, focused on commerce, industry, and townships. This demographic imbalance fueled mutual animosity, marked by separate languages, laws, customs, and social institutions, with minimal intermarriage or intercourse, intensifying national prejudices.
Politically, the province suffered from chronic conflicts between the French-dominated elected Assembly and the British-controlled appointed and Executive Council, resulting in repeated deadlocks over revenue control, administrative reforms, and legislation. , leveraging its majority, obstructed English-proposed improvements such as registry offices and changes to feudal , while the executive's lack of responsibility to the perpetuated a "family compact" of British interests, alienating the French population. Judicial administration was undermined by racial biases in , leading to perverted verdicts and public distrust; for instance, criminal trials often split along national lines, with no confidence in impartial justice due to suspended jury laws since 1836 and excessive fees. Local governance lacked municipal institutions, exacerbating administrative inefficiencies across divided French seigniories and English townships. Economically, Lower Canada exhibited stagnation, particularly among the French, where rapid outpaced land resources, causing subdivision of estates, declining , and reliance on imports despite fertile soils. Cultivated land had increased only one-third since , while cattle numbers doubled, signaling distress; French farmers adhered to outdated methods, contrasting with English settlers' superior management that drove profits and displaced inert competitors in and trades. from import duties fell from £150,000 to £100,000 annually due to reduced , with surplus funds squandered on rather than like canals or roads; land grants were mismanaged, with vast tracts allocated to speculators or reserves remaining uncultivated, hindering and fostering to the , which dropped from 52,000 in 1832 to 5,000 in 1838 amid unrest. Socially, the French Canadians were portrayed as uneducated, inactive, and deeply attached to the Catholic clergy, which wielded significant influence over education, charity, and community life, educating a small elite while resisting state involvement to protect tithes. Education was deficient, with no comprehensive public system, abused school grants serving political ends, and widespread illiteracy among habitants; Protestant colleges were absent, and remote areas lacked schools entirely. The clergy's role in maintaining order post-conquest was acknowledged, but their isolationist tendencies contributed to the French population's "hopeless inferiority" in enterprise and self-governance, fostering vague aspirations of independence or U.S. alignment despite anti-American sentiments. These conditions—racial enmity, political paralysis, economic backwardness, and clerical dominance—underpinned widespread disaffection, culminating in the 1837-1838 insurrections driven by grievances over conquest legacies, professional exclusions, and perceived English dominance.

Identification of Racial and National Conflicts

In his analysis of , Lord identified the root cause of the province's disorders as a profound racial and national antagonism between the Canadian and the English minority, rather than a mere between and populace or conflicting political principles. He famously observed: "I expected to find a between a and a people: I found two nations warring in the bosom of a single state: I found a struggle, not of principles, but of races." This "quarrel of races," as he termed it, manifested in an "all-pervading and irreconcileable enmity," with the population exhibiting deep disaffection toward rule and the English settlers harboring suspicion of authorities for failing to curb dominance. Practical effects included biased compositions favoring the , which noted gave them "an entire preponderance" in judicial matters, exacerbating mutual grievances such as complaints of tampering and English accusations of impunity for political offenses against them. Durham attributed this conflict to inherent cultural and national differences, portraying as an "old and stationary society" in a "new and progressive world," characterized by a "singularly inert population" confined by ancient customs, a repressive colonial legacy, and heavy reliance on the Catholic clergy for and social stability. Their "sensitive, but inactive pride" and "national vanity," tied to preservation of , laws, and institutions despite over 80 years of British , fostered jealousy and hatred toward the more enterprising English, who possessed superior "knowledge, energy, enterprise, and wealth." In contrast, the English represented a dynamic, self-governing Anglo-Saxon advancing and improvement, clashing irreconcilably with the French's "exclusive and intolerant " and resistance to assimilation. British policies post-Conquest, by maintaining and institutions to ensure loyalty, had inadvertently perpetuated this racial separation, planting "seeds of a contest of races" in a where English was encouraged without ensuring numerical or institutional predominance. emphasized that the conflict arose not from equitable governance disputes but from the "fatal feud of origin," with forming a distinct people whose "hopeless inferiority" in language, manners, and societal habits rendered harmonious coexistence impossible without fundamental change.

Principal Recommendations

Advocacy for Responsible Government

Lord Durham identified the absence of —defined as an executive council accountable to the elected rather than solely to the imperial authorities—as the root cause of constitutional deadlock and the 1837–1838 rebellions in . He observed that while the colonies possessed representative assemblies, the executive remained irresponsible, leading to persistent collisions between governors and legislatures, as evidenced in Lower Canada's disputes over revenue control and supply bills, which exacerbated racial animosities and political instability. This systemic flaw, Durham contended, rendered governance ineffective, fostering public discontent, economic stagnation, and emigration to the , where self-governing institutions provided greater security and prosperity. In , Durham attributed unrest to the "," an oligarchic clique that monopolized executive appointments and patronage, rendering electoral majorities impotent despite reformers' demands for accountability. Reformers sought not radical overhaul but alignment with British principles, insisting that entrust administration to those commanding assembly confidence, a demand unmet due to imperial resistance. Durham's empirical analysis extended to broader colonial patterns, noting that irresponsible executives produced weak, temporary administrations prone to abuse, contrasting with harmonious outcomes in provinces like , where shifting power to assembly-supported councils resolved conflicts without imperial overreach. Durham advocated emulating the post-1688 constitution, where stability derived from vesting policy direction and patronage in parliamentary majorities, ensuring the executive reflected . He argued that applying this "wise principle" to the colonies would harmonize representative institutions, as "the Crown must submit to the necessary consequences of representative institutions" by governing through those trusted by . For the united s, he proposed limiting the 's role to securing assembly cooperation via department heads enjoying legislative support, with all officers except the governor held accountable through constitutional means, thereby preventing future disorders while preserving imperial oversight on foreign affairs, trade, and land policy. This , Durham asserted, would assimilate populations under a dominant English influence and stimulate colonial development, as an irresponsible government inherently weakened administration and eroded loyalty.

