Jabrayil District is an administrative rayon of Azerbaijan located in the southwestern part of the country, bordering Iran to the south.[1] The district covers 1,050 km² and had a pre-occupation population of around 74,500 as of 2013.[2] Its administrative center is the city of Jabrayil, which along with the district was occupied by Armenian armed forces on August 23, 1993, during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, leading to the displacement of nearly all residents.[1][3] The territory remained under occupation for 27 years until its liberation by Azerbaijani forces on October 4, 2020, in the early stages of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War.[4][5] Post-liberation efforts have focused on demining, infrastructure reconstruction, and gradual repopulation of the area, which features fertile plains conducive to agriculture.[3] The district's recovery symbolizes Azerbaijan's restoration of territorial integrity following prolonged conflict.[6]
Geography and Environment
Location and Terrain
Jabrayil District occupies the southwestern region of Azerbaijan, with its central city positioned at coordinates 39°22′N 47°02′E.[7] The district shares a southern border with Iran along the Araz River and lies along strategic routes linking Azerbaijan's mainland to the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic exclave, including the Horadiz-Jabrayil-Zangilan-Aghband highway corridor.[8]The terrain features predominantly flat plains conducive to agricultural production and open maneuverability, grading into foothills that ascend toward the Karabakh highlands to the north. These lowlands encompass fertile alluvial soils derived from river sediments, supporting crops such as cotton and grains through extensive irrigation networks drawing from the Araz River basin.[9][10] The Araz River, forming the international boundary, supplies critical water for irrigation canals and reservoirs, such as the Qiz Qalasi facility, enhancing arable land productivity in the district.[9]
Climate and Ecology
Jabrayil district exhibits a cold semi-arid climate classified as BSk under the Köppen-Geiger system, marked by pronounced seasonal temperature variations and limited precipitation. Average high temperatures reach 32°C (90°F) in July during the hot, dry summer period lasting from late May to early October, while winter lows average -2°C (28°F) in January, often accompanied by snowfall. Annual precipitation totals approximately 400 mm, concentrated in spring (peaking at 63 mm in April) and autumn, with a pronounced dry season from late November to late March featuring fewer than 9 rainy days per month on average.[11][12]The local ecology is dominated by steppe vegetation, including drought-resistant grasses and shrubs adapted to the semi-arid conditions, with sparse forests of oak, eastern plane trees, and other deciduous species in higher elevations pre-conflict. Wildlife historically included goitered gazelles (Gazella subgutturosa), partridges, falcons, and East Caucasian turs, reflecting the region's role within a biodiversity hotspot encompassing rare and endemic species listed in Azerbaijan's Red Data Book. These elements supported stable ecosystems prior to 1993, with grasslands facilitating grazing and limited arboreal habitats providing corridors for avian and mammalian migration.[13][14][15]Post-liberation assessments highlight disruptions from unexploded ordnance and landmines, estimated at over 1 million devices across affected territories including Jabrayil, which fragment habitats, inhibit faunal dispersal, and impede vegetation regrowth by contaminating soil and restricting demining operations. This contamination has exacerbated biodiversity decline, with unexploded remnants directly contributing to habitat loss and barriers to ecological restoration in steppe and forested zones.[16][17][18]
History
Pre-20th Century and Imperial Era
The territory encompassing modern Jabrayil formed part of the broader Karabakh region under Safavid Persian administration from the 16th century, integrated into the empire's provincial structure following Shah Ismail I's conquests, which facilitated the settlement of Turkic-speaking nomadic and semi-nomadic groups alongside existing populations.[19] During this era, the area served as a frontier zone with agricultural and pastoral economies, reflecting the Safavids' emphasis on Shia consolidation and tribal alliances in the Caucasus.[20]With the weakening of central Safavid authority in the early 18th century, local governance fragmented, culminating in the establishment of the Karabakh Khanate in 1747 by Panah Ali Khan Javanshir, a chieftain of Turkic-Azerbaijani lineage, whose rule extended over Jabrayil and adjacent lowlands under nominal Persiansuzerainty until the khanate's increasing autonomy.[20] The khanate maintained a socio-economic base in subsistence farming, viticulture, and livestock rearing, with Jabrayil's lands supporting settled Muslim communities amid intermittent tribal conflicts.[21]Russian expansion into the Caucasus led to the Treaty of Kurakchay in 1805, whereby Ibrahim Khalil Khan, ruler of Karabakh, submitted to Russian protection, followed by the Treaty of Gulistan in 1813 that formally ceded the khanate, including Jabrayil, to the Russian Empire after suppressing local resistance.[22] Reorganized within the Elizavetpol Governorate, the Jebrail uezd (established around 1868) exhibited a Muslim Azerbaijani majority in imperial records, with the population engaged primarily in cotton cultivation, grain production, and sericulture, underscoring ethnic continuity in the district's rural fabric.[23]
