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Informal organization

An informal organization is the emergent network of spontaneous interpersonal relationships, norms, and interactions among individuals within a formal organizational structure, governing practical behaviors and social dynamics independently of official hierarchies, rules, or designated roles.^[1]^[2] The concept gained prominence through Chester I. Barnard's analysis in The Functions of the Executive (1938), which posited informal organization as an indispensable aggregate of personal contacts that sustains cooperation and communication essential to formal entities, often arising without deliberate intent yet capable of either reinforcing or subverting official objectives.^[3]^[4] Empirical validation emerged from the Hawthorne experiments at Western Electric's Hawthorne Works (1924–1932), where researchers observed that informal cliques and group norms—rather than solely environmental or economic factors—profoundly shaped worker output, morale, and resistance to formal incentives, highlighting the causal primacy of social bonds in productivity.^[5]^[6] These structures typically form fluidly through affinity, shared interests, or proximity, enabling rapid information flow via mechanisms like the "grapevine" while fulfilling affiliation needs unmet by rigid protocols; however, they can engender inefficiencies, such as norm-enforced underperformance or factional conflicts that prioritize subgroup cohesion over collective aims.^[1]^[2] In organizational theory, informal networks complement formal ones by bridging gaps in adaptability and motivation, yet their unchecked influence has been linked to phenomena like bureaucratic inertia or covert power dynamics, underscoring the need for managerial awareness to harness positive effects without stifling them.^[7]^[8]

Definition and Core Concepts

Distinction from Formal Organization

Formal organizations are deliberately structured entities characterized by explicit rules, defined hierarchies, positions, and procedures designed by management to coordinate activities and achieve predetermined objectives.^[9] These elements, including organizational charts, job descriptions, and authority lines, form the official framework that dictates "how an organization should function."^[9] In contrast, informal organizations arise spontaneously from interpersonal interactions, personal relationships, and shared interests among members, independent of official design.^[1] Chester Barnard described informal organization as "the aggregate of personal contacts and interactions and the associated groupings of people," emphasizing its role in fostering cohesion without conscious planning.^[10] The primary distinctions lie in origin, structure, and influence. Formal structures are rigid and documented, relying on authority and compliance to enforce behavior, whereas informal ones are fluid, unwritten, and driven by social dynamics like friendships or common goals, often shaping actual behavior more directly than official rules.^[11] For instance, while formal organization prescribes communication through designated channels, informal networks facilitate rapid, unofficial exchanges that can bypass or supplement hierarchies, as evidenced in studies showing informal ties enabling coordination where formal paths prove inefficient.^[7] Empirical observations, such as those in network analyses of knowledge workers, reveal that formal hierarchies define positional authority, but informal hierarchies—based on expertise or rapport—determine practical influence and decision-making flows.^[12]

Aspect	Formal Organization	Informal Organization
Origin	Intentionally planned and imposed by leaders	Emerges naturally from human interactions
Structure	Hierarchical, rule-based, documented	Network-based, norm-driven, undocumented
Purpose	Achieve explicit goals via coordination	Fulfill social needs, enhance adaptability
Control Mechanism	Authority, policies, sanctions	Peer pressure, reciprocity, shared values

This table summarizes core differences drawn from management theory, highlighting how formal elements provide stability but may overlook human elements that informal structures address through emergent patterns.^[13]

Key Characteristics and Emergence

Informal organizations are characterized by their spontaneous formation without deliberate planning or official sanction, emerging as networks of personal relationships and unwritten norms among members within a formal structure.^[14] Unlike formal hierarchies, they lack codified rules, procedures, or designated roles, relying instead on fluid, evolving interactions driven by shared interests, social needs, and mutual trust.^[15] Communication occurs through independent, often unofficial channels such as the "grapevine," which facilitates rapid information exchange but operates outside managerial oversight.^[16] Membership involves holistic engagement, where individuals participate fully in personal capacities rather than compartmentalized professional ones, fostering cohesion but also unpredictability.^[14] These structures are inherently dynamic and grassroots-oriented, adapting responsively to internal dynamics while requiring tacit knowledge for navigation, which formal systems cannot replicate.^[15] They originate from the formal organization's gaps, such as unmet social or emotional needs, leading to self-organizing groups that prioritize relational bonds over hierarchical authority.^[17] Empirical observations indicate that informal hierarchies solidify most prominently in ambiguous or unstructured environments, where formal directives prove insufficient, as demonstrated in controlled studies of group interactions.^[18] The emergence of informal organizations stems from natural human tendencies toward affiliation and reciprocity, observable in workplace settings where employees form alliances to address coordination challenges beyond official protocols.^[11] This process is not engineered but arises organically as individuals seek fulfillment of psychological and social functions, such as belonging and informal problem-solving, often intensifying during periods of uncertainty or rapid change.^[14] Evidence from organizational behavior research underscores that such networks persist due to their embeddedness in everyday interactions, evolving through iterative social exchanges rather than top-down imposition.^[18]

Historical and Theoretical Foundations

Hawthorne Studies and Early Empirical Insights

The Hawthorne Studies, a series of experiments conducted at the Western Electric Hawthorne Works in Cicero, Illinois, from 1927 to 1932 under the leadership of Elton Mayo and Harvard researchers, initially aimed to examine the impact of physical working conditions, such as illumination levels, on worker productivity.^[19] Early illumination tests (1924–1927) unexpectedly showed productivity increases among both experimental and control groups regardless of lighting variations, suggesting non-physical factors at play.^[20] Subsequent phases, including the Relay Assembly Test Room experiments (1927–1928) involving female workers, reinforced this by demonstrating sustained output gains linked to improved social dynamics, attention from researchers, and group cohesion rather than isolated environmental changes.^[21] A pivotal insight emerged from the Bank Wiring Observation Room phase (1931–1932), where unobtrusive observation of 14 male wiremen and helpers revealed the spontaneous formation of informal social groups with their own internal structures, norms, and sanctions.^[6] These groups established output restrictions to safeguard employment security, imposing social penalties—such as ridicule or exclusion—on high performers ("rate-busters") and low performers ("chisellers"), thereby overriding formal incentives like piece-rate pay systems.^[20] Workers prioritized group loyalty and interpersonal relations over managerial directives, with informal leaders wielding more influence than supervisors in shaping daily behaviors and attitudes toward tasks.^[22] These observations provided empirical documentation that informal organizations arise endogenously within formal structures, fostering cohesion through friendship networks and dominance hierarchies while exerting normative pressure on individual performance.^[5] The studies highlighted how such groups facilitate communication and mutual support but can also resist efficiency-driven changes, as evidenced by deliberate underproduction to maintain equitable workload distribution among members.^[23] Although later critiques have questioned the methodological rigor—citing small sample sizes, lack of true controls, and interpretive overreach regarding a universal "Hawthorne effect"—the qualitative data on informal group dynamics remain a foundational empirical contribution, validated by direct fieldwork rather than preconceived theory.^[24]^[25] This evidence underscored the causal role of social relations in mediating worker responses to organizational stimuli, shifting attention from purely economic or physiological motivators to relational factors.^[26]