Proposal for Union of the Canadas

Lord Durham recommended the legislative union of Upper and into a single province as the primary remedy for the racial and political conflicts disrupting colonial governance. He contended that the "conflict of the two races which compose its population" lay at the root of 's disorders, rendering stable administration impossible without amalgamation under a unified dominated by English interests. This union would end the "fatal feud of origin" and national disputes by subordinating French Canadian influence to an English majority, thereby restoring tranquility through "the vigorous rule of an English majority." The proposal specified a single legislative body for the united Province of Canada, with representation allocated proportionally to population to ensure English predominance. , with approximately 400,000 inhabitants predominantly of descent, would combine with Lower Canada's estimated 150,000 English speakers and 450,000 , yielding an overall English majority of about 550,000 against 450,000 French. Durham envisioned a parliamentary commission to delineate electoral divisions based on these demographics, while repealing the 31st act that had separated the provinces in 1791. Existing French civil laws and endowments would remain intact until altered by the new , but the structure prioritized unified control over revenues, infrastructure like the St. Lawrence canals, and shared debts exceeding £1,000,000. Central to the rationale was a policy of , whereby the French Canadian population would be progressively anglicized through immersion in an English-dominated society. Durham asserted that British policy must "establish an English population, with English laws and " in the province, rendering Lower Canada "an English province" and compelling French Canadians to "abandon their vain hopes of nationality." He viewed this as elevating the French from "hopeless inferiority" by exposing them to superior English "knowledge, energy, enterprise, and wealth," drawing parallels to the fading French identity in Louisiana post-1803. The numerical English majority would serve as the "only power that can be effectual... in obliterating the nationality of the French Canadians," fostering eventual adoption of institutions and habits without coercion beyond demographic and legislative dominance. This approach rejected federal arrangements preserving separate legislatures, deeming them insufficient to resolve the "two nations warring in the bosom of a single state."

Policies on Assimilation and Land Reform

Durham recommended uniting Upper and Lower Canada to facilitate the assimilation of French Canadians into British institutions, arguing that this would create an English-speaking majority capable of imposing English laws, language, and governance, thereby subordinating French nationality. With Upper Canada's population estimated at 400,000 predominantly English-speakers and Lower Canada's at approximately 450,000 French and 150,000 English, the union would ensure English ascendancy, accelerated by ongoing British immigration. He viewed preservation of French distinctiveness as futile amid surrounding Anglo-American colonies, asserting that British policy should treat Lower Canada "as one open to the conquerors... endeavouring, as speedily and as rapidly as possible, to assimilate the character and institutions of its new subjects to those of the great body of its empire." This assimilation policy prioritized establishing "an English population, with English laws and ," entrusting governance exclusively to an English to prevent recurrence of racial conflicts. contended that early adoption of such measures post-conquest would have rapidly outnumbered French inhabitants, rendering their nationality obsolete through cultural and demographic dominance rather than force. He anticipated natural erosion of French identity via English superiority in , with data indicating French children learning English at a 10:1 ratio over the reverse in . On in , criticized the clergy reserves—totaling 3,000,000 acres set aside under the 1791 Constitutional Act for Protestant clergy—as a primary barrier to , with much of the land remaining wild and uncultivated despite allocation mainly to the . These scattered holdings retarded colonial improvement by obstructing roads and contiguous , fueling disputes over their management and application. He proposed repealing all imperial provisions governing the reserves, enabling their sale by local legislatures and redirection of proceeds to general purposes such as , rather than perpetuating clerical endowments that yielded no productive benefit. Durham further advocated ending free grants of crown lands, which had distributed over 2,000,000 acres since surveys began while selling only 100,317 acres between and , often in large blocks to speculators or absentees who left vast areas as wilderness. In their place, he recommended a system of sales at fixed prices with accurate surveys and prompt patents—addressing delays averaging 15 months—to incentivize actual , secure titles, and align with emigration needs against U.S. . This aimed to curb monopolization by elites, simplify alienation laws adverse to new-country development, and place administration under imperial oversight for systematic .