Soviet Period
Jabrayil Rayon was established as an administrative district on August 8, 1930, within the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, encompassing approximately 1,050 square kilometers of territory focused on agricultural lands in the southwestern lowlands.[24][25] The district underwent temporary administrative changes, including abolition on January 4, 1963, and merger with Füzuli Rayon, before restoration in subsequent years, reflecting broader Soviet reorganizations aimed at centralizing control.[3][26]Under Soviet governance, Jabrayil benefited from infrastructural investments, including road networks and irrigation systems to support collectivized agriculture, with collective farms (kolkhozy) emphasizing grain, cotton, and livestock production typical of Azerbaijani SSR rural economies.[27] These developments integrated the district into the USSR's planned economy, fostering stability through state-directed resource allocation, though efficiency was constrained by centralized directives and input shortages common across Soviet agriculture.[28]The 1989 Soviet census recorded Jabrayil's population at around 49,000, with ethnic Azerbaijanis comprising the vast majority—approximately 95–98%—and negligible Armenian residency, as the district bordered but lay outside the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast, where Soviet policies had delimited a separate ethnic Armenian-majority enclave.[29] This composition reflected engineered demographic patterns under Soviet nationalities policy, prioritizing titular ethnic majorities in non-autonomous rayons while containing irredentist pressures within designated oblasts.Ethnic tensions emerged regionally in the late 1980s amid the Karabakh movement, as Armenian authorities in the Armenian SSR advanced claims to Nagorno-Karabakh starting in late 1987, prompting petitions and unrest by February 1988, but these did not extend to secessionist actions in Jabrayil itself prior to Azerbaijan's independence declaration on August 30, 1991.[30][31] The district maintained administrative continuity until the USSR's dissolution, avoiding direct involvement in the initial waves of interethnic violence concentrated in Nagorno-Karabakh proper.[32]
Independence, War, and Occupation (1991–2020)
Following Azerbaijan's independence from the Soviet Union on August 30, 1991, Armenian separatist forces in Nagorno-Karabakh, backed by Armenia, intensified military operations to seize control of the region and adjacent territories, leading to the First Nagorno-Karabakh War (1988–1994).[33] In 1993, amid political instability in Azerbaijan, Armenian armed forces captured seven districts outside Nagorno-Karabakh, including Jabrayil on August 23, displacing the entire Azerbaijani population of the district.[1][2]The occupation of Jabrayil resulted in the forced expulsion of approximately 76,600 Azerbaijani residents, contributing to over 600,000 internally displaced persons and refugees across Azerbaijan from the conflict.[34] This displacement aligned with patterns documented in international reports as ethnic cleansing, involving the systematic removal of Azerbaijani civilians from occupied areas to alter demographic composition.[35] Armenian claims of self-defense were advanced to justify territorial gains, yet these actions violated Azerbaijan'ssovereignty over internationally recognized territory.[33]The United Nations Security Council responded with resolutions condemning the occupations, including Resolution 853 (July 29, 1993), which demanded withdrawal from districts like Agdam preceding Jabrayil's capture, and Resolution 874 (October 14, 1993), extending demands to recently occupied areas including Jabrayil, reaffirming the illegality under international law.[36] Resolution 884 (November 12, 1993) further urged compliance, highlighting threats to regional peace from non-withdrawal.[36] Despite these, Armenian forces maintained control, establishing a de facto administration while ignoring calls for troop pullback.Over the subsequent 27 years of occupation until 2020, Armenian forces inflicted extensive destruction on Jabrayil's infrastructure: the district city, four settlements, and 92 villages were razed, with cultural heritage sites including mosques and historical monuments deliberately demolished or looted.[4][37] Over 2,000 museum exhibits and immovable artifacts were destroyed, per assessments of vandalized sites.[38] Factories faced systematic looting, agricultural lands were abandoned and mined, preventing any civilian return and evidencing intent to render the area unusable, as corroborated by internally displaced persons' testimonies and post-occupation surveys.[1] These acts contravened Geneva Conventions on occupied territories, prioritizing Azerbaijani empirical accounts over Armenian narratives lacking independent verification.[39]
Liberation and the Second Karabakh War (2020)
