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Mare clausum

Mare clausum (Latin for "closed sea") denotes a body of navigable water, such as a sea or ocean, claimed under the exclusive jurisdiction of a single nation and closed to navigation or use by others.^[1]^[2] This concept stands in opposition to mare liberum ("free sea"), which posits that the oceans are open to all states for commerce and navigation.^[3] The doctrine gained prominence in the early modern period amid European maritime rivalries, particularly through Spanish and Portuguese assertions of dominion over Atlantic and Indian Ocean waters under papal bulls like the 1493 Inter caetera, which divided newly discovered seas between the Iberian powers.^[4] English jurist John Selden formalized and defended mare clausum in his 1635 treatise Mare Clausum seu de dominio maris ("The Closed Sea, or Concerning the Dominion of the Sea"), arguing via natural law, historical precedent, and biblical references that seas adjacent to land could be appropriated like territory, countering Dutch scholar Hugo Grotius's 1609 Mare Liberum.^[5]^[6] Selden's work specifically bolstered British claims to sovereignty over surrounding waters, including fishing rights in the North Sea, amid tensions with the Dutch over trade routes and resources.^[4] Though mare clausum justified territorial claims in practice—such as narrow coastal belts now recognized as territorial seas under modern international law like the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea—the broader application to high seas waned due to empirical failures in enforcement against rival navies and the causal advantages of open access for global commerce, favoring mare liberum principles for international waters.^[7] Selden's arguments, while influential in 17th-century polemics, highlighted tensions between sovereignty and utility, with lasting echoes in disputes over exclusive economic zones.^[8]

Conceptual Foundations

Definition and Etymology

Mare clausum is a doctrine in international law positing that specific seas or portions of the ocean fall under the exclusive sovereignty and jurisdictional control of a single nation, thereby excluding free navigation or exploitation by other states.^[2] This principle contrasts with mare liberum, which advocates for open access to the seas for all nations, and historically justified claims over enclosed or adjacent waters, such as straits, bays, or regional seas dominated by coastal powers.^[9] The term originates from Latin, where mare means "sea" and clausum means "closed" or "enclosed," forming the phrase "closed sea" in its literal New Latin construction. The earliest documented English usage appears in 1652, coinciding with translations of key treatises defending national maritime dominion, though the concept predates this in Iberian and other European legal arguments from the 16th century.^[10] This etymological root underscores the doctrine's emphasis on enclosure and proprietary rights over fluid oceanic domains, drawing from Roman law traditions of dominium (ownership) applied to territorial waters.^[10]

Core Principles of Sovereignty over Maritime Spaces

The doctrine of mare clausum rests on the principle that sovereignty over land extends to adjacent maritime spaces, affirming that coastal states hold exclusive dominion over bordering seas as a natural prolongation of territorial authority. This concept, often summarized as "the land dominates the sea," posits that maritime areas immediately contiguous to a nation's coastline fall under its jurisdiction for purposes of defense, navigation regulation, and resource exploitation, thereby justifying restrictions on foreign access.^[11] Early assertions of this principle drew from customary practices where states treated nearby waters as integral to their security, contrasting with broader claims of open seas by limiting sovereignty to zones under effective coastal oversight.^[12] A key delimitation of such sovereignty involves territorial waters, historically extending approximately three nautical miles (or one marine league) from the low-water mark along the coast, based on the practical range of defensive artillery or navigational control. Within this belt, the coastal state exercises complete jurisdiction, including the power to exclude foreign vessels, regulate fisheries, and enforce customs, treating the area as an extension of internal sovereignty akin to bays or harbors.^[12] This limit, while variable in practice—such as England's extension to four leagues under the Hovering Act of 1736—served to balance national claims against the impracticality of indefinite oceanic control.^[12] Sovereignty claims further rely on effective occupation, requiring demonstrable acts of control such as naval patrols, fortification of promontories, or monopolization of fisheries to manifest intent and capacity over the space.^[11] Complementing this is the principle of prescription, under which prolonged, peaceful, and uncontested usage of maritime areas ripens into legal title, mirroring modes of land acquisition through immemorial possession.^[12] These principles underpinned historical assertions over "king's chambers" between coastal headlands or specific straits, where unchallenged dominance established exclusionary rights without necessitating universal applicability to all seas.^[12]

Historical Origins

Iberian Claims in the Age of Discovery

During the late 15th century, as Iberian powers initiated transoceanic exploration, Portugal and Spain developed doctrines asserting exclusive sovereignty over designated maritime spaces, aligning with mare clausum principles of enclosed seas subject to national dominion. Pope Alexander VI's bull Inter caetera, issued on May 4, 1493, granted Spain perpetual dominion over all lands and seas discovered or to be discovered west of a line 100 leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, provided they were not under Christian rule, thereby extending territorial claims to oceanic expanses based on papal authority and the right of discovery.^[13] This followed Spain's sponsorship of Christopher Columbus's 1492 voyage and aimed to resolve overlapping claims, though it initially disadvantaged Portugal's African and Asian routes.^[14] Portugal, leveraging its earlier voyages under Prince Henry the Navigator and Bartolomeu Dias's 1488 rounding of the Cape of Good Hope, protested the bull's imbalance, prompting negotiations that culminated in the Treaty of Tordesillas on June 7, 1494. The treaty relocated the demarcation line 370 leagues west of Cape Verde, allocating seas and lands east—including the Atlantic approaches to Africa, the Indian Ocean, and routes to Asia—to Portugal, while granting Spain the western hemisphere, encompassing the Americas and, implicitly, the Pacific Ocean.^[14] Ratified by both monarchs in 1495, this agreement reinforced mare clausum by prohibiting navigation, fishing, or trade by other powers in these zones without consent, grounded in effective possession through exploration and papal sanction.^[15] Portugal rigorously enforced its Indian Ocean claims through naval armadas and fortified enclaves, requiring non-Portuguese vessels to secure cartazes—official passes—for passage and trade, under penalty of seizure or destruction. Afonso de Albuquerque's campaigns exemplified this: capturing Hormuz in 1507 to control Persian Gulf access, Goa in 1510 as a regional headquarters, and Malacca in 1511 to dominate Malayan Strait spice flows, establishing a network that by 1515 controlled key chokepoints and excluded rivals like the Ottoman Empire and emerging European competitors.^[16] These actions, supported by over 20 royal factories and a fleet of 200-300 ships annually by mid-century, demonstrated causal linkages between maritime closure, military projection, and economic monopoly, yielding revenues from customs duties exceeding 1 million cruzados yearly.^[17] Spain extended mare clausum to the Pacific, renamed "South Sea" after Vasco Núñez de Balboa's 1513 sighting and Ferdinand Magellan's 1521 crossing, patrolling it as a closed domain via Manila galleons from 1565 onward. Following Miguel López de Legazpi's colonization of the Philippines, Spanish forces repelled intruders, including English privateers like Thomas Cavendish in 1587, enforcing exclusivity over Acapulco-Manila trade routes that transported silks and spices worth millions of pesos annually, with naval squadrons maintaining control until the 18th century.^[18] This policy, invoking papal bulls and continuous occupation, treated the ocean as an appendage to territorial holdings, limiting foreign access to licensed ports and justifying armed interdiction of unauthorized shipping.^[19]

Role of Papal Bulls and Early Treaties

Papal bulls from the mid-15th century provided the initial religious and legal foundation for Iberian assertions of exclusive sovereignty over maritime routes. Pope Nicholas V's Romanus Pontifex, issued on January 8, 1455, granted King Afonso V of Portugal exclusive rights to navigate, conquer, and trade in regions south of Cape Bojador along the African coast, effectively closing those waters to other Christian powers without Portuguese consent.^[20] This bull built on the earlier Dum Diversas of 1452, authorizing the perpetual subjugation of non-Christians and reinforcing Portugal's monopoly on Atlantic exploration southward.^[21] These decrees justified Portugal's control over sea lanes to Africa as a divine grant, predicating territorial claims on discovery and papal patronage rather than open access.^[22] Complementing the bulls, early bilateral treaties delineated maritime spheres between Portugal and Castile. The Treaty of Alcáçovas, signed on September 4, 1479, ended hostilities by recognizing Portuguese dominion over the Azores, Madeira, Cape Verde islands, and exclusive rights to conquer and trade south of the Canaries along Africa's coast, while affirming Castile's hold on the Canary Islands.^[23] This agreement marked the first explicit division of Atlantic maritime zones, establishing precedents for state-enforced exclusivity over oceans adjacent to claimed territories.^[24] The convergence of papal authority and diplomacy peaked with Pope Alexander VI's Inter Caetera bull of May 4, 1493, which drew a demarcation line 100 leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde islands, assigning patronage over western lands and seas to Spain while preserving Portugal's eastern claims.^[13] Ratified and adjusted by the Treaty of Tordesillas on June 7, 1494, this shifted the line to 370 leagues westward, granting Portugal the eastern route to Asia—including sovereignty over the Indian Ocean—and Spain the western hemisphere, with implied dominion over the Pacific.^[25] Papal confirmation via Julius II's bull Ea quae pro bono pacis in 1506 further validated these divisions, embedding mare clausum principles in international practice by prioritizing Iberian discoveries and exclusive navigation rights.^[26] These bulls and treaties collectively shaped the doctrinal basis for mare clausum, portraying oceans not as common heritage but as appanages tied to land conquests and trade monopolies, sustained by the era's fusion of spiritual and temporal power.^[27] Portugal enforced this through naval patrols and licensing, excluding rivals from eastern seas, while Spain applied analogous claims westward, though later theorists like Seraphim de Freitas would systematize the arguments.^[28]

Key Theoretical Contributions

John Selden's Mare Clausum (1635)

John Selden's Mare Clausum seu de dominio maris libri duo (The Closed Sea, or Concerning the Dominion of the Sea in Two Books), published in London in 1635, articulated a systematic legal and historical case for the sovereignty of states over adjacent maritime spaces, challenging the doctrine of universal freedom of the seas. Authored by the English jurist and antiquarian John Selden (1584–1654), the work drew on biblical exegesis, Roman law, and precedents from antiquity to argue that seas, like land, could be occupied and dominated through effective possession, prescription, and historical usage rather than remaining perpetually common property incapable of appropriation.^[8]^[29] Selden positioned his treatise as a rebuttal to Hugo Grotius's Mare Liberum (1609), which had asserted that the high seas were res communis (common to all) by natural law, immune to exclusive dominion due to their fluid, unbounded nature.^[30] Composed circa 1618 amid Anglo-Dutch tensions over fishing rights in the North Sea, the manuscript was suppressed for over a decade, likely to avoid provoking the Dutch Republic during periods of alliance against Spain, and only released with royal endorsement from Charles I in 1635 to bolster England's naval and commercial assertions.^[31] The first book systematically dismantled Grotius's core premises by analogizing the sea to other elements—such as rivers, lakes, and even portions of the air—demonstrating through classical authorities like Ulpian and Justinian that fluid bodies were not inherently unoccupable under natural or civil law. Selden invoked permissive natural law, which allowed human improvement and control over nature's gifts, supported by examples of ancient maritime dominions, including Roman claims over the Mediterranean and Carthaginian control of the Strait of Gibraltar. He further contended that divine law, as interpreted from Genesis and Jewish traditions, endorsed territorial appropriation to prevent chaos, rejecting Grotius's reliance on a strict interpretation of communal access.^[29]^[8] The second book applied these principles to England's specific claims, compiling historical evidence from Roman invasions under Julius Caesar (55–54 BCE), Saxon conquests, and medieval customs to establish prescriptive sovereignty over the "British Seas," encompassing waters within a sixty-mile radius of the coasts, where England could regulate navigation, fisheries, and tolls. Selden cited documentary records, such as charters from King Edgar (r. 943–975) asserting naval supremacy and enactments under Edward III (r. 1327–1377) prohibiting foreign fishing without license, to demonstrate continuous exercise of dominion predating modern challenges.^[4] This empirical grounding in state practice differentiated Selden's approach from abstract natural law theorizing, emphasizing causal efficacy: effective control and defense against interlopers conferred legitimate title, akin to land tenure.^[32] The treatise's publication catalyzed diplomatic repercussions, with the Dutch States General protesting it as a threat to their herring fisheries and trade freedoms, prompting rebuttals and negotiations that influenced the 1651 Navigation Act under the Commonwealth. While not immediately codifying universal law, Mare Clausum fortified English state practice in enforcing closed-sea doctrines, underpinning claims to salute the royal standard in adjacent waters and contributing to the secular evolution of sovereignty concepts in early modern international relations by prioritizing historical possession over universalist ideals.^[30]^[26]

Seraphim de Freitas' De Iusto Imperio Lusitanorum Asiatico (1625)

Seraphim de Freitas (c. 1570–1633), a Portuguese Dominican friar, theologian, and professor of canon law at the University of Valladolid, authored De Iusto Imperio Lusitanorum Asiatico as a defense of Portugal's imperial dominion in Asia.^[33] Published in Valladolid by Jerónimo Morillo in 1625, the two-volume treatise systematically refuted claims of universal freedom of navigation and trade, particularly those advanced by Dutch interests amid their incursions into Portuguese-controlled routes.^[34] Freitas drew on canon law, Roman civil law, and just war doctrine to assert that seas could be legitimately closed to outsiders under specific conditions of prior acquisition and sustained control.^[35] The work directly countered Hugo Grotius' Mare Liberum (1609), which argued that the oceans were res communis immune to sovereign appropriation and open to all nations for navigation and fishing.^[36] Freitas contended that Grotius' natural law interpretation overlooked historical and positive law bases for dominion, insisting instead that natural law permitted civil laws and treaties to regulate maritime spaces where effective jurisdiction existed.^[35] He emphasized Portugal's justum bellum against Muslim powers in the Indian Ocean, framing their conquests as lawful recovery of Christian rights disrupted by Ottoman expansion, thereby justifying exclusionary control over trade lanes from the Cape of Good Hope to the Malabar Coast and beyond.^[37] Central to Freitas' thesis was the doctrine of mare clausum applied regionally: Portugal's prior discovery and navigation of Asian waters since Vasco da Gama's voyage in 1498 established prescriptive title, reinforced by papal bulls like Inter Caetera (1493) and the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494), which divided non-Christian lands and seas between Portugal and Spain.^[38] He argued that effective occupation—through fortified ports, naval patrols, and licensing systems for Asian rulers—converted potential common spaces into proprietary domains, analogous to Roman law's allowance for states to claim adjacent seas via imperium.^[35] Foreign interlopers, such as the Dutch, violated these titles by piracy and unlicensed trade, warranting Portuguese reprisals as acts of self-defense rather than aggression.^[36] Freitas distinguished universal high seas freedom from localized closures, allowing innocent passage for non-competitive purposes but prohibiting rival commerce that undermined Portugal's monopoly, which he quantified as deriving from over a century of exclusive spice trade revenues funding further explorations.^[37] While the treatise gained limited contemporary traction outside Iberian circles—partly due to its dense scholastic style and the ongoing Twelve Years' Truce (1609–1621) between Spain-Portugal and the Dutch Republic—it anticipated John Selden's broader Mare Clausum (1635) by prioritizing empirical possession over abstract liberty.^[28] Modern scholars note its reliance on Eurocentric papal authority, which clashed with emerging Protestant critiques of universal jurisdiction, yet praise its causal linkage of discovery, treaty, and enforcement as foundational to territorial sea claims.^[33]

Major Debates and Oppositions

Confrontation with Hugo Grotius' Mare Liberum

Hugo Grotius's Mare Liberum, published in 1609, advanced the principle that the high seas are res communis—common property open to all nations for navigation and trade—drawing on natural law arguments that rejected claims of exclusive dominion by any state, a thesis originally drafted to defend Dutch East India Company seizures of Portuguese ships and challenge Iberian monopolies in Asian waters.^[39] This work implicitly undermined doctrines of mare clausum by analogizing seas to air or unclaimed lands incapable of appropriation, prioritizing freedom over sovereignty to facilitate emerging commercial powers' access to global routes.^[40] Portuguese theologian-jurist Seraphim de Freitas mounted an early rebuttal in De Iusto Imperio Lusitanorum Asiatico (1625), contending that Portugal's discoveries, papal bulls like Inter Caetera (1493), and sustained naval enforcement established legitimate imperium over Indo-Asian sea lanes, directly refuting Grotius's denial of such rights by emphasizing prescriptive acquisition through occupation and just war against non-Christian resistance.^[41] Freitas argued that Grotius's universalist view ignored historical precedents of enclosed seas under Roman and medieval control, framing Dutch incursions as violations of Portugal's mare clausum derived from effective dominion rather than mere transit rights.^[41] John Selden's Mare Clausum (1635), composed around 1618 but delayed by censorship until King Charles I's approval amid Anglo-Dutch tensions, provided the most systematic English counter to Grotius, asserting that maritime spaces adjacent to territories could be subject to sovereignty via historical possession, continuous use, and analogies to landed property under natural law.^[4] Selden critiqued Mare Liberum's rejection of dominion by citing ancient examples—like Roman control of the Mediterranean as Mare Nostrum—and biblical precedents, while defending England's exclusionary rights over the British Seas to curb Dutch herring fisheries, which he viewed as economic predation enabled by Grotius's doctrines.^[30] Though not an explicit line-by-line refutation, Selden's treatise elevated mare clausum as a viable alternative, influencing Stuart naval policy and later bilateral claims.^[8] This intellectual clash, rooted in 17th-century rivalries between Dutch traders and Anglo-Iberian interests, exposed fault lines in applying land-based sovereignty to fluid maritime domains, with Grotius favoring open access for commerce and opponents prioritizing state control for security and resource exclusivity.^[42] Pro-mare clausum advocates like Freitas and Selden privileged empirical precedents of enclosure over Grotius's abstract universalism, though the debate's resolution awaited pragmatic state practices rather than pure theory.^[9]

Anglo-Dutch Fishery Conflicts and Legal Arguments

In the early 17th century, tensions over fishing rights in the North Sea escalated between England and the Dutch Republic, primarily due to the Dutch dominance in herring fisheries conducted in waters adjacent to English coasts. Dutch vessels, leveraging advanced techniques like gutting and salting herring at sea, annually dispatched fleets of up to 3,000 ships that fished extensively off England's eastern shores, generating significant revenue estimated at over 1 million guilders per year by the 1620s. England viewed this as an encroachment on its resources, prompting assertions of sovereignty under the mare clausum doctrine to impose licenses and taxes on foreign fishermen.^[43]^[44] King James I formalized English claims in a 1609 proclamation asserting dominion over "the British seas" extending approximately 10 leagues (roughly 30 to 60 nautical miles) from the coast, requiring all foreign vessels to obtain licenses for fishing or navigation, with violators subject to seizure. Enforcement began in 1616 when James dispatched warships to demand compliance, resulting in temporary Dutch payments of taxes but also resistance, including the 1617 arrest of an English customs official by Dutch fishermen off Scotland, which sparked a diplomatic crisis. These measures built on earlier domestic efforts, such as the 1604 parliamentary act encouraging English fishing through bounties and restrictions on foreign imports during Lent. The Dutch largely disregarded the proclamations, citing prior treaties like the 1496 Magnus Intercursus, which implicitly allowed reciprocal fishing access, and arguing that seas beyond cannon shot (about 3 miles) lay outside any state's control.^[44]^[43] English legal arguments rested on historical possession and the capacity of states to exercise dominion over adjacent waters akin to land territories. Proponents, including privy councillor Robert Cecil, invoked civil law principles and precedents from medieval English kings such as Edward II, Henry V, and Henry VII, who had levied tolls on foreign shipping and claimed jurisdiction over the English Channel and North Sea approaches up to 100 miles in some interpretations. John Selden's Mare Clausum (manuscript completed around 1618, published in 1635 under Charles I) provided the era's most systematic defense, contending that seas were not inherently incapable of appropriation; rather, they could be dominated through occupation, prescription, and effective control, as demonstrated by Britain's ancient naval power and treaties acknowledging its authority, such as those with Denmark involving Sound tolls. Selden refuted the notion of seas as infinite res communis by analogizing to Roman law on rivers and lakes, emphasizing fisheries as a bounded, renewable domain subject to sovereign regulation for stewardship and revenue.^[44]^[43] Dutch counterarguments, articulated by Hugo Grotius in Mare Liberum (published 1609, though written earlier), rejected mare clausum as incompatible with natural law, asserting that the sea's vastness and fluid nature precluded exclusive ownership or restrictions on fishing and trade, which were rights common to all humanity. Grotius, advising Dutch delegations in 1610 and 1618, drew on classical authorities like Ulpian and historical examples of open navigation, dismissing claims of dominion as feudal relics unsubstantiated by universal practice. Under Charles I, England revived enforcement in the 1630s using Ship Money-funded fleets to seize Dutch vessels and sell licenses, prompting Dutch warships to blockade distribution in 1637; these actions heightened maritime rivalry, contributing to the economic grievances underlying the First Anglo-Dutch War (1652–1654), where English forces targeted Dutch fishing convoys.^[44]^[43]

Evolution in International Law

Influence on Bilateral Treaties and State Practice

The doctrine of mare clausum significantly shaped bilateral treaties by enabling coastal states to assert sovereignty over adjacent waters, often negotiating tolls, passage rights, or exclusive resource access with foreign powers in lieu of unrestricted navigation. In the Danish Straits (Øresund, Great Belt, and Little Belt), Denmark-Norway maintained a claim of dominion from the medieval period, enforcing Sound Dues on transiting vessels as an exercise of mare clausum. These tolls, levied based on cargo value and vessel type, were regulated through successive bilateral treaties with maritime states including England, the Netherlands, and Hanseatic cities, which fixed rates and exemptions while implicitly recognizing Danish jurisdictional control over the straits as internal or closed waters.^[45] ^[46] