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First globalization

The First Globalization refers to the era of accelerated international economic integration from roughly 1870 to 1914, distinguished by sharp rises in global trade volumes, mass cross-border migration, and capital mobility that surpassed prior historical precedents in scale and speed.^[1]^[2] This period saw world trade as a share of gross domestic product climb from about 10% in 1870 to 21% by 1914, driven by factor reallocations across borders that facilitated commodity price convergence and resource optimization.^[3]^[2] Technological innovations, including steam-powered shipping, railroads, the Suez Canal's opening in 1869, and the telegraph, drastically reduced transport and communication costs—freight rates, for instance, declined by 45% between 1869 and 1913—while the adoption of the classical gold standard after 1870 stabilized exchange rates and boosted trade by an estimated 15%.^[2]^[1] Tariff liberalizations, such as Britain's post-1846 reductions and bilateral treaties like the 1860 Cobden-Chevalier agreement, complemented these developments, enabling new goods to enter markets and export shares to double or triple in smaller economies.^[1] Migration flows were immense, with tens of millions moving from Europe to the Americas and other frontiers, equilibrating labor markets and amplifying output gains, though capital outflows from core nations like Britain funded infrastructure in peripheries, heightening interdependence.^[1]^[4] The era's defining achievements included unprecedented global market convergence, as evidenced by wheat price gaps between Liverpool and Chicago narrowing from 57.6% in 1870 to 15.6% in 1912, yet it also sowed seeds of backlash through perceived domestic dislocations, rising protectionism, and eventual rupture via World War I, which shattered these flows and ushered in interwar deglobalization.^[2]^[4] Despite debates over exact origins—some tracing proto-forms to earlier centuries—the 1870–1914 surge stands as a benchmark for policy-induced openness yielding empirical growth, though without modern welfare mechanisms, it fueled political reactions that curbed its momentum.^[2]^[1]

Definition and Chronology

Periodization and scope

The first globalization denotes the era of accelerated global economic integration spanning roughly from 1870 to the outbreak of World War I in 1914, characterized by unprecedented rises in international trade, capital flows, and labor migration that linked distant economies more tightly than in preceding centuries.^[1]^[5] This period's scope encompasses not abstract ideological shifts but tangible reductions in trade barriers and transport costs, enabling commodity exchanges, investment outflows from Europe (particularly Britain), and mass movements of people, primarily from Europe to the Americas and Oceania.^[6] Empirical indicators include the ratio of world trade to global output, which increased from approximately 10% in 1870 to 21% by 1913, reflecting heightened interdependence driven by steam-powered shipping and rail networks that lowered freight rates by up to 50% on major routes.^[7] The onset in the 1870s aligned with stabilizing political events, such as the post-Civil War economic recovery in the United States and the national unifications of Germany and Italy, which expanded integrated markets and facilitated export-oriented growth.^[5] Peak integration occurred between 1900 and 1913, marked by Britain's record capital exports—totaling over £4 billion in overseas assets by 1914, equivalent to about 150% of its GDP—which financed infrastructure in settler economies like Argentina, Australia, and Canada.^[8] Labor mobility further defined the scope, with an estimated 36 million Europeans emigrating overseas during this interval, predominantly to North and South America, as falling transatlantic voyage durations—from 38 days in the 1850s to 8 days by 1913 via steamships—made such relocations feasible for unskilled workers seeking wage arbitrage.^[9]^[10] This temporal bounding distinguishes first globalization as a discrete phase of convergence in global commodity prices and factor markets, interrupted by wartime disruptions rather than inherent exhaustion, with integration levels not surpassed until the post-1950 era.^[7]

Distinction from prior and subsequent eras

The first globalization, spanning approximately 1870 to 1914, marked a departure from preceding eras of international exchange, which were constrained by elevated transportation and information costs as well as inconsistent monetary arrangements. Prior to 1870, global trade relative to output hovered around 10 percent, reflecting reliance on slower sailing vessels and fragmented bimetallic standards that amplified exchange-rate volatility and transaction frictions.^[7] In contrast, the advent of steamships, railroads, and the telegraph facilitated intra-continental connectivity and reduced freight costs by up to 70 percent on key routes, while the classical gold standard minimized currency risks through credible convertibility commitments, enabling a surge in trade volumes to 21 percent of global output by 1913.^[11]^[6] These innovations shifted exchange from predominantly colonial or mercantilist networks—often state-monopolized and regionally confined—to broader, market-oriented flows integrating peripheral economies like Argentina and Australia into core capital markets.^[1] The era's scale of integration was unprecedented, with British overseas asset stocks reaching 124 to 180 percent of domestic GDP by 1914, dwarfing prior accumulations and underscoring the intensity of private capital mobilization without centralized coordination.^[12] This contrasted sharply with pre-1870 patterns, where capital movements were episodic and tied to imperial ventures rather than sustained, yield-driven investments across sovereign borrowers. Empirical measures of financial openness, such as gross foreign asset positions relative to GDP, climbed globally toward 20 percent by 1913, a level unattained in earlier centuries due to prohibitive risks and logistical barriers.^[13] Relative to subsequent periods, the first globalization differed in its reliance on decentralized private enterprise amid minimal multilateral oversight, unlike the interwar collapse (1914–1945) marked by protectionist tariffs and capital controls that halved trade shares, or the post-1945 second wave buttressed by state-orchestrated institutions like the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and Bretton Woods fixed exchange regimes.^[14] The earlier phase achieved high integration through bilateral commercial treaties and spontaneous adherence to gold-standard disciplines, fostering capital exports from Britain that averaged several percent of GDP annually in peak decades, without the supranational planning or development aid that characterized later efforts.^[11] This market-led dynamism challenges assumptions of inevitable progression requiring institutional scaffolding, as the first wave's reversal stemmed from geopolitical shocks rather than structural deficiencies in private coordination.^[3]

Underlying Causes

Technological advancements

The advent of steam-powered shipping and extensive railway networks fundamentally reduced the economic frictions imposed by geographical distance during the late 19th century. Steamships, which began supplanting sailing vessels on major trade routes from the 1850s onward, halved average ocean freight rates for commodities like grain between 1870 and 1900, with transatlantic shipping costs for wheat from the U.S. Midwest to Europe falling from approximately 80% of the commodity's value to around 20%.^[15] Railways, expanding rapidly across continents—such as the U.S. network growing from 70,000 kilometers in 1870 to over 400,000 by 1910—facilitated inland transport, further compressing overall freight costs by 50-70% in key corridors, as evidenced by converging commodity prices between New World exporters and European markets.^[2] These declines, averaging about 2% annually from 1870 to 1913, eroded the natural barriers that had previously insulated local producers from distant competition, enabling a more integrated global division of labor based on comparative advantage.^[16] The electric telegraph, operational on transoceanic cables by the 1860s, complemented transport innovations by slashing communication latencies from weeks to minutes, thereby minimizing information asymmetries in global markets. By 1900, over 1 million kilometers of submarine cables linked continents, allowing real-time price signaling that integrated commodity exchanges—such as Liverpool wheat futures with Chicago markets—and reduced speculative arbitrage opportunities through synchronized pricing.^[17] Empirical analysis of news agency expansions during this era shows that improved information flows boosted bilateral trade volumes by facilitating contract enforcement and risk assessment across borders, with trade elasticities to communication infrastructure estimated at 0.2-0.5.^[17] Collectively, these technologies dismantled distance as a prohibitive factor in exchange, shifting economic activity toward efficiency-driven specialization rather than proximity-bound autarky.^[18]