The Second Karabakh War erupted on September 27, 2020, when Armenian forces shelled Azerbaijani positions along the line of contact, prompting Azerbaijan to launch a counteroffensive to restore its territorial integrity over districts occupied since 1993, in line with UN Security Council resolutions such as 822 (1993) demanding withdrawal from occupied areas including Jabrayil.[40] Azerbaijani forces employed advanced tactics, including swarms of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) like Turkish Bayraktar TB2 and Israeli loitering munitions, which conducted precision strikes to neutralize Armenian air defenses and armored units, enabling ground advances with reduced exposure to enemy fire.[41] These operations minimized Azerbaijani casualties through standoff capabilities, contrasting with Armenian reliance on static defenses and Soviet-era equipment that proved vulnerable to targeted destruction.[42]On October 4, 2020, Azerbaijani troops captured Jabrayil city, the administrative center of the district, marking the first such liberation in the war and breaching Armenian lines along the Hadrut-Füzuli axis through coordinated dronereconnaissance, artillery barrages, and infantry maneuvers.[43] This success stemmed from UAVs identifying and striking command posts and supply routes, forcing Armenian retreats without prolonged urban combat in the largely depopulated city, which had been under occupation for 27 years.[44] Azerbaijani command emphasized proportionality, with strikes focused on military targets to limit civilian harm, as evidenced by the absence of reported Azerbaijani attacks on non-combatants in Jabrayil itself, unlike Armenian ballistic missile strikes on Azerbaijani rear areas that killed dozens of civilians elsewhere.[45]Armenian authorities alleged Azerbaijani war crimes, including indiscriminate strikes, but these claims, often amplified by partisan sources, lacked substantiation from impartial bodies like the International Criminal Court, which has not issued indictments related to Jabrayil operations despite subsequent filings by Armenian groups focused on broader 2020-2023 events.[46] Azerbaijani advances continued methodically, leveraging real-time drone intelligence to exploit gaps, resulting in Armenian forces abandoning positions with minimal verified civilian casualties in the recaptured zone.[47]The war concluded with a trilateral ceasefire agreement on November 10, 2020, brokered by Russia, affirming Azerbaijan's control over Jabrayil and other liberated territories without territorial concessions or external peacekeeping impositions altering the outcome.[40] This pact halted hostilities after Azerbaijan's capture of Shusha, solidifying sovereignty restoration through military efficacy rather than negotiation, as Armenian forces withdrew from southern districts including Jabrayil.[48]
Governance and Administration
Administrative Structure
The Jabrayil District is administered at the rayon level by the District Executive Authority, led by a head appointed by the President of Azerbaijan and headquartered in the city of Jabrayil, which functions as the central administrative hub coordinating district-wide governance.[49] This authority oversees local policy implementation, public services, and coordination with municipal units.The district's hierarchical organization includes the Jabrayil city municipality and subordinate rural municipalities aligned with major villages, such as Mehdili and Chaylı, handling localized administration including community services and infrastructure maintenance.[1]Post-liberation in the Second Karabakh War on October 4, 2020, state institutions were re-established, including operational departments of the State Security Service to ensure internal security and order.[50] Plans for an ASAN public service center were announced in 2024 to centralize delivery of government and private sector services for residents.[51]Border security was prioritized with the State Border Service reinforcing controls along the district's western frontier with Armenia and southern boundary with Iran, thereby regaining full sovereignty over these segments of Azerbaijan's state border.[52][4]
Post-Liberation Governance
Following the liberation of Jabrayil on October 20, 2020, President Ilham Aliyev established direct oversight through the appointment of a special representative to coordinate governance, reconstruction, and stability measures in the district alongside Gubadli and Zangilan.[53] Vahid Hajiyev was designated as the special representative, tasked with implementing state policies for administrative restoration, infrastructure development, and enforcement of sovereignty, including monitoring resettlement and service provision.[54] This structure ensures alignment with national constitutional principles, emphasizing territorial integrity and centralized authority to prevent disruptions in the post-occupation phase.[55]To enforce law and order, Azerbaijani authorities redeployed police units to Jabrayil's city center shortly after liberation, relocating the district police department on November 12, 2020, to establish on-site presence and integrate local security with national frameworks.[56] This redeployment supported stability by facilitating rapid response to potential threats and aiding civilian returns, with chiefs of police stationed directly in the liberated urban core to oversee daily operations and border-area patrols.[57]The Great Return State Program, approved by Aliyev on November 16, 2022, for 2022–2026, drives policy implementation for population reintegration, focusing on housing allocation, utility connections, and administrative services to former internally displaced persons (IDPs).[58] In Jabrayil, this has involved phased resettlements, such as the first group of 36 families (117 individuals) on September 26, 2024, followed by 53 families (198 people) on July 22, 2025, with returnees receiving keys to newly constructed homes and access to national identity systems for residency registration.[59] These efforts prioritize sovereignty by verifying Azerbaijani citizenship for participants, deploying social services, and linking local governance to Baku's oversight via the special representative's office, which coordinates aid distribution and monitors compliance to minimize irregularities.[60]
Demographics
Population Changes
In the 1989 Soviet census, Jabrayil District had a population of 49,156.[61][62]Occupation by Armenian forces on August 23, 1993, resulted in the complete displacement of the Azerbaijani inhabitants, reducing the resident population to effectively zero until 2020.[4]Liberation occurred on October 20, 2020, during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War, with repopulation initiating in 2021 via the Great Return program, which relocates former internally displaced persons to rebuilt settlements.[63][64]By February 2025, 1,346 people (312 families) had resettled in Jabrayil city, alongside returns to district villages such as Horovlu, where 1,395 individuals were scheduled by end-2024.[65][66]Phased returns persisted into 2025, including 42 families (205 people) to the city in February, 53 families (198 people) in July, and 44 families (166 people) later that month, contributing to broader efforts across liberated areas where over 55,000 had returned by October.[67][68][63][69]Official pre-occupation projections estimated a nominal district population of 81,700 as of January 1, 2020, though actual resettlements lag behind due to ongoing reconstruction.[25]
Ethnic Composition and Displacement
Prior to the occupation, the Jabrayil district was overwhelmingly ethnically Azerbaijani, with historical records indicating a negligible Armenian presence in the city itself, numbering only around 10 individuals.[70] The district's population, estimated at over 76,000 in 1993, consisted primarily of Azerbaijani Turks, reflecting the region's longstanding indigenous Turkic-Muslim demographic rooted in its pre-20th-century settlement patterns.[34][4]On August 23, 1993, during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, Armenian armed forces occupied Jabrayil, resulting in the forced displacement of the entire Azerbaijani population as internally displaced persons (IDPs), totaling approximately 76,600 individuals from the district.[34][71] This expulsion effectively homogenized the area under Armenian control, with limited subsequent settlement by Armenians; the territory was primarily exploited for military and economic purposes rather than populated, as evidenced by the destruction of settlements and minimal civilian infrastructure development.[4][72]Following Azerbaijan's recapture of Jabrayil on October 4, 2020, during the Second Karabakh War, the return of Azerbaijani IDPs has progressively restored the district's original ethnic composition through the "Great Return" program.[4] By late 2024, multiple groups of former IDPs—such as 123 individuals on September 30 and 150 on November 7—have resettled in reconstructed areas, with ongoing efforts aiming to repatriate tens of thousands, reversing the demographic alterations imposed during the 27-year occupation.[73][74] No significant Armenian repatriation has occurred, aligning with Jabrayil's status as sovereign Azerbaijani territory outside the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast.[75]
Economy
Pre-Occupation Economy
The economy of Jabrayil District during the Soviet period and early independence era was predominantly agricultural, centered on viticulture, cattle breeding, grain production, and tobacco cultivation.[1][76] In 1988, the district's total sown area reached 24.9 thousand hectares, supporting these sectors through collective and state farms typical of the Azerbaijani Soviet economy.[77]Key agricultural outputs included grapes, with Jabrayil noted alongside Gubadli and Zangilan for significant viticulture contributions in the pre-occupation years.[78] In the 1980s, Jabrayil and adjacent districts—Aghdam, Fizuli, Qubadli, Lachin, and Zangilan—collectively accounted for 13.9% of Azerbaijan's grain production and 25.5% of its livestock output, underscoring the region's role in national food security.[79] Livestock breeding emphasized sheep and cattle, integrated with fodder and grain farming on collective lands.Limited non-agricultural activity existed, including small-scale manufacturing and processing facilities such as five vine processing plants, one winery, one tobaccofermentation plant, one cannery, one dairy, one poultryfarm, and one feed mill.[1] These supported local agricultural value chains, with additional enterprises like a grain elevator and asphalt-concrete plant serving infrastructural needs. Employment was overwhelmingly tied to farming, reflecting the agrarian structure of rural Soviet Azerbaijan, where agriculture comprised around 30% of national GDP through the 1980s.