Implementation and Outcomes

The Act of Union 1840

The Act of Union 1840, formally titled An Act to re-unite the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, and for the Government of Canada, was passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom on July 23, 1840, to implement key recommendations from Lord Durham's 1839 Report on the Affairs of British North America following the 1837-1838 rebellions. The legislation merged the separate colonies of Upper Canada (predominantly English-speaking) and Lower Canada (predominantly French-speaking) into a single Province of Canada, redesignated as Canada West and Canada East respectively, with the aim of fostering assimilation of French Canadians into a British cultural framework and stabilizing governance through unified administration. Key provisions included equal representation in a bicameral legislature, with 42 elected members from each section in the and an appointed ; English designated as the sole of parliamentary proceedings, though French records were permitted in courts; and the united province assuming responsibility for Upper Canada's public debt of approximately £1.5 million while indemnifying loyalist losses from the rebellions up to £100,000. The Act did not immediately enact Durham's call for , instead vesting significant powers in the governor (initially Charles Poulett Thomson, Lord Sydenham) to appoint the executive council and override local decisions, maintaining oversight. Proclaimed in on February 10, 1841, the took effect that year, establishing Kingston as the initial and initiating a period of centralized rule that prioritized and land reforms but faced resistance over linguistic and cultural impositions. By 1841, the first session of the unified legislature convened, but equal representation disadvantaged the larger French-speaking population in , numbering about 670,000 compared to 450,000 in Canada West, thereby diluting their political influence as had intended to counter perceived ethnic divisions.

Path to Responsible Government

The British government initially rejected Lord Durham's core recommendation for responsible government in the 1839 report, prioritizing imperial control and enacting only the union of Upper and Lower Canada via the , which preserved the governor's prerogative powers without mandating executive accountability to the elected assembly. Early post-union governors resisted full implementation amid reformist pressures. Charles Bagot, serving from September 1842 to May 1843, conceded to demands for a bipartisan ministry by November 1842, appointing reformers from and from , thereby granting them influence over policy in exchange for legislative support, though Bagot retained veto powers and died before consolidating these changes. His successor, Sir Charles Metcalfe (1843–1845), clashed with the Baldwin–LaFontaine ministry over appointments, dismissing them in November 1843 after they refused to accept his unilateral actions; Metcalfe then governed with a minority Conservative administration, dissolved the assembly, and won the subsequent election, but ongoing conflicts and health issues led to his resignation in November 1845. The interim governorship of Charles Cathcart (1845–1847) emphasized military suppression of lingering unrest over constitutional reform, delaying further progress. The decisive shift occurred under James Bruce, 8th , appointed in January 1847 with explicit instructions from Colonial Secretary to implement by acting on ministerial advice accountable to the assembly. After the March 1848 elections produced a Reform majority, Elgin commissioned and LaFontaine to form Canada's first enduring responsible ministry on March 30, 1848, rejecting Conservative appeals and prioritizing assembly confidence over personal or imperial preferences. This arrangement faced its critical test in April 1849 with the Rebellion Losses Bill, which compensated property damage from the 1837–1838 rebellions; Elgin assented to the legislation on April 25 despite Tory protests labeling it as rewarding , triggering riots in that damaged his carriage and injured him, yet affirming the governor's role as ceremonial head acting solely on the responsible ministry's counsel. These events realized Durham's framework for , transforming the into a where the derived authority from legislative support rather than direct instruction, influencing subsequent colonial policy without granting full independence.

Long-Term Effects on Canadian Governance

The Durham Report's endorsement of —wherein colonial executives would be accountable to locally elected assemblies rather than imperial authorities—laid the foundational principle for Canada's modern , first realized in the on March 23, 1848, when Lord Elgin granted to the controversial Rebellion Losses Bill despite personal opposition, thereby conceding legislative supremacy over domestic policy. This shift curtailed arbitrary executive power, as evidenced by subsequent ministries deriving authority from assembly confidence rather than gubernatorial fiat, a mechanism that prevented recurrence of pre-rebellion oligarchic rule by bodies like the and Château Clique. Over the ensuing decades, this model extended to all British North American colonies, embedding accountability in the British North America Act of 1867, which formalized at both federal and provincial levels through provisions requiring cabinets to resign without legislative support (e.g., sections 50–69 on parliamentary structure). The Act's fusion of executive and legislative branches under , directly traceable to Durham's blueprint, has endured as the core of Canadian governance, influencing judicial interpretations like the 1869 ruling in Lennox v. Rae affirming assembly control over supply votes. The Report's partial legislative union of 1840, intended to centralize authority under a single assembly, exposed limitations in unitary governance amid ethnic divisions, as French-English parity demands (e.g., the 1848–1851 double-majority rule) eroded administrative efficiency and fueled deadlock by 1864. This instability causally propelled Confederation in 1867, adopting federalism with enumerated powers (sections 91–92 of the BNA Act) to devolve local matters—contrary to Durham's assimilationist centralization—while retaining national unity, a structure that balanced centrifugal pressures without fracturing the polity. The enduring federal-provincial dynamic, marked by ongoing jurisdictional disputes (e.g., over natural resources post-1982 patriation), reflects this adaptive legacy, prioritizing empirical accommodation of regional variances over Durham's idealized homogenization.