Policy and institutional enablers

Britain's repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 marked a pivotal shift toward unilateral free trade, eliminating protective tariffs on imported grain and symbolizing the abandonment of mercantilist policies in favor of liberal economic principles.^[19] This policy reduced average British duties to near zero on most goods, encouraging export-led growth and serving as a model that influenced other nations by demonstrating empirical gains in trade volumes and industrial output without retaliatory barriers.^[20] The Anglo-French Cobden-Chevalier Treaty of 1860 extended this liberalization through reciprocal tariff cuts, with France reducing duties to approximately 20% on British goods by 1864 and Britain granting duty-free access in return, sparking a network of over a dozen similar bilateral agreements across Europe by the 1870s.^[21] These pacts lowered average European tariffs to 10-20% in many countries by 1900, fostering intra-industry trade in manufactures and raw materials while empirical trade data show a corresponding surge in cross-border exchanges that outpaced protectionist alternatives.^[22] Secure property rights and enforceable contracts underpinned these trade expansions, particularly through the dissemination of British common law principles to colonies and settler economies, which provided credible legal assurances against expropriation and enabled long-term capital commitments.^[23] In British dominions, this institutional framework correlated with lower sovereign borrowing costs—often 100-150 basis points below non-colonial peers—facilitating over £4 billion in overseas investments between 1865 and 1914, as investors relied on impartial dispute resolution to mitigate risks in distant markets.^[24] In contrast, the United States maintained high protectionism, exemplified by the McKinley Tariff of 1890, which elevated average duties to nearly 50% to shield domestic industries, temporarily curbing import competition but impeding broader integration compared to liberalizing Europe.^[25] Empirical analyses of growth from 1870-1914 indicate that economies embracing freer trade, like Britain and the Netherlands, achieved superior export expansion and per capita income gains relative to high-tariff regimes, where barriers distorted resource allocation despite overall industrialization; U.S. protectionism, while not preventing growth, yielded slower trade multipliers and higher consumer costs per econometric reconstructions.^[26]^[27]

Economic incentives

The economic incentives driving the first globalization stemmed from profit opportunities arising from disparities in factor endowments across regions, encouraging specialization and exchange according to comparative advantages. In line with the Heckscher-Ohlin theorem, capital- and labor-abundant Europe exported manufactured goods while importing land-intensive commodities like grains and meats from the land-abundant New World, where returns to land were high but capital scarce.^[28]^[29] This pattern aligned with observed trade flows, as the Americas and Australia shipped primary products to Europe in exchange for industrial outputs, yielding mutual gains from trade by allowing each region to leverage its relative abundances.^[29] Capital mobility was incentivized by arbitrage in returns: European investors directed funds to the New World, where capital scarcity amid vast land resources promised higher yields on infrastructure like railroads and ports, facilitating export-oriented development.^[30] These inflows complemented local factors, boosting productivity; for instance, real wages in labor-scarce settler economies such as Argentina and Australia increased by 50-100% between 1870 and 1914, reflecting enhanced marginal productivity from capital augmentation and trade-induced specialization.^[31]^[32] Such incentives propelled aggregate economic expansion, with global GDP per capita growing at an average annual rate of 1.3% from 1870 to 1913—the highest sustained pace prior to the post-1950 era—largely attributable to deepened international division of labor and resource reallocation.^[33] This outpaced earlier centuries, as falling transport costs and stable monetary frameworks amplified the returns to cross-border engagement, drawing private actors into voluntary participation without coercive mandates.^[7]

Core Mechanisms

Expansion of international trade

The volume of world merchandise trade expanded markedly during the first globalization, growing at an average annual rate of approximately 3.5% from 1870 to 1913, outpacing global GDP growth of about 2.1% per year and resulting in trade volumes more than tripling over the period.^[34] ^[35] In core economies such as Western Europe and the United States, the ratio of exports to GDP roughly doubled, rising from around 9% in 1870 to over 16% by 1913, reflecting deeper integration into global commodity flows.^[28] This surge facilitated resource reallocation by enabling regions with comparative advantages to specialize: agricultural exporters like the United States and Argentina supplied grains and meat to industrializing Europe, while Britain and other manufacturers exported textiles and machinery to Asia and primary-producing peripheries.^[36] Key commodity trades exemplified this pattern. Transatlantic grain shipments from the American Midwest and Argentine pampas flooded European markets, with U.S. wheat exports to Britain alone rising from under 10 million bushels in 1870 to over 100 million by 1900, driven by refrigerated shipping and rail networks that lowered freight costs by up to 70% on major routes.^[37] Concurrently, British cotton textile exports to India and China surged, increasing from £20 million in value in 1870 to £60 million by 1913, capturing market share through mechanized production efficiencies despite local competition.^[6] These exchanges promoted efficient global division of labor, as Europe's urban labor shifted from subsistence farming to higher-productivity industry, boosting overall output through specialization gains estimated at 1-2% of GDP in importing nations.^[38] Technological reductions in transport costs, rather than uniform tariff liberalization, were primary enablers, with steamships and railways halving ad valorem freight rates on bulk goods between 1870 and 1914, even as average tariffs rose by about 50% globally due to protectionist policies in Europe and the U.S.^[39] ^[28] This cost convergence improved terms of trade for primary exporters in the periphery, where export prices relative to imports rose by 20-30% on average from 1870 to 1913, incentivizing expanded production and further trade volumes without relying on policy-driven openness.^[40] The resulting commodity reallocations thus stemmed from natural economic forces amplifying comparative advantages, yielding welfare gains through lower consumer prices and expanded markets in both hemispheres.^[1]

Capital mobility and investment

During the first era of globalization from 1870 to 1913, capital mobility manifested primarily through long-term lending via bonds and direct investments in infrastructure from European core economies, especially Britain, to peripheral regions including the Americas, Australia, and parts of Asia. Britain's accumulated stock of overseas investments reached approximately £3.7 billion by the end of 1913, equivalent to about 140-160% of its gross national product.^[41] ^[42] Annual capital exports averaged 4-8% of GNP, with roughly one-third directed toward railroad construction in recipient countries such as the United States, Argentina, and Canada.^[41] ^[11] In these economies, foreign capital financed up to 50% of total capital formation, enabling rapid expansion of transportation networks that integrated remote areas into global markets.^[11] British investors targeted diversified opportunities abroad, allocating 20% of their portfolio to the United States and 20% to Latin America by 1913, alongside investments in dominions and Europe.^[41] Returns on these investments proved attractive, with average yields on foreign debt securities at 4.94% per annum compared to 3.35% for domestic debt, and foreign equities yielding 8.66% versus 6.61% domestically.^[41] Risk-adjusted performance favored overseas assets due to lower volatility through geographic and sectoral diversification, allowing optimal portfolios to include up to 38% foreign holdings for superior Sharpe ratios.^[41] In the United States, British capital supplied substantial funding for private railroad companies, comprising a significant portion—estimated at 20-30% overall—of 19th-century rail construction costs, though exact shares varied by line and era.^[43] Empirical analyses confirm that these capital inflows generated substantial growth in host economies, with a standard deviation increase in inflows correlating to a 7% long-run rise in GDP per capita, half realized within 3.5 years.^[11] In Argentina, foreign-financed railroads contributed 20-25% to per capita income growth before 1914 by enhancing agricultural exports and internal connectivity.^[44] Canada similarly benefited, with high inflows supporting infrastructure-led expansion and sustained productivity gains, as evidenced by its avoidance of long-term output losses post-financial crises.^[11] These outcomes, driven by profit motives rather than concessional aid, prioritized productive infrastructure over consumption, yielding mutual benefits that empirical data refute claims of systemic exploitation by highlighting host-country accelerations in capital deepening and output.^[11] ^[11]