Chester Barnard's Framework

Chester I. Barnard introduced a foundational framework for understanding informal organization in his 1938 book The Functions of the Executive, viewing organizations as cooperative systems sustained by the willing contributions of individuals. He defined formal organization as a system of consciously coordinated activities among two or more persons toward a specific purpose, structured through deliberate design, roles, and authority relations.^[10] In contrast, informal organization arises endogenously from personal interactions, friendships, and unofficial networks that develop without explicit planning, often filling voids in formal structures by enabling spontaneous cooperation.^[27] Barnard contended that formal entities inherently comprise these informal elements, as human behavior defies complete codification, rendering informal dynamics inevitable and integral to operational reality.^[28] Central to Barnard's framework is the premise that cooperation—defined as individuals aligning their actions with organizational purposes—depends on informal processes to generate acceptance and motivation. He argued that formal incentives and commands alone fail without the "zone of indifference" fostered by informal ties, where subordinates voluntarily comply because the requests align with their personal utilities or group norms. Informal organization thus performs essential functions: it accelerates communication through lateral channels bypassing rigid hierarchies, enhances cohesiveness by cultivating shared sentiments and loyalty, and stabilizes the system by adapting to disruptions that formal rules cannot address.^[29] For instance, Barnard observed from his executive experience at New Jersey Bell Telephone Company that informal groups protect members' integrity against bureaucratic impersonality, preventing alienation that could erode productivity.^[30] Barnard warned, however, that informal organization carries dual potential: while it supports formal goals by bridging gaps in coordination and authority acceptance, misalignment can lead to resistance or subversion, such as cliques prioritizing subgroup interests over collective aims.^[10] Executives, in his view, must actively maintain equilibrium by securing informal leaders' cooperation and integrating their insights into decision-making, rather than imposing controls that provoke backlash.^[28] This systems-oriented approach prefigured later contingency theories, emphasizing that organizational effectiveness hinges on harmonizing formal purpose with informal realities, grounded in empirical observations of executive practice rather than abstract ideals.

Evolution and Decline in Favor

The concept of informal organization emerged prominently in the late 1920s through the Hawthorne studies at Western Electric's Hawthorne Works in Cicero, Illinois, conducted from 1927 to 1932 under the leadership of Elton Mayo and colleagues. These experiments, initially aimed at examining the effects of illumination and other physical variables on productivity, revealed that informal social groups and peer norms exerted a stronger influence on worker output than formal incentives or environmental changes, as output rose under observation regardless of conditions due to group cohesion and the "Hawthorne effect."^[31]^[22] Building on these insights, Chester Barnard formalized the theoretical framework in his 1938 book The Functions of the Executive, positing informal organizations—defined as aggregates of personal contacts, interactions, and groupings—as essential for inducing cooperation within formal structures. Barnard argued that formal authority relies on the "zone of indifference" sustained by informal sentiments and communications, without which executive functions would fail, marking a shift from classical management's mechanistic focus to recognizing emergent social systems as causal drivers of organizational effectiveness.^[10]^[11] This perspective gained traction in the human relations movement of the 1940s and 1950s, influencing thinkers like Rensis Likert and Douglas McGregor, who integrated informal dynamics into behavioral approaches emphasizing motivation and group processes over Taylorist efficiency.^[32] By the 1960s, contingency theory, advanced by scholars such as Joan Woodward (1958-1960s studies on technology and structure) and Paul Lawrence and Jay Lorsch (1967), evolved the concept further by framing informal organizations not as autonomous entities but as adaptive mechanisms responding to environmental uncertainties, blurring the formal-informal dichotomy in favor of context-dependent configurations.^[33] This integration reflected empirical evidence from diverse industries showing informal groups aiding flexibility in unstable settings but complicating control in stable ones.^[11] The standalone emphasis on informal organization declined in subsequent decades as organizational theory shifted toward systems and open-systems perspectives in the 1970s-1980s, subsuming informal elements into holistic models like resource dependence (Pfeffer and Salancik, 1978) and institutional theory, where social networks were analyzed via graph theory rather than as oppositional or complementary to formal rules.^[34] Concurrently, empirical critiques highlighted informal groups' potential for inefficiency and resistance, as seen in studies of unionized settings and bureaucratic rigidities, prompting management practices to formalize relational aspects through human resource systems and corporate cultures (e.g., Edgar Schein's 1985 work on organizational culture).^[35] In modern contexts, such as digital and network-based firms post-2000, informal structures persist but are increasingly modeled as resilient or eroding under formal trust mechanisms and remote work protocols, reducing theoretical favoritism toward viewing them as inherently primary drivers over engineered adaptability.^[36] This evolution underscores a causal realism: while informal dynamics remain empirically verifiable influencers, their theoretical prominence waned as evidence favored integrated, contingency-based designs minimizing dysfunctions over isolated exaltation.^[37]

