First Vision
The First Vision is the theophany described in accounts by Joseph Smith Jr., founder of the Latter Day Saint movement, in which he reported seeing two personages—identified as God the Father and Jesus Christ—while praying in a grove of trees near his family's farm in Manchester, New York, in the spring of 1820.[1][2] At approximately age 14, amid the religious revivals of the Second Great Awakening, Smith sought divine guidance on which church to join, and the personages reportedly informed him that human creeds were an abomination and existing churches were corrupt, directing him to join none.[3][1] This event is foundational to Latter Day Saint theology, initiating Smith's claimed prophetic calling and the purported restoration of primitive Christianity, eventually leading to the publication of the Book of Mormon in 1830 and the organization of the church in 1830.[2][3] Smith documented the experience in four firsthand accounts composed between 1832 and 1842 for varied audiences, which exhibit differences in details such as the number of personages emphasized, the presence of an angel, or the precise wording of the message, raising questions among historians about memory, redaction, and consistency.[1][4] No contemporary non-Smith records corroborate the vision, and it was not publicly detailed in early church publications until the 1830s and 1840s, prompting scholarly debate over its historical reliability despite its centrality to adherents' faith.[5][6]Historical Context
Socio-Religious Environment of the Second Great Awakening
The Second Great Awakening encompassed a series of Protestant revivals across the United States from the late 1790s to the 1830s, featuring emotional preaching, public confessions of sin, and mass conversions that emphasized personal piety over formal creeds.[7] This movement particularly flourished in frontier areas like upstate New York, where rapid population growth from migration outpaced the establishment of traditional churches, creating fertile ground for itinerant ministers and spontaneous gatherings.[8] Western New York, including Palmyra and Manchester, formed part of the Burned-over District—a designation popularized by evangelist Charles Grandison Finney to evoke a prairie scorched by repeated fires, symbolizing exhaustive religious proselytizing that left scant unbelievers untouched.[9] Between 1816 and 1821, this region saw revivals in more towns and higher church accessions than any earlier era in New York, driven by Methodist circuit riders and interdenominational cooperation.[8] A notable Methodist camp meeting occurred in Palmyra in June 1818, attracting locals for days of preaching, prayer, and communal meals under open skies.[10] Dominant denominations—Methodists, Baptists, and Presbyterians—vied for adherents amid debates over doctrines like free will versus predestination, fueling cycles of excitement, schism, and reconversion.[11] Methodists, leveraging camp meetings and lay preachers, achieved explosive growth, expanding from modest numbers in the 1780s to over 2,000 local societies by 1820 through appeals to the uneducated and frontier settlers.[12] This competitive milieu eroded deference to established clergy, promoted individualistic interpretations of scripture, and heightened awareness of denominational fragmentation, prompting many to question prevailing orthodoxies.[8]Joseph Smith's Family Background and Religious Shifts
Joseph Smith Jr. was born on December 23, 1805, in Sharon, Vermont, to Joseph Smith Sr. (1771–1840), a farmer and occasional cooper, and Lucy Mack Smith (1776–1856), the youngest of eight children in a family with Presbyterian ties. The Smiths, of modest New England Puritan descent, faced repeated financial setbacks from poor harvests, unpaid debts, and land disputes, leading to frequent moves within Vermont before relocating to Palmyra, New York, in late 1816; by 1820, they had cleared and occupied a 100-acre farm on the Palmyra-Manchester township line.[13][14] The family's religious milieu emphasized personal piety over institutional allegiance, with daily Bible study and prayer under Joseph Sr.'s direction, reflecting his inherited skepticism toward organized denominations from his father, Asael Smith, who favored a universalist Christianity devoid of creeds. Joseph Sr. himself received multiple dreams between 1811 and 1819—documented by Lucy as numbering at least seven—which featured symbolic elements like fruit-laden trees representing spiritual nourishment and perilous paths symbolizing worldly temptations, interpreted within the household as providential guidance rather than prompting church membership.[15][16][17] Lucy Mack Smith, shaped by her father's orthodox Presbyterianism yet marked by youthful rheumatic fever and visions urging independent faith-seeking, expressed frustration with sectarian strife and prioritized direct divine communion, occasionally attending services without formal commitment prior to the Palmyra years. Settlement in Palmyra's "burned-over district" exposed the family to the Second Great Awakening's revivalist fervor, catalyzing denominational experimentation. Circa 1820, amid inter-church competitions, Lucy and three children—Hyrum, Samuel H., and Sophronia—affiliated with Palmyra's Western Presbyterian Church, joining roughly 40 new members in a wave of Presbyterian growth.[18] Joseph Sr. resisted, maintaining his non-denominational stance and critiquing Presbyterian doctrines, while the family had earlier engaged Methodist gatherings in Vermont and Palmyra, fostering Joseph Jr.'s temporary sympathy toward Methodism.[19] These intra-family divisions—Presbyterian leanings versus Methodist inclinations and paternal opposition—intensified religious discord, as later reflected in Joseph Jr.'s accounts of household "strife and contention" over competing claims to truth.[20][18]Local Revivals and Debates on Precise Dating
The Palmyra and Manchester area in western New York, part of the "Burned-over District," experienced intermittent religious revivals during the Second Great Awakening, characterized by Methodist camp meetings, Presbyterian assemblies, and Baptist awakenings amid denominational competition.[21] Local records indicate a Methodist camp meeting near Palmyra in late June 1818, attended by approximately 1,000–2,000 people and resulting in about 40 conversions, as documented in Aurora Seager's journal and corroborated by Orsamus Turner's recollections.[21] Methodist activity continued into 1819, with the Genesee District reporting a net membership increase of 1,180, including the Ontario Circuit encompassing Palmyra.[21] In 1820, evidence for localized revivals is sparser; the Palmyra Register noted Methodist preachers gathering in the village on March 11, and a possible three-day camp meeting in late spring, though its exact location remains unclear.[22] Church growth metrics reflect limited impact: the local Presbyterian congregation added only 14 members, the Baptist church gained 6 by baptism, and Methodist circuits reported net losses of 6 members.[23] No contemporary newspapers or religious periodicals mention widespread excitement in Palmyra that year.[23] A more intense revival swept the area starting in spring 1824, peaking in September 1824 with quarterly meetings led by figures like Rev. George Lane and Rev. Benjamin Stockton.[23] By late 1824, Methodists added over 150 members in Palmyra vicinity, Presbyterians reported 99 new admissions by September 1825 (a 130% increase), and Baptists baptized 94 individuals between October 1824 and August 1825.[24] Historians debate whether the "unusual excitement" Joseph Smith described preceding his vision aligns with 1820 or later events, impacting precise dating.[23] Smith's 1838 account places the vision in spring 1820 at age 14, following revivals that divided families across denominations.[22] Critics like Wesley P. Walters contend the described revival matches 1824–1825 records, with no comparable 1820 activity, suggesting possible conflation or retrospective adjustment.[23] Defenders, including Steven C. Harper, emphasize broader pre-1820 Methodist fervor, such as the 1818 camp meeting, as fulfilling Smith's narrative without requiring a singular 1820 peak.[21] Earlier accounts from 1832 and 1835 omit a specific year, fueling ongoing scholarly scrutiny of alignment with local records.[22]Primary Accounts by Joseph Smith
1832 Account and Early References
The 1832 account, drafted by Joseph Smith in his own handwriting as part of a six-page personal history circa summer 1832, represents the earliest known written record of the First Vision experience.[25] This document, preserved in Joseph Smith's letterbook and not publicly known until its rediscovery and publication in the 1960s, frames the event amid Smith's family religious history and the local revivalism of the late 1810s and early 1820s.[3] Smith dated the vision to his "16th year," aligning with spring 1820, and described it as prompted by personal conviction of sin, confusion over competing denominations, and inspiration from James 1:5 in the Bible, which urged seeking wisdom from God.[4] In the narrative, Smith recounted kneeling in a secluded grove near his family's farm in Manchester, New York, where a "pillar of fire" descended, followed by light brighter than noon enveloping him; he then heard "the voice of the Lord," identified simply as "the Lord," which forgave his sins, filled him with joy and assurance of salvation through Christ's atonement, and declared that human churches were corrupt and lacked authority.