Mass labor migration

Between 1870 and 1914, approximately 36 million Europeans emigrated overseas, with a substantial portion—over 20 million—crossing the Atlantic to destinations including the United States, Argentina, and Canada, marking the peak of voluntary mass labor flows in the era.^[9]^[45] These movements were predominantly self-initiated, as migrants, often young adult males from rural areas in southern and eastern Europe, responded to pronounced real wage gaps—typically 100% or more between origin and destination—rather than facing systemic coercion, with steamship innovations reducing transatlantic fares from equivalents of a year's wages in the 1850s to mere months' by the 1890s.^[46]^[47] Migrants exhibited positive selectivity, with unskilled workers comprising the majority but skilled artisans and professionals also relocating to high-productivity hubs, enabling rapid labor market arbitrage that boosted individual earnings by factors of 2 to 5 upon arrival, as corroborated by longitudinal data on Norwegian and Italian cohorts showing sustained income premiums net of assimilation costs.^[48]^[49] This selectivity drove transatlantic wage convergence, accounting for over 100% of the observed 28% decline in international real wage dispersion from 1870 to 1910; absent migration, dispersion would have widened due to capital deepening in the New World.^[28] The US-European unskilled wage gap, starting at roughly double in 1870, narrowed by about half by 1913, as influxes equalized marginal labor productivity across regions.^[9]^[50] Remittances from these workers amplified benefits to sending economies, channeling funds equivalent to 5-10% of GDP in cases like Italy, where annual flows from the US peaked above 1 billion lire by 1912, financing infrastructure, land purchases, and consumption that mitigated rural poverty and spurred domestic capital formation via networks like Banco di Napoli's correspondent banking.^[51]^[52] Overall, unrestricted labor mobility facilitated efficient global resource allocation, with empirical estimates indicating it lowered world inequality by reallocating workers from low-marginal-product regions to high ones, a dynamic curtailed post-1914 by policy barriers.^[48]^[9]

Dissemination of knowledge and technology

The dissemination of technological knowledge during the first globalization era (circa 1870–1914) occurred primarily through non-market mechanisms, including skilled labor migration, industrial espionage, and reverse engineering, which enabled peripheral economies to adopt core innovations without direct commercial exchanges. In the United States, British textile machinery designs were smuggled via emigrants who memorized specifications to evade export bans; Samuel Slater, trained in British mills, arrived in 1789 and built the first water-powered cotton spinning mill in Pawtucket, Rhode Island, by 1793, kickstarting mechanized textile production. Similar tactics prevailed in machinery sectors, where American firms replicated steam engines and machine tools through immigrant artisans and covert observation, accelerating industrialization without licensing fees.^[53] Japan's Meiji Restoration (1868–1912) exemplified state-orchestrated adoption, with Iwakura Missions (1871–1873) dispatching officials to study Western engineering, followed by hiring foreign advisors and establishing technical schools to replicate technologies like railways and Bessemer steel processes; by 1890, Japan had indigenized locomotive production, reducing reliance on imports.^[54] In contrast, colonial India saw limited reverse engineering of British railway and irrigation technologies by local entrepreneurs, constrained by imperial policies favoring extraction over diffusion, though some princely states adapted steam pumps for agriculture.^[55] International exhibitions served as key venues for non-proprietary knowledge transfer, showcasing operational machinery and blueprints to global audiences; the 1889 Paris Exposition Universelle displayed over 300,000 exhibits, including electric dynamos and steel alloys, allowing engineers from adopter nations to sketch designs and negotiate informal adaptations. Technical journals, such as Engineering (founded 1866) and The Engineer, published detailed diagrams of innovations, while the 1883 Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property standardized patent filings across 13 initial signatories, inadvertently disseminating specifications through required disclosures.^[56] These channels generated productivity spillovers, elevating total factor productivity (TFP) in recipient economies through embodied technical change; econometric analyses of the era attribute 0.3–0.7% annual TFP growth in the US and Japan to imported best practices, outpacing domestic invention rates and fostering catch-up convergence with Britain. Such diffusion amplified global integration by standardizing techniques across borders, though uneven adoption—favoring settler economies over colonies—highlighted institutional barriers to equitable spread.^[4]

Monetary and Financial Architecture

Adoption of the classical gold standard

The classical gold standard emerged as the dominant international monetary regime during the late 19th century, with currencies pegged to a fixed quantity of gold and full convertibility on demand. Under this system, participating governments committed to redeeming their paper money or banknotes for gold at a predetermined parity, ensuring that exchange rates between adhering countries remained fixed as long as convertibility held.^[57] This mechanism relied on arbitrage: deviations from parity prompted gold flows that automatically adjusted trade imbalances through price-specie flow, with exporting countries accumulating gold reserves and importing nations experiencing deflationary pressures until equilibrium restored.^[57] Free import and export of gold, without restrictions, facilitated these adjustments, fostering a self-regulating system that prioritized long-term stability over discretionary policy.^[58] Britain pioneered formal adoption in 1821, following the resumption of gold convertibility after the Napoleonic Wars suspension, establishing the pound sterling's value at approximately 113 grains of pure gold.^[59] This move influenced a wave of adherence in the 1870s, as Germany shifted from silver to gold in 1871 following unification, using reparations from the Franco-Prussian War to build reserves and signaling alignment with Britain's commercial dominance.^[60] By the 1890s, major economies including France (1876 de facto via Latin Monetary Union), the United States (1879 resumption), and Japan (1897) had joined, with Scandinavia and the Netherlands adopting earlier in the decade.^[60] Adherence spread to peripheral nations seeking credibility in global markets, culminating in approximately 45 countries on the standard by 1913, encompassing the bulk of world trade and production among industrial powers.^[61] The system's rules enforced fiscal and monetary discipline, as governments could not expand the money supply beyond gold inflows without risking convertibility crises, contrasting with fiat regimes prone to inflationary debasement.^[62] This credible commitment reduced uncertainty for international transactions, evidenced by empirical studies showing gold-standard adherents experienced 10-15% higher bilateral trade volumes compared to non-adherents, attributable to lower exchange-rate risk and transaction costs.^[62] Price levels remained remarkably stable globally from 1870 to 1914, with annual inflation averaging near zero in adhering nations like the United States (0.1% from 1880-1914), as gold's scarcity constrained monetary growth and synchronized price movements across borders.^[57] Such stability underpinned the first globalization's financial integration, though it demanded adherence to "rules of the game" like restraining credit expansion during gold outflows.^[63]