Functional Roles in Organizations

Facilitation of Communication and Cohesion

Informal organizations facilitate communication by establishing unofficial networks that bypass the constraints of formal hierarchies, enabling faster and more flexible information exchange among employees. These interpersonal channels supplement structured reporting lines, allowing for the dissemination of practical knowledge, problem-solving insights, and immediate feedback that formal systems often delay.^[38] Management theorist Chester Barnard emphasized that such informal structures are indispensable for effective communication, as they underpin the coordination necessary for organizational survival and cooperation.^[39] In practice, these networks reduce information silos by leveraging personal relationships, which encourage open dialogue and adaptive responses to workplace challenges. Empirical observations indicate that informal communication enhances overall connectivity, particularly in dynamic environments where formal protocols prove insufficient for real-time coordination.^[40] Regarding cohesion, informal groups foster unity through social bonds and shared experiences that build trust and collective identity among members. These interactions provide emotional relief and a sense of belonging, strengthening interpersonal ties that formal roles alone cannot achieve.^[41] By reinforcing mutual support and common norms, informal organizations help maintain group stability, mitigating isolation and enhancing morale in ways that contribute to sustained collaboration.^[42]

Support for Cooperation and Gap-Filling

Informal organizations promote cooperation by cultivating interpersonal bonds, shared norms, and mutual support that extend beyond rigid formal protocols, thereby enhancing employee willingness to collaborate toward common goals. Chester Barnard, in his 1938 analysis of cooperative systems, argued that informal networks are indispensable for sustaining organizational coordination, as they generate loyalty and cohesiveness that formal authority alone cannot secure.^[3] These structures facilitate rapid information exchange and problem-solving among peers, reducing friction in task interdependence and boosting collective efficacy, as evidenced in empirical observations of workplace dynamics where informal ties correlate with higher trust and reciprocity.^[43] In addressing gaps left by formal structures, informal groups provide adaptive mechanisms for handling ambiguities, such as unclear roles or unforeseen contingencies, where official rules prove insufficient or overly bureaucratic. They compensate for managerial shortcomings by offering peer-based guidance, emotional support, and informal leadership, effectively lightening the formal hierarchy's burden and maintaining operational continuity.^[13] For instance, in scenarios of weak supervisory oversight, informal networks step in to enforce accountability through social pressures, filling voids in direction and motivation that could otherwise lead to disengagement.^[44] This gap-filling role is particularly vital in dynamic environments, where informal cooperation enables swift adjustments without awaiting hierarchical approvals, thereby preserving productivity amid structural limitations.^[45]

Dysfunctions and Empirical Drawbacks

Promotion of Resistance and Inefficiency

Informal organizations within workplaces often cultivate norms that encourage resistance to managerial directives and structural changes, prioritizing collective member interests such as job security and workload distribution over broader organizational objectives. These norms emerge through social interactions among employees, where deviations from group expectations, such as adopting new technologies or processes that could increase scrutiny or alter quotas, invite sanctions like ostracism or ridicule. Empirical analyses indicate that such resistance is amplified when informal networks disseminate negative information about proposed changes, heightening employees' intentions to oppose them.^[46] For instance, in settings with strong informal ties, workers may collectively withhold cooperation on efficiency-enhancing reforms if they perceive threats to established routines or bargaining power. A primary mechanism of this resistance involves the enforcement of restrictive output norms, where informal groups limit individual productivity to prevent "rate-busting"—high performance by outliers that could prompt management to tighten standards or redistribute workloads unfavorably. Social processes in these groups, including peer pressure and shared rationales for moderation, solidify these norms, leading members to conform even at personal cost to avoid group disapproval.^[47] In piece-rate systems, where pay ties directly to output but rates are revisable, conformity to low-output norms exacerbates restriction, as workers anticipate punitive adjustments to earnings from exceeding group-set limits; models demonstrate that stronger conformity pressures intensify this dynamic, resulting in sustained underperformance unless collusion breaks down.^[48] This norm enforcement manifests as inefficiency through practices like goldbricking—deliberate slowing of work—and quota evasion, empirically documented in manufacturing environments. In a seminal 1952 ethnographic study of a machine shop, Donald Roy observed informal worker groups systematically restricting output below achievable levels via covert agreements and mutual aid, such as falsifying records or aiding slowdowns, to safeguard against quota revisions; this led to widespread idling and suboptimal shop utilization, with operators routinely "making out" by blending high-pay easy jobs with low-effort fillers rather than maximizing capacity.^[49] Similarly, in piecework settings, informal intergroup alliances, including operatives and support staff, subverted formal production controls by providing surreptitious assistance to bypass rules, frustrating efficiency initiatives and perpetuating low overall yields.^[50] These patterns underscore how informal structures, while adaptive for members, causally contribute to organizational productivity losses by embedding incentives for collective restraint over individual or systemic optimization.

Spread of Rumors and Conformity Pressures

In informal organizations, rumors disseminate rapidly through unstructured communication channels known as the grapevine, which bypass formal verification processes and often distort facts due to serial transmission errors. This phenomenon intensifies during periods of ambiguity, such as mergers or layoffs, where employees seek explanatory narratives absent from official sources; research indicates that rumor intensity correlates with the product of an event's importance and ambiguity, as formalized by Allport and Postman's rumor formula (R = i × a), leading to unchecked escalation in group settings. A field study of manufacturing firms found that 75-90% of grapevine messages contain accurate elements, but the remaining unsubstantiated portions foster distrust and suboptimal decision-making when acted upon collectively. Conformity pressures within informal groups arise from social interdependence, compelling members to align behaviors with prevailing norms to avoid ostracism or relational penalties, often at the expense of organizational efficiency. These pressures manifest as sanctions against norm violators, such as verbal reprimands or exclusion, reinforcing homogeneity in attitudes and outputs; experimental evidence from Asch's (1951) line-judgment tasks demonstrates how group consensus induces erroneous individual judgments in 37% of trials under confederate influence, a dynamic replicated in workplace cliques where deviations from productivity quotas invite backlash. In the Hawthorne Bank's wiring room observations (1931-1932), informal peer dynamics enforced output restrictions through derogatory labeling of overachievers as "rate-busters," sustaining collective underperformance despite financial incentives, underscoring how conformity sustains inefficiencies by prioritizing group solidarity over merit-based contributions. Empirical drawbacks compound when rumors intersect with conformity, as groups validate speculative information to maintain internal cohesion, amplifying biases like confirmation of shared fears; a longitudinal analysis of corporate downsizing events revealed that rumor-endorsing cliques experienced 20-30% higher absenteeism rates due to induced anxiety, while conformity stifled corrective formal interventions. Such patterns persist across sectors, with surveys of over 1,000 employees indicating that 64% witnessed peer pressure suppressing dissent on rumor-fueled beliefs, eroding rational discourse and adaptability in fluid environments.

Interplay with Formal Structures

Complementary Dynamics

Informal organizational dynamics complement formal structures by enabling flexible communication channels that bypass rigid hierarchies, thereby accelerating information flow and decision-making in dynamic environments. Empirical research demonstrates that informal networks facilitate the exchange of tacit knowledge, which formal protocols often overlook, leading to improved operational efficiency when integrated with structured processes.^[51] For instance, studies on network coupling show that moderate overlap between informal social ties and formal roles enhances employee attachment and coordination, as individuals leverage personal relationships to resolve ambiguities in official workflows.^[52] These dynamics also promote innovation by allowing emergent collaborations that formal rules might stifle, with evidence from organizational behavior analyses indicating that informal interactions generate novel problem-solving approaches complementary to standardized procedures.^[35] In knowledge-intensive settings, informal networks act as supplements to formal training, fostering spontaneous learning and adaptation; a study of workplace networks found that such ties significantly boost knowledge sharing, particularly when formal structures provide the foundational framework but lack agility for real-time adjustments.^[53] Furthermore, informal elements contribute to motivational alignment by offering social recognition and peer support that formal incentives alone cannot replicate, thereby sustaining productivity without additional administrative costs. Research on control mechanisms reveals that informal norms reinforce formal goals when they align, resulting in higher performance outcomes compared to reliance on either in isolation.^[51] This complementarity is evident in empirical observations where informal groups provide emotional cohesion, reducing the alienating effects of bureaucratic formality and enhancing overall organizational resilience.

Conflicts and Subversion Risks

Informal organizations can generate conflicts with formal structures when group norms prioritize member interests over organizational goals, leading to resistance against directives such as performance targets. In the Hawthorne Works bank wiring observation room experiments (1931–1932), workers self-imposed output restrictions through informal social pressures to prevent "rate-busting" and preserve equitable pay distribution, directly countering management's incentive systems despite potential personal financial losses.^[54]^[55] This behavior stemmed from emergent group sanctions, including ridicule and isolation for high performers, illustrating how informal cohesion subverts formal efficiency efforts by enforcing anti-productive equilibria.^[56] Subversion risks escalate when informal networks facilitate circumvention of official rules, often through cross-group alliances that erode managerial control. A case study of a midwestern machine shop revealed operatives forming an informal "ring" with service departments to covertly manipulate production quotas and quality checks, systematically undermining formalized controls designed to enhance output.^[50] Such alliances enabled surreptitious aid, like falsified records and expedited repairs, fostering a culture of rule evasion that prioritized group solidarity and short-term gains over long-term organizational accountability.^[50] These dynamics intensify in crises, where informal structures amplify latent conflicts, hindering coordinated responses and strategic execution. Research on network analysis shows that fragmented or oppositional informal ties exacerbate divisions, turning routine disagreements into barriers against unified action.^[57] Chester Barnard warned that unaligned informal organizations could dissolve cooperative systems essential to formal survival, as interpersonal loyalties compete with hierarchical authority, potentially leading to factionalism or outright sabotage.^[29] Empirical observations confirm that without integration, these risks manifest in political maneuvering within networks, diverting resources from objectives and weakening overall resilience.^[58]

Management Strategies and Approaches

Harnessing Informal Networks for Efficiency

Organizations employ organizational network analysis (ONA) to map informal connections, identifying central influencers and communication bottlenecks that formal structures overlook, thereby enabling targeted interventions to enhance efficiency.^[59] This approach involves surveys and email data analysis to visualize information flows, as demonstrated in a study of over 1,000 employees where nearly half of interactions were deemed noncore, revealing opportunities to redirect efforts and potentially save tens of millions of dollars annually.^[59] By prioritizing high-value ties, managers can accelerate decision-making and reduce redundancies without disrupting established hierarchies.^[60] Key strategies include appointing informal network leaders—termed "network owners"—to steward collaboration on specific topics, supported by incentives like recognition events and dedicated resources.^[59] For instance, a petrochemical firm established over 20 such networks, each with 50 to several hundred members, fostering knowledge sharing across silos.^[59] Similarly, a global bank formalized a retail-marketing network with defined leadership and training, improving coordination and operational speed without adding matrix layers.^[59] These tactics leverage natural social dynamics, such as trust-based advice-seeking, to bypass bureaucratic delays.^[61] Empirical outcomes underscore efficiency gains: in one engineering case, informal network activation at an oil well halved downtime from four to two days, swiftly restoring production.^[59] Broader analyses link strong informal networks to superior firm performance, as observed in ExxonMobil and General Electric, where robust ties correlated with faster innovation and execution.^[59] Network mapping has also resolved strategic misalignments, such as in a firm with co-CEOs, where addressing communication gaps between leaders and managers boosted overall alignment and performance.^[61] Such interventions, grounded in data-driven insights, promote adaptive resource allocation over rigid protocols.^[60]

Controlling Negative Influences

Managers address negative influences in informal organizations, such as resistance to formal directives and the propagation of rumors, by identifying informal leaders and integrating them into decision-making processes to align group dynamics with organizational objectives.^[62] This approach mitigates conflicts of interest where informal groups prioritize member interests over company goals, potentially leading to dysfunctional interference with routines. Empirical studies in sectors like Nigerian construction firms indicate that unmanaged informal groups can foster opposition to management strategies, particularly when perceived inequities in rewards exist, but alignment efforts enhance group self-confidence and performance (r = 0.955, p < 0.05).^[62] To control rumor spread and conformity pressures, organizations implement transparent communication channels and workshops on responsible information sharing, encouraging employees to verify facts before dissemination.^[63] Formal leaders can obtain pre-implementation feedback from informal group members on policies, involving them in planning to reduce resistance and build trust without coercive co-optation, which risks rebellion.^[64] ^[65] Providing resources, training, and clear norm-setting further channels informal networks productively, preventing escalation of grievances into broader inefficiencies.^[62] In practice, reinforcing consistent messaging through sanctions for disruptive behaviors counters negative cultural undercurrents, while defining shared purposes helps informal groups adapt to changes without subverting formal authority.^[66] These strategies preserve the adaptive benefits of informal structures while curbing excesses, as evidenced by management literature emphasizing goal congruence over suppression.^[67]

Applications in Modern Work Environments

Challenges in Remote and Hybrid Settings

Remote and hybrid work arrangements diminish the spontaneous, proximity-based interactions that underpin informal organizations, such as unplanned hallway conversations or water-cooler chats, which foster trust, weak ties, and cross-group knowledge exchange.^[68] Analysis of collaboration patterns in a large organization during the shift to remote work revealed that networks became more static and siloed, with reduced bridging ties essential for innovation and information diffusion.^[69] Specifically, weak ties—loose connections that provide novel insights—declined by approximately 10% on average, as employees prioritized immediate team interactions over broader outreach.^[69] This erosion of informal networks contributes to weakened relationships beyond core teams, with 51% of employees reporting diminished ties outside their immediate groups and 43% feeling disconnected from the company as a whole.^[70] Hybrid models introduce proximity bias, where in-office participants gain advantages from casual encounters unavailable to remote workers, exacerbating isolation and hindering equitable participation in informal dynamics.^[68] Leaders cite ensuring team cohesion and social connections as a major challenge for 68% of business decision-makers, as digital tools struggle to replicate the serendipity and non-verbal cues of face-to-face exchanges.^[70]^[71] Further complications arise from increased psychological distance and selective avoidance of social interactions in remote settings, leading to static collaboration patterns and reduced informal communication opportunities.^[72] For newer or junior employees, the lack of mentoring through informal channels—often nurtured in co-located environments—impedes onboarding and career development, as remote work fails to sustain these organic ties.^[73] Empirical data from Microsoft Teams usage during the pandemic confirmed a surge in close-network interactions but a corresponding drop in expansive, informal outreach, underscoring the "burning" of social capital over time.^[68]

Implications for Gig and Platform Economies

In gig and platform economies, characterized by decentralized, algorithm-driven task allocation and minimal formal hierarchies, informal organizations manifest primarily through digital networks such as online forums, social media groups, and ad-hoc worker collectives on platforms like Uber and DoorDash. These structures enable dispersed workers to exchange real-time information on surge pricing, routing efficiencies, and policy changes, often filling voids left by absent traditional management. A 2023 analysis of mobility data from ride-hailing platforms across 15 cities identified emergent informal social networks via co-location patterns, demonstrating how physical proximity during shifts fosters repeated interactions that build trust and knowledge sharing among workers.^[74] These informal networks empower workers to counter platform control, facilitating collective resistance such as strikes, rating manipulations, and data-sharing initiatives to expose algorithmic biases. For example, grassroots collectives have mobilized delivery workers to protest pay cuts, achieving concessions in localized campaigns as documented in 2022 U.S. cases. An International Labour Organization report highlights how informal worker groups coordinate actions—ranging from online petitions to on-app signaling—alongside nascent unions, amplifying bargaining power in the absence of employee status classifications.^[75]^[76] Such dynamics underscore a causal tension: platforms' contractor model reduces oversight costs but invites subversion, as seen in worker-led data collectives that aggregate usage metrics to demand transparency and fairer algorithms since 2021.^[77] For platforms, informal organizations introduce operational risks, including coordinated deactivations or legal pressures that disrupt service continuity, yet they can indirectly boost efficiency by standardizing worker tactics that optimize task completion rates. In emerging markets, where gig work absorbs informal sector labor, these networks promote financial inclusion through peer-vetted opportunities but exacerbate precarity without portable benefits, as informal ties substitute for institutional safeguards.^[78] Overall, the prevalence of such networks signals a structural limitation in platform models, where algorithmic governance struggles against human social imperatives, potentially evolving toward hybrid formal-informal frameworks for sustained viability.^[79] Organizational networks within informal structures comprise the unofficial interconnections among individuals, groups, and units that emerge spontaneously through personal relationships, shared experiences, and mutual interests, bypassing formal reporting lines. These networks enable the exchange of tacit knowledge, emotional support, and influence that formal hierarchies often constrain. Social capital, derived from these networks, manifests as the embedded resources—such as trust, reciprocity norms, and informational access—that facilitate coordinated action and resource mobilization for collective benefit.^[80]^[81] Key theoretical perspectives frame organizational social capital as multifaceted, encompassing structural configurations (e.g., tie density and centrality), relational qualities (e.g., mutual obligations and reliability), and cognitive alignments (e.g., shared codes and narratives). Ronald Burt's structural holes theory argues that social capital accrues to actors who bridge disconnected network segments, providing brokerage advantages like non-redundant information and negotiation power, which enhance individual and organizational adaptability. This contrasts with bonding social capital from dense, homogeneous ties, which fosters internal cohesion but risks insularity, as seen in Mark Granovetter's strength of weak ties hypothesis applied to intra-firm dynamics. At the firm level, corporate social capital involves mobilizing these internal and external network processes to build competitive capabilities, such as absorptive capacity for external knowledge integration.^[82]^[83]^[84] Empirical research underscores causal links between network configurations and social capital outcomes, with brokerage positions correlating to higher executive compensation and innovation rates in surveys of over 600 managers across industries. In knowledge-based organizations, relational social capital from informal networks mediates knowledge transfer, boosting performance by 20-30% in teams with high trust reciprocity, per meta-analyses of field studies. However, dense cliques can concentrate social capital unevenly, exacerbating silos and reducing overall firm adaptability, as documented in longitudinal analyses of manufacturing firms where over-embedded networks hindered responsiveness to market shifts. These findings highlight informal networks' dual role in amplifying social capital for efficiency while necessitating management to mitigate exclusionary effects.^[82]^[85]^[86]

Human Relations vs. Systems Perspectives

The human relations approach, originating from Elton Mayo's Hawthorne experiments conducted between 1927 and 1932 at the Western Electric Company, highlighted the role of informal groups in shaping worker productivity and satisfaction, demonstrating that social interactions and group norms often outweighed formal incentives or physical conditions in influencing output.^[87] These studies revealed that informal networks fostered a sense of belonging and recognition, which boosted morale and performance, challenging the classical management focus on mechanistic structures by emphasizing psychological and relational factors within organizations.^[88] In this view, informal organizations serve as vital conduits for employee motivation, where unofficial alliances and peer influences address unmet human needs neglected by rigid hierarchies, potentially leading to higher cohesion but also resistance to formal directives if group norms conflict with official goals.^[89] In contrast, the systems perspective, as articulated by Daniel Katz and Robert L. Kahn in their 1966 book The Social Psychology of Organizations, conceptualizes organizations as open systems comprising interdependent subsystems—including informal structures—that process inputs from the environment, adapt through feedback loops, and maintain equilibrium to avoid entropy.^[90] Informal organizations, in this framework, function as dynamic subsystems that facilitate information flow, innovation, and adaptation but must align with the overall system's boundaries and goals to prevent dysfunction, such as subsystem isolation leading to suboptimal outputs.^[91] Katz and Kahn outlined characteristics like equifinality—multiple paths to the same outcome—and steady-state maintenance, where informal networks contribute to resilience by enabling rapid responses to external changes, though unchecked growth could introduce negative feedback disrupting formal processes.^[92] The key divergence lies in analytical focus: human relations prioritizes interpersonal dynamics and individual fulfillment within informal groups as primary drivers of effectiveness, often advocating participatory management to harness these for productivity gains, as evidenced by post-Hawthorne applications in firms like Western Electric where group attentiveness correlated with a 30-40% output increase unrelated to economic variables.^[93] Systems theory, however, adopts a holistic, integrative lens, viewing informal elements not in isolation but as embedded components requiring balance with formal structures to ensure organizational survival in turbulent environments, critiquing human relations for underemphasizing environmental interdependencies and long-term systemic stability.^[94] Empirical validations of systems approaches, such as Katz and Kahn's analysis of role sets in bureaucratic settings, underscore how informal ties mitigate formal rigidities but demand oversight to align with throughput and output objectives, whereas human relations risks over-romanticizing group autonomy without systemic safeguards.^[95] This tension reflects broader theoretical evolution, with human relations providing micro-level insights into informal vitality and systems offering macro-level tools for managing their integration.

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Dec 15, 2020 · The informal organization is characterized by constant evolution; grass roots; being dynamic and responsive; requiring insider knowledge to be ...
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Characteristics of Informal Organizations: The Grapevine & Informal ...
Informal organizations are social structures with personal relationships, shared interests, and social networks. The grapevine is unsanctioned communication ...Where Formal Meets Informal... · Informal Organizations · The Grapevine
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Informal Organization: Meaning, Types, Example, Pros & Cons
Sep 6, 2024 · What are the key features of informal organization? · They form automatically without managerial effort or formal rules. · Created by employees ...
[18]
On the origins of informal hierarchy: The interactive role of formal ...
Oct 18, 2018 · Informal hierarchies emerge most strongly in situations that are ambiguous, ill-defined, and unstructured. Three independent studies confirm this notion.
[19]
Treating workers like people: A history - Harvard Gazette
Oct 11, 2007 · The original studies were started by company officials at Western Electric's Hawthorne Works outside Chicago, who were attempting to determine ...
[20]
The Hawthorne Studies | OpenStax Intro to Business
The studies also provided evidence that informal work groups (the social relationships of employees) and the resulting group pressure have positive effects ...
[21]
9.3: The Hawthorne Studies - Business LibreTexts
Jul 28, 2025 · These findings gave rise to what is now known as the Hawthorne effect, which suggests that employees will perform better when they feel singled ...Missing: key | Show results with:key
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Key Insights from the Hawthorne Studies - Elton Mayo - BA Notes
Dec 1, 2023 · The studies showed that informal work groups formed naturally within the formal structure of the organization, and these groups established ...
[23]
The Hawthorne Studies: Pioneering Research in Human Relations
Jan 28, 2024 · The bank wiring room study revealed that informal groups within organizations develop their own norms, leaders, and communication patterns.<|separator|>
[24]
The Hawthorne Studies: A Radical Criticism - jstor
The Hawthorne studies investigated work behavior and attitudes, but their conclusions are almost wholly unsupported by evidence, and lack scientific merit.
[25]
Discussion and Criticisms of The Hawthorne Studies | UKEssays.com
Sep 21, 2021 · This paper analyzes the Hawthorne studies that are established to identify the influence of the social, physical, and psychological environment on the workers ...
[26]
(PDF) The legacy of the hawthorne experiments: A critical analysis ...
Aug 7, 2025 · Hawthorne's studies show that human factors should be critically considered in corporate strategy. ... Organisational informal structures social ...
[27]
[PDF] UNIT 9 CHESTER BARNARD* - Structure - 9.0 Objectives
organisations. He believed that formal organisations are made up of informal groups. These informal groups evolve to become the informal organisation.
[28]
[PDF] Chester Barnard Joseph T. Mahoney - Organizations and Markets
Informal organization improves communication, enhances cohesiveness within formal organization, and protects the integrity of individuals. Informal organization ...
[29]
Chester Barnard's Cooperative System: Insights into Organizational ...
Feb 27, 2024 · Barnard was among the first to recognize that every formal organization contains informal networks and relationships that can either support or ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[30]
Chester Barnard and the Systems Approach to Nurturing ...
Barnard provided a conceptual scheme of the theory of organization based on the following structural concepts: the individual and bounded rationality, ...
[31]
3.7: Human Relations Movement - Business LibreTexts
Jul 24, 2023 · “Both groups developed an informal social organization, but while the Bank Wiremen were organized in opposition to management, the Relay ...
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2. A Short History of Management Theory and Practice
He drew attention to the importance of leadership and the informal aspects of an organization, pointing out that all organizations have informal social groups ...
[33]
Evolution of Organization Theory: a Snapshot - Research leap
Aug 31, 2020 · This paper examined the pre-classical, classical, neo-classical and modern theories of organisation to review how they also evolve to meet the needs of the ...
[34]
[PDF] Graph Theoretical Dimensions of Informal Organizations
measuring the degree to which the informal organization is structured in a ... characteristics: (a) All the lines in Dincident to every point in C are ...
[35]
Informal Networks: Dark Sides, Bright Sides, and Unexplored ...
Jul 21, 2020 · Informal networking can be seen as a positive activity with beneficial outcomes for individuals, firms, and society as a whole.
[36]
(PDF) Resilience or Decline of Informal Networks? Examining the ...
May 17, 2024 · PDF | The nature of informal networks in various societies, and particularly whether they recede or tend to persist over time, has long been ...
[37]
Organization Design: Current Insights and Future Research Directions
Sep 18, 2024 · In the following decades, the popularity of contingency theory declined (Shenkar & Ellis, 2022) and the topic of organizational design receded ...
[38]
7.7 The Informal Organization - Introduction to Business | OpenStax
Sep 19, 2018 · The network of connections and channels of communication based on the informal relationships of individuals inside the organization is known as ...
[39]
Chester Barnard on the Importance of Effective Communication in ...
Dec 6, 2023 · Chester Barnard's view of communication as the foundation of organizational existence offers a profound perspective that continues to influence ...
[40]
Informal Communication in Organizations: Dynamics, Functions, and ...
These informal exchanges contribute to information sharing, coordination, emotional relief, and foster a sense of belonging and connectedness in the workplace.
[41]
The role of the informal and formal organisation in voice about ...
The informal organisation can include emergent characteristics such as norms and values, social networks, and power and politics (Scott and Davis, 2007). For ...
[42]
(PDF) Informal communication in organizations: work time wasted at ...
Feb 2, 2022 · The article aims to examine functions, types and effects of informal communication in organizations. ... Journal of. Organizational Behavior ...
[43]
Informal Networks, Informal Institutions, and Social Exclusion in the ...
Sep 8, 2022 · We found that informal networks are pervasive and strong because of the informal institutions in which they are embedded and that there is a ...
[44]
Formal and Informal Forms of Organization - Academia.edu
... organization structure; generally large formal groups give rise to small informal groups. ... Informal organization may act to fill gaps in managements abilities.
[45]
(PDF) Impact of Informal Groups on Organisational Performance
Sep 17, 2025 · The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of informal groups on organizational performance.
[46]
The Impact of Negative Informal Information Before a Change on ...
Therefore, informal information before the change can foster the employees' adjustment in advance and reduce employee resistance during the change. This ...
[47]
Social Interaction and the Formation of Restriction of Output Norms
The norm of restriction of work output was one of the first informal-group phenomena to be studied by social scientists.
[48]
Piece rates, output restriction, and conformism - ScienceDirect.com
This paper examines how group output norms affect work effort when piece rates are subject to revision. A simple model of conformism to group norms ...
[49]
Quota Restriction and Goldbricking in a Machine Shop
Quota Restriction and Goldbricking in a Machine Shop. Donald Roy. Donald Roy ... groups, Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 75, no.33 (Sep 2010) ...
[50]
Efficiency and "The Fix": Informal Intergroup Relations in a ...
Conflict relations between the informal work group and plant management may involve the participation of other groups of the factory's social structure.Missing: inefficiency | Show results with:inefficiency
[51]
Formal and Informal Control as Complement or Substitute? The ...
Nov 8, 2016 · This study examines whether formal and informal controls complement or substitute each other in their influence on performance outcomes.
[52]
[PDF] Formal and Informal Network Coupling and its Relationship to ...
ABSTRACT: This study examines how the overlap between informal and formal networks in the workplace is related to the degree of attachment.
[53]
Informal Network Structure and Knowledge Sharing in Organizations
This study investigates the potentially different roles of informal social networks in promoting knowledge sharing.
[54]
Elton Mayo's Hawthorne Experiment and It's Contributions to ...
Each individual was restricting output. The group had its own “unofficial” standards of performance. Individual output remained fairly constant over a period of ...
[55]
Shedding Light on the Hawthorne Studies - jstor
The Hawthorne studies, conducted at Hawthorne Works, investigated social influences in the workplace, including the impact of varied work conditions on women ...
[56]