[25] Unlike later versions, this account omits explicit mention of two distinct personages (God the Father and Jesus Christ) or a direct query about church affiliation, instead emphasizing personal redemption and divine forgiveness as the core outcome.[3] Smith noted attempting to recount the vision to others, including family members, but encountering skepticism and dismissal, attributing this to preconceptions about divine manifestations.[4] The history transitions immediately to subsequent events, including a later angelic visitation regarding ancient records, without further elaboration on the 1820 experience. No verifiable written references to the First Vision appear in surviving documents from 1820 to 1831, either by Smith or his early associates; early Church publications and missionary teachings from this period, such as those surrounding the 1830 Book of Mormon, centered on angelic ministrations and restoration themes without allusion to the grove vision.[4] Oral transmission may have occurred privately, as Smith later indicated sharing it selectively, but the absence of contemporary corroboration in letters, journals, or public records from followers like Martin Harris or Oliver Cowdery suggests it was not a foundational element of initial proselytizing efforts.[26] The 1832 text itself, while reflective of Smith's maturing theological views amid Church organization in Ohio, remains the sole pre-1835 primary source, underscoring a pattern of evolving detail in subsequent retellings.[25]1835 Accounts
In November 1835, Joseph Smith recounted his First Vision to Robert Matthews, a visitor to Kirtland, Ohio, who presented himself as a Jewish rabbi named Joshua.[3] Smith's scribe, Warren A. Parrish, recorded the narration in Smith's journal on November 9–11, providing one of the earliest detailed third-person summaries of the event dictated by Smith himself.[1] In this account, Smith described his teenage perplexity over conflicting Christian denominations, leading him to pray in a grove near his family's farm for divine guidance on which sect to join.[27] He reported encountering a "thick darkness" and opposing power during prayer, followed by a pillar of fire descending, from which "a personage appeared in the midst of this pillar of flame" who was enveloped in light.[27] Another personage soon appeared, resembling the first, and testified of the initial figure; Smith inquired which church was acceptable to them, receiving the response that all existing denominations were corrupt and none bore authority from God.[27] The account further states that "many angels" appeared, filling Smith with joy, and that he was informed no one could translate ancient records except himself, alluding to his later prophetic role.[27] This 1835 narration uniquely emphasizes supernatural opposition during the prayer and the presence of multiple angels, elements absent from Smith's 1832 and 1838 accounts.[3] The two personages are not explicitly identified as God the Father and Jesus Christ, differing from the 1838 version, though one endorses the other in a manner later interpreted by Latter-day Saints as paternal testimony. The journal entry reflects Parrish's handwriting and phrasing, raising questions among historians about precise fidelity to Smith's oral words, as scribes occasionally paraphrased or edited for clarity during dictation.[28] A second, briefer 1835 reference occurred on November 14, when Smith summarized the vision for Erastus Holmes, an inquirer from Ohio, also recorded in the journal.[29] Here, Smith framed it as his "first visitation of Angels," describing a pillar of fire and an angel revealing plates from which the Book of Mormon derived, blending the grove event with Moroni's subsequent visits without detailing the personages. This entry, published later in the Deseret News in 1852, serves more as a concise testimonial linking the vision to the church's founding and scriptural translation rather than a standalone retelling.[29] Both 1835 journal records, preserved in the Joseph Smith Papers project, constitute firsthand dictations under Smith's direction, though their oral nature and scribal mediation distinguish them from fully authored texts like the 1842 Wentworth Letter.[1]1838 Official Account
The 1838 account, dictated by Joseph Smith in late 1838 amid the Saints' expulsion from Missouri, forms the core narrative of his First Vision as preserved in his official history. It details events purportedly occurring in the spring of 1820, when Smith was fourteen years old and residing on his family's farm in Manchester, New York. The text begins with broader context on religious divisions within Smith's family and community during the Second Great Awakening revivals, noting that "priests and ministers of different denominations" contended vigorously, leading to doctrinal confusion. Smith describes himself as spiritually inclined from youth but perplexed by the competing claims of Methodist, Presbyterian, and Baptist groups, with family members aligning differently—his mind "seriously impressed" by the need for divine direction on salvation.[30] Influenced by reading James 1:5 in the King James Bible—"If any of you lack wisdom, let him ask of God"—Smith resolved to seek answers through prayer, deeming human sources unreliable amid the "war of words and tumult of opinions." He recounts withdrawing to a secluded grove of large trees near the farm, kneeling to petition God for enlightenment on which church to join. An overpowering darkness then enveloped him, accompanied by a destructive force attempting to bind his tongue and spirit, but he exerted all strength to call upon God the Father in Christ's name, breaking the hold.[30] A brilliant pillar of light descended, exceeding the sun's midday glare and dispelling the darkness; within it appeared two personages, whose countenances radiated surpassing glory. One positioned himself before Smith and, gesturing to the other, declared, "This is My Beloved Son. Hear Him!" When Smith asked which sect was acceptable to God for baptism, the response was that he should join none, as "they were all wrong; and the Personage who addressed me said that all their creeds were an abomination in his sight; that those professors were all corrupt." Smith was further informed that his sins were forgiven and received a charge that future developments would unfold in due time, with no permission to join any denomination. The light abruptly withdrew, leaving him prostrate and physically drained for some time.[30] Subsequent portions of the account describe immediate persecution upon sharing the vision—ridiculed by peers and warned by a minister that such visions had ceased—yet Smith affirms its reality as the catalyst for his prophetic calling and the Restoration's commencement. This version, spanning Joseph Smith—History 1:1–26, was first serialized in the Times and Seasons on March 15 and April 1, 1842, in Nauvoo, Illinois, as part of an article defending apostolic character, and later canonized in the Pearl of Great Price (1851 edition onward). Unlike earlier private journal entries, it presents a polished, third-person narrative emphasizing doctrinal critique of contemporary Christianity and the vision's theophanic clarity.[3][31]1842 Wentworth Letter and Other Later Versions
The 1842 account of Joseph Smith's First Vision appears in a document commonly known as the Wentworth Letter, drafted by Smith on March 1, 1842, in response to a request from John Wentworth, editor of the Chicago Democrat, for a sketch of the rise, progress, faith, and doctrines of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.[32] The letter provided a concise church history and was published in the church's Times and Seasons periodical on the same date, spanning pages 706–707 of volume 3, issue 9.[32] This marked the first published version of the First Vision narrative attributable to Smith, though it was not originally intended for broad dissemination beyond Wentworth's inquiry.[1] In the account, Smith recounted that, at about age fourteen amid religious confusion in his community, he pondered James 1:5 from the Bible, which urged seeking wisdom from God.[33] Retiring to a grove for prayer, his mind entered a visionary state where he beheld two glorious personages of identical features and likeness, enveloped in a light brighter than the sun at noon.[33] These figures declared that all existing religious denominations espoused incorrect doctrines, none constituted God's acknowledged church or kingdom, and Smith was commanded not to affiliate with them, with a concomitant promise that the fullness of the gospel would be revealed to him at a future time.[33] The narrative emphasizes doctrinal corruption and future restoration over personal remission of sins, differing in focus from some earlier accounts.[1] A verbatim copy of this First Vision description from the Wentworth Letter was incorporated into an 1844 compilation of religious histories edited by Israel Daniel Rupp, titled He Pasa Ekklesia, without alteration or additional context from Smith.[1] No further primary accounts of the vision were recorded by Smith himself after 1842, as he was killed in June 1844.[1]Secondary Accounts
Accounts from Associates and Early Followers