Effects on stability and integration

The classical gold standard minimized exchange rate volatility by pegging currencies to gold at fixed parities, typically confining fluctuations to narrow gold points defined by arbitrage costs, thereby reducing uncertainty for cross-border commerce and investment.^[60] This stability manifested in low price-level variability across major economies; for instance, U.S. inflation averaged just 0.1% annually from 1880 to 1914, enabling reliable forecasting and execution of multi-year contracts without the need for costly hedging against currency depreciation.^[57] Such predictability contrasted with later fiat regimes, where exchange risks often deterred long-term commitments, and supported sustained trade expansion by lowering transaction costs.^[64] The system's automatic adjustment mechanisms, including price-specie flows and relative price corrections, further bolstered stability by equilibrating payments imbalances without reliance on central bank discretion, which could amplify disturbances through inelastic credit policies.^[65] Asymmetric shocks, such as the U.S. silver agitation of the 1890s driven by Populist demands for bimetallism, were absorbed through market-driven shifts in domestic prices and gold reserves rather than systemic breakdowns; convertibility held firm as arbitrageurs and specie movements restored equilibrium, demonstrating the gold standard's resilience absent modern monetary authorities.^[66] These dynamics mitigated crisis transmission, as evidenced by the era's relatively contained banking panics compared to periods of flexible rates or managed currencies.^[67] Enhanced stability directly propelled financial integration, smoothing capital flows that reached unprecedented scales; from 1880 to 1913, net capital imports into peripheral economies averaged 3-5% of GDP in high-integration cases, correlating with accelerated GDP growth rates of 2-4% annually in recipients like Australia and Argentina.^[68] In Argentina, the shift from bimetallism to an operational gold-linked standard in 1883—abandoning flexible silver ratios—signaled credibility to investors, unleashing a boom with real output surging over 6% yearly through the late 1880s, fueled by £200-300 million in British lending for infrastructure and exports.^[69]^[70] Fixed parities thus lowered sovereign risk premia, as measured by London bond spreads dropping 50-100 basis points for gold adherents versus non-adherents, fostering deeper cross-border asset markets and amplifying trade multipliers through reliable funding channels.^[71]^[72]

Economic Consequences

Aggregate growth and productivity gains

The era of first globalization (1870–1913) saw world GDP expand at an average annual rate of approximately 2.1 percent, a marked acceleration from the prior century's stagnation, propelled by market integration that enabled resource reallocation toward higher-productivity uses.^[73] This growth outpaced population increases of about 0.8 percent annually, yielding per capita GDP gains of roughly 1.3 percent per year, with leading economies like those in Western Europe and the United States achieving even higher rates through industrialization and capital inflows.^[74] Industrial output in Europe and the United States more than quadrupled over this period, driven by efficiency improvements from international trade specialization and foreign investment in infrastructure such as railroads and ports.^[75] Global trade openness—measured as exports plus imports relative to GDP—rose from about 18 percent in 1870 to 30 percent by 1913, facilitating comparative advantage exploitation that enhanced total factor productivity across borders.^[76] In Britain, the epicenter of early export-led expansion, merchandise exports climbed from roughly 20 percent of GDP in 1870 to over 25 percent by 1913, amplifying domestic productivity via scale economies and technological spillovers from global markets. Capital mobility further amplified these gains, as net foreign investment flows—peaking at 5–7 percent of global GDP—channeled savings to labor-abundant frontiers, raising marginal returns and output per worker in both sending and receiving nations.^[13] Empirical analyses indicate that such inflows correlated with sustained productivity accelerations in peripheral economies, countering domestic capital scarcities and fostering catch-up growth without the distortions of autarky. These dynamics underscore how unfettered cross-border flows, rather than protectionist barriers, underpinned the era's verifiable prosperity metrics, with trade and finance acting as causal conduits for efficiency rather than mere correlates.^[73]

Income convergence and disparities

During the first era of globalization from 1870 to 1914, patterns of income convergence emerged primarily among a subset of economies, particularly European settler colonies in the Americas, Oceania, and elsewhere, which narrowed per capita income gaps with core industrial nations like Britain by leveraging resource endowments and capital inflows.^[77] For instance, Australia's GDP per capita, measured in 1990 international Geary-Khamis dollars, stood at approximately 103% of Britain's level in 1870 and rose to about 107% by 1913, reflecting rapid catch-up driven by exports of wool, gold, and other commodities. Similarly, Argentina's per capita GDP increased from roughly 47% of Britain's in 1870 to around 75% by 1913, fueled by grain and beef exports to European markets. These gains contributed to a modest overall convergence, with peripheral economies in the "globalization club" closing 10-20% of the income gap to the core through specialization in comparative advantages, as evidenced by negative beta-convergence coefficients in empirical models of growth for integrated markets.^[78] However, global income inequality trended upward over this period, as stagnation in densely populated Asian economies like China and India—where per capita GDP grew minimally or declined relative to the West—offset gains in more integrated peripheries, resulting in a rising between-country Gini coefficient from about 0.55 in 1870 to 0.60 by 1910.^[79] Within nations, disparities widened due to skill-biased technological adoption and trade openness, which amplified wage premia for educated and skilled labor in export-oriented sectors; for example, in the United States, the skill premium rose by 20-30% between 1870 and 1910, correlating with mechanization and capital-intensive industries.^[80] Despite these intra-national increases, absolute income levels rose across skill groups and regions, with even unskilled workers in converging peripheries experiencing real wage gains of 1-2% annually, underscoring universal benefits from heightened productivity rather than zero-sum exploitation.^[77] Empirical analyses using Angus Maddison's historical dataset confirm conditional beta-convergence, where poorer economies grew faster than richer ones when controlling for factors like human capital and investment rates, yielding coefficients around -0.02 to -0.05 for samples including both core and peripheral nations from 1870-1914.^[78] This pattern held strongest for temperate-zone settler economies, which benefited from institutional transplants and labor mobility, but was limited globally due to barriers like disease, poor governance, and limited integration in tropical regions.^[77] Such dynamics challenge narratives of uniform peripheral impoverishment, as causal channels—trade specialization, technology diffusion, and capital accumulation—generated real convergence in accessible markets while highlighting the role of local preconditions in realizing gains.^[81]

Sectoral disruptions and adjustments

The influx of cheap grain from the New World, facilitated by falling transport costs and expanded cultivation in regions like the American Midwest and Argentina, exerted downward pressure on European agricultural prices during the late 19th century. In Britain, real grain prices declined by approximately 29 percent between the 1870s and the 1890s, contributing to widespread distress among grain producers and a contraction in arable land under cultivation.^[82] This "grain invasion" similarly affected continental Europe, where wheat prices in markets like Liverpool converged with Chicago prices, falling from highs around 46 shillings per quarter in 1870 to 22 shillings by 1894, prompting farm consolidations and rural depopulation as less efficient producers exited.^[83] These agricultural disruptions were counterbalanced by expansion in export-oriented industrial sectors, particularly in the United States, where manufacturing output roughly quadrupled between 1870 and 1900 amid rising global demand for machinery, steel, and consumer goods. High labor mobility, including internal shifts from farms to factories and international migration, facilitated reallocation, limiting persistent unemployment in displaced sectors; for instance, surplus rural labor in Europe fueled urban industrialization, while U.S. immigrants filled expanding industrial roles.^[84] This dynamic exemplified Joseph Schumpeter's concept of creative destruction, wherein competitive pressures dismantled inefficient agricultural structures, enabling resource shifts to higher-productivity uses and yielding net gains in overall economic efficiency, as evidenced by sustained productivity accelerations in reallocating economies.^[85]