Contemporary Reactions

Responses in Britain

The Durham Report, submitted to on 31 January 1839 and ordered for printing on 11 February, immediately sparked debate in the House of Lords, where moved for its consideration amid discussions on colonial governance. defended his recommendations, emphasizing the need for legislative union and executive accountability to resolve chronic instability in . Parliamentary responses highlighted divisions: reformers appreciated the report's empirical analysis of racial and institutional conflicts as rooted in French-English divisions and oligarchic misrule, while conservatives questioned its feasibility and Durham's prior administrative overreach, including his controversial 1838 amnesty ordinance that prompted his . Colonial Secretary Lord John , representing the government under Lord Melbourne, articulated a selective endorsement in debates. On 3 June 1839, Russell introduced resolutions endorsing the union of Upper and to foster English cultural dominance and economic integration, aligning with Durham's aim to "swamp" French influence through demographic and legislative means, but explicitly rejecting as a surrender of imperial authority that risked colonial secession. These resolutions, passed amid limited opposition, laid groundwork for the , which merged the provinces into the with equal representation to favor English speakers, while retaining British veto over legislation and finances to preserve parliamentary supremacy. Broader British opinion, as reflected in periodicals and political discourse, was mixed; proponents lauded the report's causal diagnosis of rebellions as stemming from unresponsive councils and ethnic rather than mere economic grievances, crediting it with pragmatic reforms, whereas detractors, including some MPs, decried its assimilationist prescriptions as inflammatory and overly influenced by ideology, potentially exacerbating rather than resolving tensions. The government's partial implementation underscored a commitment to colonial retention over full , prioritizing through anglicization while deferring deeper constitutional changes until subsequent administrations.

Reactions Among English Canadians

In Upper Canada, reactions to the Report on the Affairs of British North America (published February 4, 1839) were sharply divided between the Tory elite and Reformers. The dominant Tory establishment, centered on the , condemned the report for its scathing critique of their oligarchic control and misuse of executive power, portraying them as a "petty, corrupt, insolent Tory clique" in the words of Durham's aide Charles Buller. This group viewed the recommendations for —whereby colonial executives would be accountable to elected assemblies rather than the British-appointed governor—as a direct threat to their entrenched privileges and British imperial oversight. Conversely, out-of-power Reformers in , including figures like , enthusiastically endorsed the principle of as a remedy to the very grievances that had fueled the 1837 Rebellion, such as the executive's disregard for assembly majorities. They saw it as aligning with long-standing demands for democratic accountability, echoing pre-rebellion platforms against the "baneful influence" of the executive councils. Among English-speaking merchants and Tories in Lower Canada, particularly in Montreal, the report garnered support for its proposal to unite the provinces into the Province of Canada, which would create an English-speaking legislative majority (with equal representation despite Lower Canada's larger population) and facilitate the assimilation of French Canadians into British norms. This union was perceived as a means to override French-Canadian resistance to infrastructure projects like canals and railways, advancing economic interests tied to British trade. Overall, English Canadians favoring anglicization welcomed Durham's view that Lower Canada's "two nations warring in the bosom of a single state" could be resolved through cultural and linguistic dominance by the English population.

French Canadian Opposition

French Canadians vehemently opposed the assimilationist recommendations in the Report on the Affairs of British North America, particularly Lord Durham's characterization of their society as a "people with no history and no literature" unfit for self-government due to its "feeble, priestridden, and inert" nature. Durham's proposal to unite Upper and Lower Canada aimed to create an English-speaking majority that would "swamp" French influence, promoting intermarriage and English as the dominant language to erode French Canadian distinctiveness. This was perceived as cultural erasure, intensifying grievances from the Patriote rebellions of 1837–1838, where demands for political reform had intertwined with defense of French language, law, and customs. Opposition manifested in public discourse and political resistance, with French Canadian elites and reformers decrying the report as an extension of British conquest rather than a path to reconciliation. Leaders associated with the , including exiles like , viewed the assimilation clause as punitive and antithetical to their vision of preserving la nation canadienne amid demographic minority status. Even moderate reformers, such as , who later pursued within the union framework, initially highlighted the ethnic tensions Durham exacerbated, arguing in his 1840 Adresse aux électeurs de Terrebonne that union without safeguards risked French subordination but could be leveraged for electoral parity and self-rule. Petitions and assemblies in protested the report's dismissal of French civil law and Catholic institutions as obsolete, framing it as an assault on communal identity. Despite unified rejection of —evident in French-language newspapers and clerical endorsements of cultural preservation—the report's advocacy for legislative union proceeded via the , fueling boycotts of elections and sustained agitation that pressured British authorities toward concessions on by 1848. This opposition underscored a causal disconnect between Durham's diagnosis of "two nations warring in the bosom of a single state" and French Canadian priorities, which emphasized institutional autonomy over ethnic merger.

Scholarly Assessments and Controversies

Praises for Institutional Innovations

The Durham Report's recommendation for , whereby colonial executives would be accountable to locally elected legislatures rather than imperial authorities, has been widely praised as a foundational institutional innovation that advanced within the . Reformers in and , including , hailed this principle as a "charter of free government," arguing it would dismantle oligarchic structures like the by empowering elected assemblies and fostering cooperation between colonies and Britain without severing imperial ties. This shift aligned colonial administration with British parliamentary traditions, introducing checks and balances that prioritized domestic autonomy in local affairs while reserving imperial matters for . Implementation of in by 1848, under , marked the first such concession in the , demonstrating the practicality of Durham's model and paving the way for its adoption in the later that year by and . Scholars such as Janet Ajzenstat have commended this innovation for overthrowing entrenched colonial elites and establishing a that resolved post-rebellion tensions through electoral legitimacy rather than coercion. Chester New, in historical assessments, credited the Report with shaping Canadian democratic institutions by emphasizing legislative supremacy over gubernatorial vetoes. Durham's proposals for municipal institutions further earned praise for decentralizing authority and promoting local self-administration, innovations that addressed governance inefficiencies in British North America by empowering communities with elected councils for infrastructure and services. These reforms were seen as progressive steps toward federal-like structures, influencing the 1867 Confederation's division of powers and serving as a template for responsible across the . By framing colonies as partners in rather than subordinates, Durham's institutional framework facilitated peaceful evolution toward dominion status, a causal mechanism reformers attributed to its emphasis on political over ethnic or administrative fragmentation.