One of the earliest secondary accounts comes from Joseph Knight Sr., a longtime associate who first employed Smith in 1825–1826 and provided material support during the Book of Mormon translation. In an undated manuscript likely composed between 1835 and 1847, Knight recounted Smith's description of retreating to the woods to pray amid religious confusion, wrestling spiritually for enlightenment, receiving forgiveness of sins, and being informed that the fullness of the gospel would be revealed to him in the future as an instrument for bringing about significant events.[3][4] This narrative aligns with Smith's personal emphasis on personal forgiveness but omits explicit mention of two distinct personages or a direct declaration against existing churches. Orson Pratt, an apostle ordained in 1835 and an early convert from 1830, provided the first published secondary account in his September 1840 pamphlet An Interesting Account of Several Remarkable Visions, distributed in Scotland to promote missionary work. Pratt described Smith, at age 14 or 15, praying in a grove where thick darkness initially enveloped him, followed by the appearance of two personages whose glory exceeded the sun; one pointed to the other, declaring him the Son, who forgave Smith's sins and commanded him not to join any religious sect, promising that the true gospel would be revealed in due time.[1][4] Pratt noted that Smith faced immediate persecution upon sharing the experience locally. Orson Hyde, another apostle from 1835, echoed similar elements in his 1842 German-language pamphlet aimed at European audiences, recounting Smith's vision at age 15 amid a pillar of fire and darkness, with two personages appearing to declare all churches corrupt and instruct him against affiliation, while foretelling future divine instruction.[3][4] Later accounts include Levi Richards, a church physician and early follower, who in his June 11, 1843, journal entry in Nauvoo recorded hearing Smith describe his youthful vision revealing that all sects were incorrect, the everlasting covenant had been broken, and the fullness of the gospel would be restored through him.[4] Alexander Neibaur, a recent convert from 1841 and associate in Nauvoo, documented on May 24, 1844, Smith's oral relation of seeing two personages in light, one introducing the other as "This is My Beloved Son, hear him," with instructions not to join the Methodists and a warning of an evil power attempting to destroy him.[4] These accounts, recorded 20–24 years after the reported 1820 event, consistently affirm Smith's receipt of divine forgiveness and a mandate against contemporary churches but vary in details such as the presence of darkness or specific phrasing.[3] Notably, no secondary accounts from immediate post-vision associates like Oliver Cowdery or Martin Harris appear in their early writings, with emphasis in initial church publications focusing more on the 1823 angelic visitation.[4]Family Member Testimonies and Recent Discoveries
William Smith, Joseph Smith's younger brother, provided multiple retrospective accounts of the First Vision between 1841 and 1893, often conflating it with the 1823 visitation by Moroni. In his 1841 interview, Smith described a revival around 1823, Joseph praying in a chamber at night, and an angel appearing to declare existing sects erroneous, with Joseph informing the family the next day.[34] His 1883 account similarly placed events in 1823, featuring a descending light in the woods and a personage advising against church affiliation, followed by Moroni's visit.[34] The 1884 and 1893 versions reiterated themes of a pre-vision revival, a pillar of fire or light, a messenger prohibiting church membership, and references to ancient records at Cumorah, typically dating Joseph to about age 18 rather than 14.[34] These narratives consistently merged the 1820 grove experience with later angelic encounters, lacking mention of two distinct personages as in Joseph's own records.[34] Lucy Mack Smith, Joseph's mother, offered limited direct commentary in her mid-1840s dictated history, which omits a standalone description of the 1820 vision and instead transitions from family religious seeking to Joseph's procurement of the gold plates around age 18.[35] She noted Joseph confiding in her that he learned "Presbyterianism is not true" but provided no details of personages or the grove setting.[35] In 1839, Lucy and Joseph Sr. reportedly described the event to Wandle Mace as involving God the Father and Jesus Christ, positioning it as the Restoration's inception.[35] Joseph Sr. alluded to it indirectly in an 1834 patriarchal blessing, stating the recipient was "called... out of the heavens."[35] Recent scholarly examination of Katharine Smith Salisbury's recollections, Joseph's sister, has uncovered additional family perspectives from sources dated 1870 to 1900.[35] Katharine recalled Joseph beholding "two bright lights" interpreted as the Father and Son amid initial darkness during prayer, followed by his disclosure to the family and a Methodist minister, prompting community derision and persecution by 1820–1821 that reportedly contributed to sister Sophronia's illness at age 17.