Population movements and urbanization

The influx of approximately 36 million European migrants to the Americas and other destinations between 1870 and 1914 significantly accelerated urbanization in receiving regions, as many settled in or were drawn to expanding industrial cities offering employment in manufacturing, railroads, and ports. In the United States, the urban population share rose from about 25.7% in 1870 to 45.7% by 1910, fueled by both immigrant arrivals and internal rural-to-urban migration responding to labor demands in sectors like steel and textiles.^[86] Similarly, Buenos Aires's population surged from roughly 178,000 in 1869 to over 1.3 million by 1914, a near sevenfold increase driven primarily by voluntary inflows from Italy and Spain, transforming it into a major cosmopolitan hub.^[87]^[88] These movements reflected individual agency, with migrants prioritizing urban prospects over rural origins, as steamship and rail networks lowered barriers to relocation.^[89] High rates of return migration underscored the voluntary and provisional nature of these shifts, with 20-30% of European emigrants to the United States repatriating after accumulating savings or assessing opportunities, often facilitated by falling transatlantic travel costs post-1850s.^[90]^[91] This pattern indicates migrants were not trapped but responsive to economic signals, returning when conditions in origin countries improved or urban prospects dimmed, thereby linking global population flows to localized urban booms without implying permanent displacement. Urban pull factors, including wage differentials and infrastructure development, concentrated populations in ports like New York and Buenos Aires, where immigrants comprised up to 50% of residents by 1900, enabling rapid city expansion.^[92] Urbanization during this era intersected with the demographic transition, as city environments promoted smaller family sizes through elevated living costs, access to education, and shifts in women's labor participation, aligning with theories positing fertility declines amid industrialization. In Europe and settler societies, urban migrants exhibited lower birth rates than rural counterparts, with total fertility dropping from around 5 children per woman in 1870 to below 3 by 1914 in advanced urbanizing areas, driven by opportunity costs of child-rearing in wage-based economies rather than subsistence farming.^[93] This transition was not uniform but causally tied to migration-enabled urban density, where empirical data show inverse correlations between city size and fertility, reflecting adaptive responses to new economic realities rather than imposed policies.^[94]

Improvements in living standards

The period of first globalization from 1870 to 1914 witnessed measurable gains in living standards across much of Europe and the settler economies, as market integration facilitated cheaper access to foodstuffs and consumer goods, alongside rising real incomes for workers. Real wages in Britain, a core trading nation, rose by 43% over this span, with international trade contributing roughly 20 percentage points to the increase through lower import prices and expanded export opportunities. Similar patterns emerged in peripheral European economies, where real wages grew at rates up to twice those in the core, narrowing wage gaps with industrial leaders via commodity exports and labor mobility. These gains stemmed from arbitrage in global markets, which reduced the cost of living without reliance on state interventions, enabling broader consumption of imported grains, meats, and textiles. Nutritional improvements accompanied these trends, with per capita caloric intake in Western Europe rising by approximately 20% as trade flooded markets with inexpensive staples from the Americas and Australia, alleviating pre-1870 food bottlenecks. In Britain, wheat prices fell by over 40% between 1870 and 1896 due to New World imports, directly boosting affordability of bread—a staple for working-class diets—and supporting higher energy availability for labor productivity. Clothing costs similarly declined; global cotton supply chains halved raw cotton prices in Europe by the late 19th century, as production shifted to efficient frontiers like the U.S. South, making mass-produced apparel accessible to urban households previously burdened by higher domestic textile expenses. Health metrics reflected these material advances, with infant mortality rates in England dropping from about 150 per 1,000 live births in 1870 to around 100 by 1914, a decline linked to enhanced nutrition from trade-driven food abundance rather than solely sanitary reforms. Comparable reductions occurred across Europe, where falling child mortality correlated with import surges in dairy and preserved meats, providing protein sources that fortified early-life resilience against endemic diseases. These outcomes underscore how decentralized market exchanges, by exploiting comparative advantages in agriculture and manufacturing, elevated baseline welfare for ordinary populations more effectively than localized production systems had prior to globalization's intensification.

Political and Geopolitical Context

Imperial expansion and resource access

By the late nineteenth century, European imperial expansion had resulted in Britain controlling approximately 23 percent of the world's population and a comparable share of land area by 1913, while France administered territories encompassing about 8.5 percent of global landmass.^[95]^[96] These holdings, acquired through conquest and treaties between 1870 and 1900, provided preferential access to raw materials and captive markets, aligning temporally with the surge in international trade volumes that tripled from 1870 to 1914.^[28] Colonial administrations directly enabled commodity flows critical to industrial economies, such as the British East India Company's monopoly on opium production in Bengal, which supplied over 80 percent of China's imports by the 1830s and financed tea purchases after the Opium Wars (1839–1842 and 1856–1860) forced open treaty ports. This trade, peaking at 5,000 chests annually by mid-century, reversed Britain's silver outflows to Asia and integrated peripheral economies into global circuits, though it relied on coerced cultivation in India rather than market efficiencies.^[97] Similarly, rubber extraction in British Malaya and the Dutch East Indies, driven by pneumatic tire demand post-1888, saw private plantation firms like those backed by the Straits Trading Company dominate output, rising from negligible levels in 1870 to over 100,000 tons globally by 1913.^[98] Oil concessions, such as those in Persia granted to British interests from 1901, also involved hybrid public-private ventures, but extraction efficiencies stemmed more from technological diffusion than imperial mandates.^[99] Empirical analyses of trade data from 1870–1913 reveal that shared imperial affiliation roughly doubled bilateral commerce volumes relative to non-imperial pairs, net of distance and size effects, suggesting causal facilitation via legal uniformity, naval protection, and reduced information asymmetries.^[100] However, colonial governance frequently elevated effective trade costs through discriminatory tariffs—such as India's 5–25 percent duties on non-British imports persisting into the 1890s—and monopolistic practices that stifled intra-empire competition, yielding higher ad valorem equivalents than contemporaneous independent trade routes.^[101] These frictions, compounded by administrative overheads estimated at 1–2 percent of Britain's GDP annually, indicate that while empires secured resource access amid geopolitical rivalries, they often imposed inefficiencies absent in purely commercial networks, with private firms driving marginal expansions beyond state-directed channels.^[102]^[103]

Nationalist responses and tensions

In the late 19th century, several European powers responded to the vulnerabilities exposed by intensified global economic integration with protectionist tariff hikes, reflecting heightened concerns over national sovereignty and industrial self-sufficiency. France enacted the Méline Tariff in 1892, imposing duties on agricultural imports such as cereals equivalent to about 25% of their value, which more than doubled average tariff rates from roughly 6.5% in the 1880s to 11.5% by 1893.^[104]^[105] Germany, after a brief liberalizing phase under Chancellor Caprivi's trade treaties in the early 1890s, reversed course with the Bülow Tariff of 1902, raising duties on manufactured goods and agriculture to shield domestic producers from foreign competition amid fears of economic encirclement.^[106] These measures, while not uniformly escalating by 20% across all categories, underscored a broader nationalist pivot prioritizing autarky over unfettered exchange. Parallel to tariff barriers, diplomatic alliances crystallized sovereignty anxieties, fostering blocs that prioritized strategic autonomy over economic cosmopolitanism. The Franco-Russian Alliance of 1894, formalized amid mutual distrust of German expansionism, evolved into the Triple Entente by 1907, incorporating Britain's Entente Cordiale with France in 1904 and the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907; these pacts emphasized military coordination to counter perceived threats, even as cross-border trade flourished.^[107] German nationalists, in response, perceived the Entente as an encircling threat to imperial ambitions, amplifying rhetoric of economic and territorial self-assertion despite underlying commercial ties with Entente members.^[108] Military rivalries further strained relations, exemplified by the Anglo-German naval arms race initiated under Germany's Tirpitz Plan of 1898 and intensified by Britain's launch of HMS Dreadnought in 1906, which obsolete prior battleships and spurred a frantic escalation in capital ship construction to assert naval dominance and protect trade routes.^[109] This competition masked deepening economic interdependence, as Germany relied on British coal and markets while Britain imported German steel, yet nationalist posturing framed globalization's gains as risks to national power projection. Despite such tensions, global trade volumes demonstrated resilience, expanding from 10% of world output in 1870 to 21% by 1913, with European exports growing amid tariff walls and alliance frictions, indicating that market forces often overrode rhetorical divisions.^[7]^[6] This persistence highlighted how nationalist responses, while sowing discord, failed to fully sever the integrative threads of the era's globalization.^[28]