OB CH 5 - Discovering the Social Organisation (Hawthorne Studies)
In an experiment in a bank wiring observation room, the researchers discovered that workers restricted their output by informal rules and group norms.
[57]
[PDF] Informal Networks and Organizational Crises
Another issue is whether all organizations require the same amount of cooperation, even during a crisis. When the organization, such as a bank, is facing ...
[58]
[PDF] Informal Networks: The Company Behind the Chart
informal organization gets work done. Managers can get a good overall ... cal conflicts and failure to achieve strategic objectives. Trust networks ...
[59]
Harnessing the power of informal employee networks - McKinsey
Nov 1, 2007 · These assessments might come in the form of stories or case studies illustrating improvements in professional productivity. Providing ...
[60]
The role of networks in organizational change - McKinsey
Apr 1, 2007 · Managers across the organization still use network analysis as a tool for identifying opportunities to improve operational effectiveness through ...
[61]
[PDF] How Informal Networks Can Strengthen Your Organization's Strategy
Dec 4, 2020 · Informal networks shape strategy, and analyzing them helps uncover gaps in communication, which can be strengthened to improve strategic ...
[62]
[PDF] Impact of Informal Groups on Organisational Performance
Sep 9, 2018 · Informal groups formulate an implicit code of ethics or undesirable set of standards establishing acceptable behaviors for a group of employees.
[63]
How to Manage Grapevine Communication in an Organization
Offer workshops or sessions on responsible communication, where employees learn how to handle gossip, avoid spreading rumors, and support colleagues who may be ...
[64]
Management Of Informal Groups Homework Help - Tutorhelpdesk.com
Obtain feedback from group members on what they think about organizational plans and policies before officially announcing them. 3. Involve group members in ...
[65]
Understanding Informal Leaders In Your Organization (and ...
Mar 9, 2021 · When formal leaders try to co-opt, or manipulate informal leaders, the risk is that the informal leaders will rebel, or “stand against” the ...
[66]
Overcoming negative organisational culture: what to do for your team
Apr 27, 2018 · By having strong consistent messages that are reinforced and appropriately sanctioned you can negate some of the negative influence from the ...
[67]
Informal Groups: Causes, Types, Effects and Functions
Jul 23, 2025 · Effective management of informal groups involves building trust, demonstrating value, maintaining clear communication, and understanding group ...
[68]
Figuring Out Social Capital Is Critical for the Future of Hybrid Work
Jul 1, 2021 · It turns out that the “informal organization” is largely constructed of the weak ties that need frequent strengthening to retain their ...Missing: challenges | Show results with:challenges
[69]
The effects of remote work on collaboration among information ...
Sep 9, 2021 · Although weak ties by definition will always get less of an employee's time than strong ties in a given month, we found that the shift to remote ...
[70]
Hybrid Work Is Just Work. Are We Doing It Wrong? - Microsoft
Sep 22, 2022 · 85% of leaders say that the shift to hybrid work has made it challenging to have confidence that employees are being productive.Missing: informal | Show results with:informal
[71]
Enabling and constraining factors of remote informal communication
Aug 9, 2024 · Generally, hybrid workers are more likely to use the time working remotely to avoid social interactions (Windeler et al., 2017), such that ...Results · Technological Factors · Discussion
[72]
The challenges of hybrid work: an architectural sociology perspective
Aug 23, 2023 · Results showed that following remote work, the collaboration networks of workers became more static and siloed, with fewer bridges between ...3.1 Human Resources: People... · 3.3 Office Layout: The... · 5. Discussion
[73]
Hybrid Work and Informal Interactions - HR Exchange Network
Nov 17, 2022 · Informal interactions are far more fragile for remote workers. Much like the Microsoft study suggested, this puts longer-term activities, such ...Empowering The Hr Community · Network Patterns · Formal Interactions
[74]
From co-location patterns to an informal social network of gig ...
Nov 9, 2023 · In this manuscript, we comprehensively characterize the social networks of gig economy workers in each of the 15 cities studied.
[75]
How Delivery Workers Are Organizing for Better Employee Protections
May 9, 2022 · Gig worker collectives across the country have successfully argued for more worker protections and in some cases, have prevented pay cuts.
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[PDF] platform economy through freedom of association and collective ...
Informal groups of workers, newly established trade unions and already existing trade unions are active in the platform economy. They engage in coordinated ...
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[PDF] Worker Data Collectives as a means to Improve Accountability ...
Sep 1, 2024 · While data col- lectives aim to support worker collectives and complement rele- vant policy initiatives, the goal of this workshop is to ...
[78]
Gig Platforms and Financial Inclusion - CGAP
Across emerging markets, millions of informal workers are joining gig platforms in sectors like ride-hailing and deliveries.
[79]
Informal matching groups: A distinct platform economy form
Jan 15, 2025 · Informal matching groups are an alternative to gig labor platforms and community sharing. Abstract. The literature on the platform economy has ...
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[PDF] Intraorganizational Networks.
Social capital has been of particular interest to organizational behavior studies because it is an important resource that differentiates individuals and.
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[PDF] Social Capital of Organization: Conceptualization, Level of Analysis ...
organizational networks confers benefits. Familiarity also produces group ... organization's social capital as the aggregate of the firm members' social capital.
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The Network Structure Of Social Capital - ScienceDirect.com
Three kinds of empirical evidence support the argument that social capital is a function of brokerage across structural holes. Lab experiments with small-group ...
[83]
Organizational Networks and Corporate Social Capital - SpringerLink
Corporate social capital is defined as processes of forming and mobilizing social actors' network connections within and between organizations.
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(PDF) Organizational Networks and Social Capital - ResearchGate
Mar 27, 2023 · This chapter presents a framework for understanding organizational networks and social capital through the lens of “social capital ownership”
[85]
Social Capital, Networks, and Knowledge Transfer
We examine how social capital dimensions of networks affect the transfer of knowledge between network members.
[86]
[PDF] SOCIAL CAPITAL IN ORGANIZATIONS – BEYOND STRUCTURE ...
Abstract. The importance and usefulness of social capital as a concept in the study of organizations have been established by a large body of research.
[87]
[PDF] HUMAN RELATIONS THEORY (ELTON MAYO)
The classical approach focused mostly on the structural aspects of the organisation. It has not paid much attention on the human aspects of the organisation ...
[88]
How the Management Theory of Elton Mayo Applies to Business
Aug 20, 2025 · Hawthorne effect: Productivity rises when employees feel observed, valued and involved. Primacy of social factors: Informal relationships and ...
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Understanding the Principles of the Human Relations Approach
Nov 23, 2023 · The human relations approach recognizes that informal relationships and social dynamics within organizations significantly impact performance ...
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[PDF] Organizational and Systems Theory: An Integrated Review - DTIC
Katz and Kahn (1966) identified nine characteristics which define all open systems and specified the nature of these factors in the organi- zational system: "1.
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Sage Reference - Systems Theory of Organizations
In contrast to this rational approach, Katz and Kahn described a comprehensive open systems theory of the organization. Their theory focused ...
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Open Systems Model (Katz and Kahn) - Explained
Feb 23, 2025 · Katz and Kahn also characterize open systems by equifiniality. This concept suggests that organizations can reach the same final state by a ...
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3.6 Human Relations Movement - Principles of Management
Mar 20, 2019 · Finally, the responses of the two groups to their industrial situation were, on the one hand, restriction of output and, on the other, steady ...
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[PDF] APPROACHES TO ORGANISATION AND MANAGEMENT
The human relations approach recognised the importance of the informal organisation, ... human relations, systems and contingency approaches provides a ...
[95]
(PDF) Systems theory: forgotten legacy and future prospects
Sep 23, 2019 · This chapter will present an overview of systems theory and its purpose before tracing its historical antecedents and key domain assumptions.