[36] She connected this to Moroni's subsequent 1823 appearance, emphasizing early familial awareness and opposition.[36] These late accounts, while aligning on themes of divine instruction against creeds and ensuing ridicule, were recorded decades after the event and may incorporate elements from Joseph's published narratives.[35] Historians note that such family testimonies, though supportive of core revelatory motifs like James 1:5 and preacher George Lane's influence, exhibit variances in sequencing and participants, reflecting oral transmission over time rather than contemporaneous documentation.[36]Analysis of Accounts
Core Consistent Elements
Across Joseph Smith's primary accounts of his First Vision—written in 1832, 1835, 1838, and 1842—a core narrative structure emerges, centered on his youthful quest for divine guidance amid religious turmoil in upstate New York. In each version, Smith, then approximately 14 years old in the spring of 1820, describes intense personal anxiety over his spiritual state and the competing claims of local denominations during a period of widespread revivals.[3] [1] He recounts resolving to seek direct revelation from God through prayer, retreating to a secluded grove near his family's farm in Manchester, New York, to inquire which church, if any, he should join.[3] [37] This prayer precipitated a supernatural intervention in all accounts: an overpowering force or darkness initially obstructed his efforts, followed by a pillar or burst of light dispelling it and revealing heavenly personage(s).[3] [38] The divine beings—variously described but consistently anthropomorphic and luminous—conveyed a message of rejection toward existing churches, stating they were corrupt, lacked authority, or taught incorrect doctrines, with explicit instruction for Smith not to affiliate with any.[3] [37] Concurrently, he received personal assurance of forgiveness for his sins, emphasizing themes of redemption and God's mercy toward the individual seeker.[3] [39] Post-vision consequences form another consistent thread: Smith faced immediate skepticism and hostility from family, neighbors, and religious leaders upon sharing his experience, leading to social ostracism that he attributed to Satanic opposition or human incredulity.[3] [40] These elements cohere into a foundational theophany narrative, where personal inquiry yields direct divine correction of ecclesiastical errors, irrespective of contextual emphases varying by audience or purpose in each retelling.[37] [38] Scholarly analyses, including those from Latter-day Saint historians, affirm this underlying consistency as evidence of a singular event recollected adaptively, though critics highlight omissions in early versions as potential evolutions rather than uniform recall.[39] [40]Significant Variations and Discrepancies
The accounts of Joseph Smith's First Vision contain several discrepancies in descriptive details, despite sharing the fundamental occurrence of a divine manifestation during a prayerful experience in the woods near his family's home in 1820. These variations include differences in the number and identity of the personages encountered, the stated purpose of Joseph's inquiry, the presence of opposing forces, and additional elements such as angels. Such differences are documented across the primary accounts preserved in Joseph Smith's handwriting or dictated under his direction.[1][3]| Account Year | Personages Described | Primary Purpose Stated | Other Key Details |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1832 | One ("the Lord," interpreted as Jesus Christ, with no explicit mention of the Father) | Seeking forgiveness of sins and remission through atonement | No mention of Satan or dark powers; Joseph reflects on his sins and Baptist influences; concludes all denominations are corrupt.[41][4] |
| 1835 | Two personages (plus a multitude of angels) | Combination of forgiveness and church inquiry | Angels present; personages' glory causes Joseph to fear destruction but reassure him.[1][38] |
| 1838 | Two distinct personages (God the Father and Jesus Christ, with the Father introducing the Son) | Determining which church to join amid religious confusion | Explicit opposition by "the power of some actual being from the unseen world"; no angels mentioned; pillar of light and Jesus' glorified form emphasized.[3][1] |
| 1842 (Wentworth Letter) | Two personages (God the Father and his Son Jesus Christ) | Inquiry into true church amid revivalist contention | Aligns closely with 1838, including rejection of all existing sects; no mention of personal sin forgiveness or angels.[1][38] |