Controversies and Critiques

Exploitation narratives vs. mutual benefits

Critiques of the first globalization era often invoke narratives of exploitation, positing that trade and capital flows from core European economies systematically drained peripheral regions through unequal exchange, perpetuating underdevelopment as articulated in later dependency theory frameworks.^[110] These views frame interactions as zero-sum, with metropolitan powers extracting primary commodities at terms disadvantageous to hosts, allegedly hindering industrialization and fostering dependency on raw exports.^[111] However, such claims are contradicted by empirical records of robust economic expansion in recipient economies; for instance, Argentina's real GDP grew at an average annual rate of 5.94% from 1870 to 1914, driven by export booms in grains and livestock that financed infrastructure and urbanization.^[112] Similar patterns emerged in other settler economies like Australia and Canada, where per capita income convergence with Europe accelerated, undermining assertions of net drain.^[13] Evidence of mutual benefits is evident in the mechanisms of exchange, including technology transfers embedded in foreign direct investment. British and other European capital financed railroads and telegraphs across Latin America and Asia, elevating transport efficiency and agricultural yields; in Argentina alone, rail mileage expanded from negligible levels in 1870 to over 34,000 kilometers by 1914, facilitating market access and productivity gains that benefited local producers through higher export revenues.^[31] These investments were typically voluntary contracts between sovereign governments or private entities and foreign lenders, aligning incentives via shared profits rather than coercive extraction, as host nations retained fiscal sovereignty and reaped fiscal surpluses from trade taxes.^[88] Specialization under comparative advantage further generated positive-sum outcomes, with peripherals leveraging natural endowments in land-intensive goods while importing capital goods, yielding welfare improvements measurable in rising real wages and consumption for non-elite populations.^[113] Dependency-inspired analyses, often rooted in post-colonial academic traditions prone to overlooking endogenous growth drivers, falter against quantitative assessments showing no systematic immiseration; instead, global integration correlated with accelerated capital accumulation and human capital formation in integrating economies.^[114] Causal realism demands recognizing that absent these flows, many peripherals would have stagnated under autarkic conditions, as pre-1870 growth trajectories indicate; trade openness thus operated as a catalyst for endogenous development, not a barrier, with benefits accruing reciprocally through expanded markets and knowledge diffusion.^[115] This positive-sum dynamic refutes zero-sum presumptions, as total world output rose, evidenced by falling transport costs enabling broader participation in division of labor.^[116]

Protectionist backlash vs. free trade efficacy

During the first era of globalization (circa 1870–1914), protectionist policies gained traction in the United States and continental Europe amid fears of foreign competition eroding domestic industries and wages, leading to tariffs that contrasted sharply with Britain's unilateral free trade stance post-1846. In the US, average ad valorem tariff rates averaged 40–50% from the 1870s onward, peaking under the McKinley Tariff of 1890 at around 48%, which proponents argued shielded infant industries but empirical evidence suggests contributed to higher domestic prices without proportionally boosting overall growth.^[117] Similarly, Germany's tariffs rose after 1879 under Bismarck, averaging 15–20% on manufactures, correlating with slower integration into global markets compared to freer trading partners.^[118] Cross-country regressions from 1870–1913 reveal that higher tariffs were associated with lower growth rates in poorer, industrializing economies like the US, challenging claims of causal benefits; instead, the observed tariff-growth correlation appears spurious, driven by tariffs responding to temporary terms-of-trade improvements rather than spurring productivity or investment.^[117]^[119] Britain's free trade regime, despite yielding aggregate growth of about 1.9% annually (versus the US's 3.9%), supported higher labor productivity trends peaking at 2.11% per year around 1870 and sustained per capita welfare gains through cheaper imports, underscoring free trade's efficiency in resource allocation over protectionist distortions.^[120]^[27] Protectionism imposed welfare costs via deadweight losses and price hikes; US tariffs elevated consumer prices for protected goods (e.g., textiles, iron) by 10–30% above world levels, reducing real purchasing power for the majority non-producer population and offsetting any narrow sectoral gains.^[121] Labor organizations fueled the backlash, with the American Federation of Labor (AFL), under Samuel Gompers from 1886, endorsing high tariffs and strict immigration limits to preserve wage floors, viewing cheap foreign labor and imports as direct threats despite evidence of immigrant contributions to expansion.^[122]^[123] Socialist critiques, prevalent in European and US labor circles, portrayed free trade as capitalist exploitation exacerbating inequality, yet overlooked verifiable worker benefits from import competition, such as lower food and clothing costs enabling higher real wages—US real wages rose 50% from 1870–1900 amid globalization, outpacing protected economies' gains when adjusted for price effects.^[124] Instrumental variable analyses confirm tariffs reduced aggregate welfare by distorting incentives and limiting specialization, with free trade's comparative advantages empirically superior for long-term convergence and efficiency.^[119]^[118]

Decline and Aftermath

Precipitating factors of reversal

The outbreak of World War I in July 1914 served as the primary exogenous shock precipitating the reversal of first globalization, as military mobilization across Europe rapidly disrupted international trade, migration, and capital flows that had characterized the preceding era.^[125]^[73] With belligerents imposing naval blockades, requisitioning merchant shipping for wartime needs, and redirecting resources toward armaments production, global merchandise trade volumes contracted sharply; the ratio of world trade to global output, which had reached approximately 21% by 1913, plummeted during the conflict and stood at only 14% by 1929, reflecting sustained postwar barriers rather than a mere temporary dip.^[7] Migration flows, which had averaged over 1 million transatlantic passengers annually in the prewar decade, halted almost entirely due to travel restrictions and labor conscription, while long-term capital outflows from Europe ceased as investors repatriated funds amid uncertainty.^[126] Monetary policy shifts exacerbated these disruptions, as major powers suspended convertibility under the gold standard starting in August 1914 to facilitate war financing through deficit spending and money creation.^[127] Britain, for instance, restricted gold exports on August 2, 1914, followed by France, Germany, and others, which decoupled currencies from gold reserves and enabled inflationary expansions of money supplies—U.S. wholesale prices rose over 20% from 1914 to 1917 partly due to allied gold inflows and credit extensions.^[128] This abandonment eroded the fixed exchange rate stability that had underpinned prewar integration, fostering exchange rate volatility and capital controls that persisted into the interwar period, thereby undermining investor confidence in cross-border lending.^[129] Geopolitically, rigid alliance commitments—such as those binding Germany to Austria-Hungary and France, Russia, and Britain in opposition—prioritized national security imperatives over economic interdependence, escalating a regional Balkan crisis into total war despite dense trade ties that had previously resolved European disputes peacefully.^[130]^[131] Nationalist mobilization, fueled by imperial rivalries and domestic political pressures, overrode commercial incentives, as evidenced by Germany's Schlieffen Plan prioritizing rapid offensive action over prolonged economic attrition, illustrating how security dilemmas trumped the pacifying effects of globalization in this instance.^[132] These factors collectively marked not an inherent collapse of globalizing forces but a abrupt interruption driven by wartime exigencies.

Interwar fragmentation and lessons

The enactment of the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act on June 17, 1930, raised U.S. import duties to an average of nearly 60% on dutiable goods, prompting retaliatory measures from trading partners such as Canada, France, and Britain, which escalated into a global trade war.^[133] This protectionist policy exacerbated the Great Depression by contracting international commerce; world trade volumes declined by approximately 66% between 1929 and 1934, with U.S. exports and imports falling by over 60% in the same period.^[134] Overall, global exports as a share of world output dropped from 21% in 1913 to 9% by 1938, reflecting not only tariff barriers but also currency devaluations and bilateral trade blocs that fragmented markets along national lines.^[7] The interwar gold standard, reinstated unevenly after World War I, imposed nominal exchange rate rigidities that transmitted deflationary shocks across borders, hindering monetary policy adjustments to domestic downturns. Countries adhering to the standard, such as France and Belgium until 1936, experienced prolonged output contractions due to gold inflows causing appreciation and reduced competitiveness, while gold outflows in deficit nations like the U.S. and U.K. forced austerity measures that deepened recessions.^[135] Empirical analyses indicate that gold bloc members suffered 25% lower industrial production growth from 1930 to 1932 compared to those abandoning the standard earlier, as fixed parities prevented devaluation-driven export recovery.^[136] However, the subsequent shift to fiat systems without credible anchors often fueled inflationary spirals elsewhere, as seen in Germany's hyperinflation of 1923 and later managed currency experiments, underscoring that unanchored flexibility invited instability rather than stability.^[135] Causal lessons from this fragmentation emphasize the perils of government-imposed barriers and monetary rigidity without compensatory mechanisms: sustained integration requires commitments to low trade frictions and a dependable nominal anchor to mitigate shock propagation, as private arbitrage and capital flows thrive under predictable rules rather than discretionary interventions. Protectionist tariffs demonstrably amplified contractions by distorting comparative advantages, while gold standard adherence constrained countercyclical policies, yet fiat alternatives lacking discipline eroded long-term confidence in exchange media.^[137] Minimal state involvement—enforcing property rights and avoiding beggar-thy-neighbor policies—proved essential, as evidenced by pre-1914 globalization's reliance on private enterprise amid stable gold convertibility, contrasting interwar state-driven reversals. These dynamics echo in contemporary de-globalization pressures, where rising tariffs and supply chain relocations risk repeating interwar output losses, affirming that empirical records favor decentralized trade networks over politicized fragmentation for resilience and growth.^[138] Historical reversals highlight that causal drivers of disintegration stem from policy choices prioritizing short-term national gains over mutual gains from specialization, with private coordination outperforming bloc formations in restoring volumes post-crisis.^[139]

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Jul 19, 2012 · Between 1790 and 1890, the percentage of the U.S. population in cities of 2,500+ rose from 5.1% to 35.1%, with cities of 100,000+ becoming a ...
[87]
Population History - Buenos Aires (Capital Federal) - Demographia
1895, 661,205, 480,876 ; 1914, 1,582,884, 921,679 ; 1947, 2,981,043, 1,398,159 ; 1960, 2,966,634, (14,409) ; 1970, 2,972,453, 5,819 ...
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[PDF] Evidence from Argentina 1869-1914 - UCLA Economics
Oct 22, 2021 · This expansion of economic activity from railroad construction raises land income by around 6.5 percent of 1914 gross domestic product (GDP), ...
[89]
Industry, Commerce, and Urbanization in the United States, 1790 ...
Jun 25, 2018 · Cities in this period grew faster than the country as a whole, drawing migrants from the countryside and immigrants from overseas. This dynamism ...
[90]
Return Migration - an overview | ScienceDirect Topics
By the end of the nineteenth century about a third of European migrants to the USA were returning, usually after a few years. Increasing destination wages ...
[91]
[PDF] Return Migrants in the Age of Mass Migration - Leah Platt Boustan
Return migration rates rose as the shift from sail to steamships reduced the cost of the transatlantic voyage in the 1850s and 1860s. Travel times from Europe ...
[92]
Returning home during Age of Mass Migration | Stanford Report
Sep 12, 2017 · The researchers found that Norwegian immigrants who returned home in the late 19th and early 20th centuries were more likely to have held lower-skilled ...
[93]
The Demographic Transition in the First World: The Nineteenth ...
The paper is aimed at expanding our understanding of the structure of the demographic transition which took place in Europe in the nineteenth century.
[94]
The Nineteenth-Century Urbanization Transition in the First World
The authors emphasize, however, that in the nineteenth century urbanization was initially vibrant in Europe and the USA. In other world regions rapid ...
[95]
https://www.statista.com/chart/20342/peak-land-area-of-the-largest-empires/
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French Empire - New World Encyclopedia
... total area of land under French sovereignty reached 12,898,000 km² (4,980,000 sq. miles) in the 1920s and 1930s, which is 8.6 percent of the world's land area.Overview · First French colonial empire · Second French colonial empire · Legacy
[97]
[PDF] The Nineteenth-Century Anglo- Indian Opium Trade to China and its ...
The opium business provided wealth for the British East India Com- pany and a steady supply for China. In fact, this commodity's export through. Britain-China- ...
[98]
Globalization of Perak's Tin and Rubber Industries |
Jul 18, 2024 · In 1888, even before the colonial government began supporting the entry of British companies into Perak's tin-mining industry, the STC—a joint- ...
[99]
[PDF] Dynamic Trade, Endogenous Institutions and the Colonization of ...
After the Opium Wars and the colonization of Hong. Kong (1840-1860), opium trade became legal.4 The share of opium in British exports to China rose sharply over ...Missing: impact | Show results with:impact
[100]
The comparative effects of independence on trade - ScienceDirect
In an influential paper, Mitchener and Weidenmier (2008) show that belonging to an empire doubled trade during the Age of High Imperialism (1870–1913).Missing: 19th | Show results with:19th
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[PDF] The Myth of Free-Trade Britain and Fortress France: Tariffs and ...
The treaty provided that Britain would remove all tariffs on imports of French goods with the exception of wine and brandy. These were considered luxury ...
[102]
[PDF] British Imperialism Revised: The Costs and Benefits of ...
This extraordinary lecture saw Keynes repudiate, in the space of one extraordinary paragraph, free trade, capital exports and imperialism: The protection of a ...
[103]
Global trading companies in the commodity chain of rubber between ...
The article deals with the rubber boom at the beginning of the 20th century, which fundamentally changed the global rubber market. Trading companies played ...<|separator|>
[104]
[PDF] Rue de la Banque - Publications
In France, the resurgence of protectionism led to the introduction in 1892 of a new import tariff on cereals, equivalent to around 25% of the cost of the ...
[105]
[PDF] Stages of Diversification: France, 1836-1938
From the 1860s France underwent a liberalization but from the 1880s up to 1893 the average tariff rate nearly doubled from about 6.58% to 11.5%. Without this ...
[106]
The “Coalition of 'Rye and Iron'” under the Pressure of Globalization
Aug 18, 2010 · Immediately after 1890, German exports to the U.S. declined drastically—between 1890 and 1894 they fell from 417 to 271 million marks. In the ...
[107]
Triple Entente | WWI, Russia, France - Britannica
Sep 12, 2025 · It developed from the Franco-Russian alliance that gradually developed and was formalized in 1894, the Anglo-French Entente Cordiale of 1904, ...
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What You Need To Know About Pre-First World War Alliances
This connected Britain, France and Russia in the 'Triple Entente' and stoked German fears of 'encirclement'. German nationalists viewed Britain as a barrier ...
[109]
Naval Race between Germany and Great Britain, 1898-1912
Jan 11, 2015 · The Anglo-German naval race was the most spectacular strand of the general maritime arms build-up before World War I.Missing: interdependence | Show results with:interdependence
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Dependency Theory of Development - Simply Psychology
Feb 13, 2024 · Dependency theory argues that the underdevelopment of certain nations is a direct result of their exploitation by wealthy, developed nations.<|separator|>
[111]
Dependency Theory: A Useful Tool for Analyzing Global Inequalities ...
Nov 23, 2016 · Although originally dependency theorists argued that the ideal way to break out of the dependency trap and end global inequality is for the ...
[112]
[PDF] Migration and Trade during the Belle Époque in Argentina (1870 ...
Between 1870 to 1914 the Argentine economy performed spectacularly with a yearly average real growth rate of 5.94 per cent. Increased resource endowment in both ...
[113]
Trade, Structural Transformation, and Development: Evidence from ...
C. Railroad Access. We now provide regression evidence on the impact of the railroad network on the spatial distribution of economic activity within Argentina.<|separator|>
[114]
Dependency theory – is it all over now? | Global development
Mar 1, 2012 · Dependency theory was considered one of the most convincing critiques of dominant economic development strategies. Now, it is shunned by academics and ...
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[PDF] The Significance of Early Globalization: Arguments and Evidence
Total world population between 1500 and 1800 increased a mere. 0.25 per cent per annum. Global trade thus became a substantially more important part of European ...
[116]
Globalization Helps Spread Knowledge and Technology Across ...
Apr 9, 2018 · We find that the spread of knowledge and technology across borders has intensified because of globalization.
[117]
[PDF] Interpreting the Tariff-Growth Correlation of the Late Nineteenth ...
Figures 1 presents the unconditional relationship between the average tariff in 1870 and the average annual growth in real per capita GDP from 1870 to 1913 for ...
[118]
Tariffs and economic growth in the first era of globalization
In this paper we reassess the empirical evidence about the relationship between tariffs and growth between 1870 and 1914. Our key findings challenge the idea ...
[119]
Tariffs and economic growth in the first era of globalization
Feb 25, 2011 · In this paper we reassess the empirical evidence about the relationship between tariffs and growth between 1870 and 1914.Missing: fell | Show results with:fell<|separator|>
[120]
Foreign and domestic protectionism: what impact on the British ...
Jan 22, 2025 · One study finds that the country's trend rate of labour productivity (output per hour worked) growth peaked in 1870 at 2.11% per year (Crafts ...
[121]
[PDF] Tariffs and Growth in Late Nineteenth Century America Douglas A ...
Were high import tariffs somehow related to the strong U.S. economic growth during the late nineteenth century? This paper examines this frequently ...
[122]
American Unionism and U.S. Immigration Policy
Thus, when Gompers assumed the presidency of the AFL, "he fathered the anti-immigration policy of the AFL." ... During the first decade of the 20th Century, ...
[123]
[PDF] The Political Economy of Immigration Restriction in the United States ...
The AFL, like others, was arguing against contract labor and shipping and railroad companies' enticing people to emigrate to the United States. 9. New ...
[124]
[PDF] trade and welfare during the first globalization, 1815-1913 - LSE
Economic History Department, London School of Economics and Political ... Lewis, W. A., 1981: The rate of growth of world trade 1870-1913, in: Sven.<|separator|>
[125]
A brief history of globalization - The World Economic Forum
Jan 17, 2019 · But the first wave of globalization and industrialization also coincided with darker events, too. By the end of the 19th century, the Khan ...
[126]
Factors Driving Global Economic Integration -- by Michael Mussa ...
Aug 25, 2000 · This paper discusses three important dimensions of economic integration: (1) through human migration; (2) through trade in goods and services; and (3) through ...<|separator|>
[127]
World War I, Gold, and the Great Depression | Cato at Liberty Blog
Aug 23, 2018 · In brief, the departure of the European belligerents from gold in 1914 massively reduced the global demand for gold, leading to the inflation ...
[128]
The Great Financial Crisis of 1914 | Alchemist - LBMA
Suspension of the gold standard was urged by the banks to prevent internal ... war, regulations made impossible in practice for private citizens to obtain gold.
[129]
The gold standard collapses | Sveriges Riksbank - Riksbanken
After the outbreak of the First World War, most countries left the gold standard. Exchange rates floated against each other and inflation increased heavily.
[130]
[PDF] Why World War I Was Not a Failure of Economic Interdependence
These crises, how- ever, created an incentive for more integrated countries, most importantly,. Germany and Russia, to show an increasing resolve to support ...
[131]
Why World War I Was Not a Failure of Economic Interdependence
A close look at the events leading up to World War I reveals that the war was not a failure of economic integration as many scholars have claimed.
[132]
[PDF] Economic Interdependence and the First World War
Feb 5, 2011 · Crises among the interdependent states of Western Europe in the decades leading up to World War I were generally resolved without bloodshed, ...
[133]
What Is the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act? History, Effect, and Reaction
The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 increased import tariffs by about 20%, kicking off a global trade war that contributed to the Great Depression's ill effects ...The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act · Effect of the Great Crash of 1929 · Global Reaction
[134]
Milestones: 1921–1936: Protectionism in the Interwar Period
The Fordney-McCumber Tariff Act raised tariffs above the level set in 1913; it also authorized the president to raise or lower a given tariff rate by 50% in ...Missing: 10-20% 19th
[135]
[PDF] The Gold Standard, Deflation, and Financial Crisis in the Great ...
So again, loss of gold could lead to an imme- diate and sharp deflationary impact, not balanced by inflation elsewhere. 2. The pyramiding of reserves. As we ...
[136]
[PDF] The Gold Standard and the Great Depression | MIT Economics
We do not focus on the effects of the gold standard on the Depression, which we and others have documented elsewhere, but on the reasons why policy makers chose ...
[137]
[PDF] Trade Blocs and Trade Wars during the Interwar Period
The dissolution of the Russian Empire generated an immediate. 99.8% drop in exports from 1913 to 1923, while the rise of the Soviet Union provided a model of ...
[138]
Geo-Economic Fragmentation and the Future of Multilateralism in
Jan 15, 2023 · The Interwar era witnessed a dramatic reversal of globalization due to international conflicts and the rise of protectionism (for example ...
[139]
World trade, 1800-2015 - CEPR
Feb 7, 2016 · At the trough of the Great Depression in 1933, world trade was 30% lower than in 1929 and 5% lower than in 1913. In the next four years, it ...