Impacts of Occupation and Reconstruction Efforts
During the nearly three-decade Armenian occupation of Jabrayil district from 1993 to 2020, extensive destruction occurred, including the complete demolition of 72 secondary schools and 8 hospitals, alongside widespread looting of buildings and infrastructure that halted economic activity and rendered agricultural lands unusable.[13]Armenian forces systematically plundered assets, tearing down houses and exploiting resources, which Azerbaijani officials attribute to deliberate sabotage aimed at preventing post-occupation recovery.[70] To impede reclamation, occupiers laid vast minefields; ANAMA reports indicate that, across liberated territories including Jabrayil, over 218,000 hectares had been cleared of mines and unexploded ordnance by July 2025, with millions of explosive devices neutralized overall, highlighting the scale of this obstructive tactic.[80]Post-liberation reconstruction efforts, initiated immediately after the 2020 Second Karabakh War, have involved substantial state investments exceeding $2.5 billion in 2022 alone for reviving liberated areas like Jabrayil, focusing on infrastructure rebuilding, demining, and economic zones to restore productivity.[81] These initiatives contrast sharply with occupation-era stagnation, enabling the return of displaced populations and agricultural resumption; for instance, cleared lands in Jabrayil have facilitated farming and settlement projects. Budget allocations totaling around $1.3 billion from Azerbaijan's state funds have supported rehabilitation, prioritizing non-oil sector growth in construction and industry. While specific GDP projections for Jabrayil remain integrated into broader regional estimates, national forecasts anticipate sustained non-oil expansion supporting localized recovery, with overall Azerbaijani GDP growth projected at 2-3% annually through 2026, bolstered by such reconstruction.[82]
Cultural and Historical Sites
Notable Landmarks
The Khudafarin Bridges, located along the Aras River in the southern part of Jabrayil District, comprise two medieval structures: a shorter bridge with 11 arches constructed in the 11th century and a longer one with 15 arches built in the 13th century, serving as vital crossings on ancient trade routes.[83][84] These bridges, inscribed on UNESCO's Tentative List of World Heritage Sites, feature robust stone masonry adapted to the river's flow, reflecting Seljuk-era engineering.[83]The Arazboyun Reservoir, situated near the district center, functions as a critical water storage facility for irrigation and local supply, with reinforced concrete works on its second phase—holding approximately 1 million cubic meters—completed in October 2024 to support agricultural revival.[85][86]Jabrayil District encompasses over 120 registered historical monuments, including medieval tombs and ancient settlements, which were documented and preserved under Azerbaijani administration prior to the 1993 occupation, maintaining their integrity as components of the nation's archaeological inventory.[25][1]
Destruction and Preservation During Occupation
During the Armenian occupation of Jabrayil district from August 23, 1993, to October 4, 2020, extensive destruction occurred to urban infrastructure and cultural heritage sites. Satellite imagery documented the ruined state of Jabrayil city, with numerous houses and buildings reduced to rubble, reflecting deliberate neglect and military damage over nearly three decades.[87] The district, spanning 1,050 square kilometers, included 120 historic monuments prior to occupation, many of which were vandalized or demolished.[2]Azerbaijani authorities reported the desecration of five mosques in the district, including their conversion into animal shelters, corroborated by post-liberation video and photographic evidence showing livestock inside prayer halls.[88] The U.S. Department of State confirmed vandalism of Azerbaijani mosques, shrines, and cemeteries in liberated areas, including Jabrayil, with graves desecrated and some robbed.[89]Armenian officials have denied systematic destruction, but on-site footage and satellite comparisons from before and after occupation contradict these claims by illustrating targeted alterations to Islamic sites.[90]Following liberation on October 4, 2020, Azerbaijan launched comprehensive restoration initiatives under the "Great Return" program, reconstructing housing, infrastructure, and cultural sites in Jabrayil city.[75] By 2025, multiple IDP families had resettled in newly built homes, with state funding allocated for rapid rebuilding, including modern amenities and preservation of remaining heritage elements.[58] While UNESCO dispatched a technical mission to Karabakh regions in 2021 for heritage assessment, specific restoration in Jabrayil has primarily relied on national efforts, with tentative listings like the Khudafarin bridges highlighting preserved cross-border sites unaffected by direct desecration.[91][83]
Notable People
Political and Military Figures
Lieutenant General Mais Barkhudarov commanded the Azerbaijani Army Corps that played a central role in liberating Jabrayil city and surrounding villages from Armenian occupation on October 4, 2020, during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War.[4][92] Barkhudarov, who had previously demonstrated leadership in the 2016 Nagorno-Karabakh clashes, coordinated intense tank battles and counter-offensive operations in the Jabrayil direction, contributing to the recapture of strategic heights and settlements.[93]Lieutenant General Hikmat Mirzayev, as commander of Azerbaijan's Special Forces, directed ground operations that facilitated the rapid advance and liberation of Jabrayil on the same date, earning direct commendation from PresidentIlham Aliyev for the unit's effectiveness in overcoming fortified enemy positions.[94] Mirzayev's forces executed precision maneuvers to secure the district center after 27 years of occupation, integrating special operations with broader army corps efforts.[95]Kamal Hasanov has served as head of the Jabrayil District Executive Authority since April 2016, overseeing local governance and administrative functions, including post-liberation recovery initiatives in the district.[96][97] In this role, Hasanov has coordinated with central government bodies on infrastructurerehabilitation and resettlement efforts following the 2020 military victory.[98]
Cultural Figures
Sabir Ahmadli (1930–2011), born in Jabrayil, was a prominent Azerbaijani writer and journalist recognized as a People's Writer for his contributions to post-World War II prose and depictions of Soviet-era societal shifts.[99][100] He joined the Azerbaijan Writers' Union in 1955, published his first book in 1961, and produced 16 novels—such as Measure of the World (Dunyanın arşını) and Sign on the Slope (Yamaçda nişan)—along with over 50 short stories exploring themes of rural life, historical trauma, and events like Black January 1990.[101] Ahmadli's works drew from his upbringing in the district's villages, emphasizing authentic portrayals of Azerbaijani experiences amid modernization and conflict precursors.[102]Jabrayil's cultural heritage includes ties to classical Azerbaijani poetry through figures like Molla Veli Vidadi (1709–1809), an 18th-century poet who taught at a mosque complex in the district city, influencing local literary traditions rooted in ethical and mystical themes.[38] While not native to the region, Vidadi's pedagogical presence contributed to early folklore dissemination, blending with Jabrayil's oral storytelling in ashug minstrel styles that preserved epic narratives and moral tales predating 20th-century occupation.[103]
Controversies and Debates
Legality of Occupation and International Response
The occupation of Jabrayil district by Armenian forces, initiated in August 1993 during the First Nagorno-Karabakh War, was deemed a violation of international law through multiple United Nations Security Council resolutions that condemned the seizure of Azerbaijani territories beyond Nagorno-Karabakh and demanded immediate withdrawal of occupying troops.[36]United Nations Security Council Resolution 822 (30 April 1993) expressed concern over hostilities and called for withdrawal from Kelbajar district, establishing the framework applied to subsequent occupations like Jabrayil.[104] Resolution 853 (29 July 1993), adopted amid further territorial gains by Armenian forces, reaffirmed the demand for unconditional withdrawal from all recently occupied areas, including those bordering Jabrayil, while upholding Azerbaijan's sovereignty and territorial integrity.[105] Resolutions 874 (14 October 1993) and 884 (12 November 1993) extended these imperatives, linking cessation of hostilities to phased disengagement from occupied districts and condemning violations of cease-fires that facilitated the entrenchment of control over Jabrayil.[106][107]Armenia's persistent non-compliance with these resolutions, which remained unimplemented for over 25 years despite their legally binding nature, underscored a failure to restore the status quo ante as required under international norms prohibiting the acquisition of territory by force.[108] The OSCE Minsk Group, co-chaired by the United States, Russia, and France and established in 1992 to mediate resolution, advanced proposals like the 2007 Madrid Principles advocating staged withdrawal from the seven occupied districts surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh—including Jabrayil—as a prerequisite for broader negotiations, yet these efforts collapsed due to Armenia's refusal to vacate positions without preconditions and the absence of coercive mechanisms to enforce compliance.[109] This diplomatic stasis persisted until Azerbaijan's military operations in 2020, which recaptured Jabrayil on 4 October, prompting the Minsk Group's dissolution in 2025 amid recognition of its ineffectiveness in addressing the occupation.[110]Global reactions emphasized condemnation of the occupation while prioritizing Azerbaijan's territorial integrity, with the United Nations General Assembly and other forums repeatedly invoking the 1993 resolutions to affirm the illegality of Armenia's control over Jabrayil.[111] The European Parliament, in joint statements and resolutions, acknowledged the occupation of Azerbaijani lands like Jabrayil and deplored actions reinforcing it, such as infrastructure projects in disputed areas, urging adherence to international law without endorsing Armenia's claims to the territories.[112] Post-liberation, international observers, including from Muslim-majority states, framed Azerbaijan's actions as aligned with UN demands for withdrawal, though enforcement gaps highlighted systemic challenges in multilateral responses to prolonged occupations.[113]
Environmental and Humanitarian Legacy
The environmental legacy of the occupation in Jabrayil encompasses widespread landmine and unexploded ordnance contamination, which has impeded land rehabilitation, agricultural resumption, and ecological restoration. During the nearly three-decade occupation by Armenian forces, extensive minefields were laid, particularly along former frontlines, rendering vast areas hazardous and contributing to soil degradation and restricted biodiversity recovery. A 2022 UNEP scoping mission to conflict-affected regions, including liberated territories like Jabrayil, identified chemical pollution in water sources and deforestation linked to wartime quarrying and mining activities, though episodic and not always visibly acute.[16][114]Demining efforts by the Azerbaijan National Agency for Mine Action (ANAMA) have made incremental progress, with operations in liberated districts including Jabrayil neutralizing thousands of explosive devices annually. In the week ending October 27, 2025, ANAMA teams detected and destroyed 143 anti-personnel mines, 83 anti-tank mines, and 5,498 unexploded ordnances across these territories, underscoring ongoing risks despite clearances exceeding 140,000 hectares nationwide by late 2025. Armenian-provided minefield maps, submitted in 2021, have proven only 25% accurate for Jabrayil and adjacent regions, complicating operations and drawing criticism for exacerbating contamination persistence. Azerbaijani authorities and analysts attribute this inaccuracy to deliberate withholding of precise data, a claim supported by post-liberation victim patterns predominantly involving Armenian-laid devices.[115][116][117]Humanitarian repercussions persist through civilian mine casualties and psychological trauma among internally displaced persons (IDPs) returning to Jabrayil. Since liberation in October 2020, at least 289 Azerbaijanis have been victimized by mines in liberated areas, with Jabrayil among the most affected districts due to dense Armenian fortifications. These incidents, often involving farmers and returnees venturing into uncleared zones, represent 51% of victims entering prohibited areas per ANAMA data, highlighting inadequate awareness and mapping failures. State initiatives, including settlement reconstruction for IDPs—targeting 30 communities by end-2025—address housing and livelihoods, while the International Committee of the Red Cross supports mine survivor reintegration through vocational training and prosthetics as of 2024.[118][119][120]Psychosocial programs tackle displacement-induced trauma, such as loss of social networks and poverty, though comprehensive evaluations remain limited. Azerbaijani government frameworks prioritize IDP returns with infrastructure incentives, yet challenges like persistent mine threats delay full repopulation. International observers note that media coverage has disproportionately emphasized Azerbaijani actions over Armenian mine-laying scale, potentially understating humanitarian burdens in districts like Jabrayil.[121][120]