Criticisms of Ethnic Assimilation Views

Scholars have criticized Lord Durham's characterization of as a "people with no history and no ," arguing that it reflected profound and a dismissal of their established cultural institutions, including the and familial structures that sustained their identity. Durham's assertion that their "habits of narrowness and " rendered them unfit for self-government without into British norms was seen as condescending, ignoring the vitality of Canadian society and its resistance to cultural erosion. Historians such as Chester New contended that Durham's prejudices portrayed as a "rebellious and contumacious race," stemming from ruling-class biases and demonstrating "woeful ignorance" of their internal political diversity, which undermined the Report's analytical credibility. Gerald Craig described the proposal as morally objectionable and impractically naïve, given the entrenched customs of a "well-established" ; he noted that instead leveraged democratic institutions to reinforce their distinctiveness, contrary to Durham's expectations. Further critiques highlight Durham's underestimation of religious influences, particularly the clergy's role in preserving and traditions, which thwarted efforts post-union. Janet Ajzenstat has pointed to the Report's negative depiction of French Canadian culture as among its most flawed elements, faulting its advocacy for submerging francophone identity into an English-dominant framework without accounting for persistent ethnic tenacity. These views, while influential in imperial policy, are faulted for prioritizing numerical dominance over , exacerbating rather than resolving ethnic divisions in the long term.

Causal Explanations of Ethnic Tensions

Lord Durham's analysis in the 1839 Report on the Affairs of British North America posited that ethnic tensions in stemmed fundamentally from the coexistence of two distinct "races"— and English—within a single polity, each maintaining incompatible cultural, linguistic, and institutional identities. He contended that the ' adherence to their , , and customs, preserved by the Constitutional Act's division of the province, engendered mutual antagonism rather than integration, transforming political disputes into irreconcilable ethnic strife. This dynamic, Durham argued, manifested as "two nations warring in the bosom of a single ," where the clashed with the English minority's alignment to imperial governance, as evidenced by English settlers' support for the executive against the -dominated during the 1837-1838 rebellion. Durham traced the origins to post-Conquest demographics and policies: the influx of English-speaking Loyalists and immigrants after gradually shifted power balances, heightening perceptions of marginalization amid economic dominance in trade and land control. He viewed insularity—not assimilation into norms—as the , asserting that without cultural , would perpetually devolve into ethnic , as leaders prioritized communal preservation over colonial . Empirical indicators from the period, such as the comprising approximately 450,000 of Lower Canada's 690,000 residents by , underscored the majority's resistance to anglicization, which Durham linked causally to legislative gridlock and violent unrest. Scholarly evaluations have contested Durham's emphasis on ethnic causation, with some historians arguing that tensions arose primarily from structural political failures, including the absence of and oligarchic rule by English-dominated executive councils like the Château Clique, which alienated elites irrespective of cultural divides. These critiques, drawing on primary dispatches and assembly records, posit ethnicity as a symptom amplified by elite manipulations rather than the root driver, noting that pre-1791 accommodations under had sustained relative stability until intensified immigration and land enclosures post-1815 provoked backlash. Conversely, defenders of Durham's framework, informed by comparative colonial histories, maintain that unassimilated ethnic inherently fosters zero-sum conflicts over , as seen in the rebellions' ethnic mobilization patterns— Patriotes versus English loyalists—substantiating his causal linkage between cultural separateness and systemic instability. Quantitative analyses of petition data from 1834-1837 reveal over 80% of grievances centered on executive overreach, yet intertwined with demands for linguistic preservation, supporting a multifaceted where ethnic identity channeled broader institutional grievances.

Imperial and Global Influence

Impact on Other British Colonies

The principles of responsible government advocated in the Durham Report influenced British colonial policy beyond , prompting a gradual extension of self-governing mechanisms to other settler-dominated colonies under Colonial Secretary , from 1846 to 1852. This shift emphasized local legislative accountability for internal affairs while reserving imperial control over , defense, and inter-colonial trade, reflecting Durham's view that such would foster and without risking separation. In , the report's recommendations accelerated the granting of to settler colonies; , for example, obtained it on 6 June 1856, enabling the colonial ministry to derive authority from the local assembly rather than imperial instructions alone, a direct application of Durham's model to resolve tensions between governors and elected bodies. Similar constitutions were extended to , , and by the early 1860s, promoting unified local governance amid expanding European settlement. New Zealand followed suit, achieving responsible government through the New Zealand Constitution Act 1852, which established a general assembly and provincial councils, building on Durham's advocacy for elected control over domestic matters to stabilize colonial administration post-Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 and amid Māori-settler conflicts. This implementation prioritized settler interests, though imperial veto powers persisted on sensitive issues like land and native affairs. At the (modern ), the Durham Report informed evolutionary constitutional reforms, contributing to the Cape Constitution Ordinance of 1852–1853, which introduced a qualified non-racial and bicameral , though full was delayed until 1872 due to demographic complexities involving , , and African populations that complicated assimilationist elements of Durham's framework. Unlike purer settler colonies, application here adapted responsible principles to a multi-ethnic context, emphasizing qualified property-based voting over ethnic unification.

Role in Evolving Colonial Policy

The Durham Report of 1839 introduced the concept of responsible government to British colonial administration, proposing that colonial executives derive their authority from and be accountable to locally elected legislative assemblies in domestic matters, rather than solely to the British-appointed governor or the Crown. This principle represented a departure from the earlier colonial model of crown control through appointed councils, aiming to resolve governance conflicts by aligning executive power with popular representation. Although the British government initially rejected full implementation due to fears of diminished imperial authority, the report's ideas gained traction, leading to the gradual adoption of responsible government across settler colonies. Implementation began in 1848 with , marking the first instance of in the outside itself, followed by the that same year. By the mid-1850s, achieved it in 1854, Newfoundland and several Australian colonies (including , , , and ) in 1855, in 1856, and in 1856. This rollout reflected a policy evolution toward devolving internal to colonies with significant British settler populations, while retained control over , , and . The report's advocacy for this system influenced the broader trajectory of imperial policy, culminating in dominion status for these colonies by 1907, granting them complete autonomy in internal affairs and equality in imperial decision-making forums. It contributed to the shift from coercive empire-building to a framework of cooperative self-governing entities, foreshadowing the 1931 Statute of Westminster that formalized legislative independence for dominions and laid foundations for the modern . Scholarly assessments credit Durham's recommendations with accelerating this liberalization, though some argue the report's direct causal impact was overstated relative to evolving liberal sentiments in .

References

  1. [1]
    [PDF] Report on Matters Related to Intelligence Activities and ...
    May 12, 2023 · The principal report is confidential, but contains no classified information based on thorough, coordinated reviews of the information contained ...
  2. [2]
    Newly Declassified Appendix to Durham Report Sheds Additional ...
    Jul 31, 2025 · Newly Declassified Appendix to Durham Report Sheds Additional Light on Clinton Campaign Plan to Falsely Tie Trump to Russia and FBI's Failure ...
  3. [3]
    The Durham Report: Trump's Vindication? | Cato at Liberty Blog
    May 16, 2023 · Durham cited two key FBI officials as being responsible for getting the dubious CROSSFIRE HURRICANE investigation started: “In particular ...
  4. [4]
    Durham's Damning Report Assails FBI Leadership, Media for ...
    May 18, 2023 · Special counsel John Durham's long-awaited report was, as one would expect, as meticulous as it was damning in its findings of fact.
  5. [5]
    1837-1838 - Canadian Military Heritage Project
    In 1837 revolts against Britain took place in Upper and Lower Canada. William Lyon MacKenzie led those in Upper Canada, while Lower Canada had Louis-Joseph ...<|separator|>
  6. [6]
    The Upper Canada Rebellion of 1837-38 - Ontario Heritage Trust
    Two rebel leaders, Samuel Lount and Peter Matthews, were not so fortunate. After being captured, Lount and Matthews were publicly hanged on April 12, 1838.
  7. [7]
    [PDF] The Rebellions of 1837 and 1838 in Lower Canada
    The Rebellion which occurred in Upper Canada included the attempt to capture Toronto, followed by a massing of insurgents in the Brantford region, and the ...
  8. [8]
    11.10 Rebellions, 1837–1838 – Canadian History: Pre-Confederation
    Their first battle, at Saint-Denis, cost the British and the rebels (under the leadership of Dr. Wolfred Nelson) a dozen dead apiece. Subsequently, the rebel ...
  9. [9]
    Transforming Relationships, 1815-1902 - Canada.ca
    Apr 26, 2018 · 27 soldiers and nearly 300 rebels were killed in the Lower Canada campaign, and far fewer in the Upper Canada rebellion. In all, more than a ...
  10. [10]
    [PDF] Border Patriots Copy - Free PDF Download
    ... 1837 rebels in Upper and Lower Canada revolted against. British rule in an attempt to reform a colonial government that they believed was unjust While this ...
  11. [11]
    The Rebellion of 1837-1838 - Lambton County Museums
    Both events inspired the Durham Report, which suggested the merging of Upper and Lower Canada into “the Province of Canada,” the creation of a responsible ...
  12. [12]
    Rebellions of 1837 | Canadian History, Causes & Consequences
    The two uprisings left 325 people dead, all of them rebels except for 27 British soldiers. Nearly 100 rebels were also captured. After the second uprising ...
  13. [13]
    Lord Russell's 10 Resolutions, 1837 - solon.org
    The Constitution of Canada, Lord John Russell's 10 Resolutions, which were a response to the 92 resolutions by Papineau. Lead to the Rebellions of 1837.
  14. [14]
    UK, Parliament, “Resolutions intended to be proposed by Lord John ...
    ... Resolutions intended to be proposed by Lord John Russell, in a committee of the whole house, relative to the affairs of Canada" (6 March 1837). Other ...
  15. [15]
    LAMBTON, JOHN GEORGE, 1st Earl of DURHAM
    LAMBTON, JOHN GEORGE, 1st Earl of DURHAM, colonial administrator; b. 12 April 1792 in London, eldest son of William Henry Lambton and Lady Anne Barbara ...
  16. [16]
    Lord Durham | The Canadian Encyclopedia
    Lord Durham acted as Governor General of British North America after the Rebellions of 1837-38. He drafted the Durham report. The report paved the way for ...
  17. [17]
  18. [18]
    Her Majesty's High Commissioner, Report on the Affairs of British ...
    Document Information Date: 1839-06-19 By: John George Lambton (Lord Durham/Earl of Durham) ... The insurrection of 1837 completed the division. Since the ...
  19. [19]
    [PDF] Durham-Report.pdf - PrimaryDocuments.ca
    " How did it happen that this instruction was not acted upon ?-In consequence of a representation from Mr. Felton, the Commissioner of Crown Lands, to Lord ...
  20. [20]
    COPY of a DESPATCH from the Earl of Durham, G.C.B., to Lord ...
    ... Ordinance which appears to have been the indirect cause of your Excellency's resignation, can never be regarded as the edict of oppression or tyranny, but ...
  21. [21]
    THE EARL OF DURHAM'S ORDINANCES. (Hansard, 7 August 1838)
    Lord Durham had appointed a Special Council: the Secretary to the Government was a lawyer; he was the legal adviser of the Special Council; and he blamed ...Missing: instructions | Show results with:instructions
  22. [22]
    Special Council of Lower Canada (1838–1841)
    Oct 22, 2014 · The ordinance was annulled in August 1838. Following these attacks, Durham prematurely resigned from his post in October 1838, arguing that his ...
  23. [23]
    [PDF] Lord Durham
    In 1838, London appointed him Governor General of the North American colonies, and charged him with preparing a report on the 1837-1838 rebellions in Upper and ...
  24. [24]
    Constitutional Statesmanship: Lord Durham and the Creation of a ...
    Nov 30, 2020 · Lord Durham's Report on the Affairs of British North America has been the subject of much criticism, as well as considerable praise.
  25. [25]
    Report on the Affairs of British North America/Upper Canada
    Apr 18, 2012 · Report on the Affairs of British North America/Upper Canada. Page ... complaints, and, in addition to the discontent produced by the ...Missing: grievances | Show results with:grievances
  26. [26]
    The Durham Report and the Upper Canadian Scene - Project MUSE
    Apr 5, 2017 · Durham attributed this condition chieflyto geography and lack of communications.The population, strung out in irregular settlementsfrom the ...Missing: primary sources
  27. [27]
    Early Canada Historical Narratives -- LORD DURHAM
    Jul 17, 2025 · Who better to resolve the rebel problem plaguing Canada than the man who set foot on Canadian soil on May 29th, 1838, a life-long rebel himself.
  28. [28]
    Report and Despatches of the Earl of Durham, on British North ...
    Report and Despatches of the Earl of Durham, on British North America, 1839. Lord Durham's Report.
  29. [29]
    Union Act 1840 - UK Parliament
    Durham published a report which recommended the union of Lower and Upper Canada in a step to unite all provinces in British North America. In 1840 the Act ...
  30. [30]
    The Union Act, 1840 - solon.org
    The Union Act, 1840 An Act to reunite the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, and for the Government of Canada
  31. [31]
    Act of Union - The Canadian Encyclopedia
    The solution he recommended in the Durham Report (1839) was to unify Upper and Lower Canada under one government. Lord Durham proposed a united province to ...
  32. [32]
    Parliamentary Institutions - The Canadian System of Government
    In July 1840, An Act to re-unite the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada and for the Government of Canada, known as the Union Act, 1840, was adopted by the ...
  33. [33]
    4.3 BNA: Responsible Government
    If the British were sincere about solving Canada's problems, the colonial government would have to become "responsible." Although Durham was sympathetic to the ...
  34. [34]
    'Let us stand erect like men': How Canada achieved 'responsible ...
    Mar 15, 2023 · After the brief interim governorship of Lord Cathcart, Lord Elgin assumed the post in January 1847. The son-in-law of Lord Durham, Elgin ...
  35. [35]
    Governors' Attitudes to Responsible Government
    Under Bagot, in 1842 and 1843, Canada was governed by Francis Hincks, Louis LaFontaine and Robert Baldwin. Sir Charles Metcalfe succeeded Bagot in 1843. He ...
  36. [36]
    METCALFE, CHARLES THEOPHILUS, 1st Baron METCALFE
    ... Bagot from late in that year had convinced all parties in Canada that responsible government had been introduced in a more extreme form than Bagot had conceded.Missing: timeline | Show results with:timeline
  37. [37]
    Responsible Government | The Canadian Encyclopedia
    In Canada, responsible government is an executive or Cabinet that depends on the support of an elected assembly, rather than a monarch or their representatives.
  38. [38]
    Stones thrown at Lord Elgin | Teachers' Zone
    In 1848, Louis-Hippolyte La Fontaine and Robert Baldwin formed the first responsible government in the Province of Canada.<|separator|>
  39. [39]
    Responsible Government - Canada: A Country by Consent
    Although wildly unpopular in some circles, it had been passed by the Reform ministry of Baldwin and LaFontaine and Lord Elgin was obliged to approve it, even ...
  40. [40]
    Durham Report (Plain-Language Summary)
    Apr 29, 2024 · The Durham Report was controversial. It sought to assimilate French Canadians through a union of Upper and Lower Canada. French Canadians ...Missing: conditions | Show results with:conditions
  41. [41]
    The Durham Report and its Consequences | History of Canada ...
    The Durham Report, commissioned in 1838, aimed to address political unrest in Upper and Lower Canada. Lord Durham investigated the causes of rebellion and ...
  42. [42]
    Canada—The Earl Of Durham's Report - Hansard - UK Parliament
    Canada—The Earl Of Durham's Report. Volume 45: debated on Monday 11 February 1839. Feb. 11. 1839. Download text. Back to top Previous debate Next debate. The ...
  43. [43]
    Project MUSE - <i>The Durham Report and British Policy
    Oct 28, 2022 · ' And though he had resigned his post, Durham in the House of Lords debate after he had submitted his report, said 'I was urged repeatedly by ...
  44. [44]
    CANADA. (Hansard, 3 June 1839) - API Parliament UK
    Lord Durham went out, after considering every plan, very much disposed to favour the plan for a general union of the provinces; but the result of all the ...Missing: primary | Show results with:primary
  45. [45]
    Lord John Russell on Canadian Affairs, June, 1839. - solon.org
    Now, the resolution of this House on this subject was in these terms: "Resolved, That while it is expedient to improve the commission of the Executive Council ...
  46. [46]
    Durham's Report 1839 - Canada: A Country by Consent
    Durham did not have an appreciation of French Canadian culture, however. ... British reaction to Durham's Report was mixed. The colonial secretary, Lord ...
  47. [47]
    Durham Report - The Canadian Encyclopedia
    In 1838, the British politician Lord Durham was sent to British North America to investigate the causes of the rebellions of 1837–38 in the colonies of U...Missing: scope investigation commission instructions
  48. [48]
    11.11 Durham and Union – Canadian History: Pre-Confederation
    Parliament's reply to the 1837 rebellions was a little more ambiguous. It took the form of John Lambton, 1st Earl of Durham (1792-1840). Nicknamed “Radical ...
  49. [49]
    Canadian Law and Religion: Lord Durham's Report - Exhibits
    The report was significant because it demonstrated an intent to assimilate the French in Canada in the hopes of making a stable nation.
  50. [50]
  51. [51]
    Excerpts from Durham's Report, 1839 - Original Sources
    The report indicates that there was an ample basis for both these opinions about Durham.
  52. [52]
    [PDF] Lord Durham's Report - Canadian Political Science Association
    Durham proposes the introduction of the constitutional principle we call responsible government, the principle that defines parliamentary systems. He intends ...Missing: investigation commission
  53. [53]
    Durham Redux: One-State Illusions, From Canada to the Middle East
    Sep 18, 2013 · One state, Durham implied, would end the illusion of two nations. It would mean that French Canada, a people “without a history and without a ...
  54. [54]
  55. [55]
    1839 - Lord Durham's Report - CBC
    Durham realized there was another, more serious problem, in the case of Lower Canada. "I expected to find a conflict between the government and the people: ...
  56. [56]
    Durham Report - Canada History
    His proposal laid the foundation for responsible government, which would eventually come to fruition in Canada. Additionally, Durham saw the need for a ...
  57. [57]
    The Third Earl Grey, Liberalism, and the British Empire
    Feb 23, 2024 · This article suggests that Henry, third Earl Grey, had a vision of a liberal British world, which he hoped to implement through a political career.
  58. [58]
    THE SECOND BRITISH EMPIRE, 1783–1870 - jstor
    the much-criticised Earl Grey. Whilst the political reorganisation of the Empire was pro ceeding under the stimulus of the ideas of the Durham Report, an ...Missing: implementation | Show results with:implementation
  59. [59]
    The settler colonies: Australia - UK Parliament
    Following the advice in the 1839 report of the Canadian governor-general Lord Durham, the British government embarked on a project to give the settler ...Missing: Zealand | Show results with:Zealand
  60. [60]
    Empire and Commonwealth - Te Ara Encyclopedia of New Zealand
    Lord Durham, who was sent as governor-general and commissioner to report on these events, submitted his report to Parliament in 1839, the same year that the ...
  61. [61]
    Responsible government - NZ History
    Feb 4, 2025 · The term 'responsible', as in 'responsible government', requires qualification. Honours, awards, diplomatic relations and external defence remained an imperial ...
  62. [62]
    Our legal heritage : Lord De Villiers and the Cape Colony 1828-1910
    486 The famous Durham Report, published in 1839, paved the way for a new and enlightened British colonial policy which was to make evolutionary constitutional ...
  63. [63]
    British Empire | Decline - Britannica
    Britain gradually evolved a system of self-government for some colonies after the U.S. gained independence, as set forth in Lord Durham's report of 1839.
  64. [64]
    Responsible Government Timeline - Nova Scotia Legislature
    Lord Durham's Report on the Affairs of British North America is published. This response to the 1837 rebellions in Upper and Lower Canada details the problems ...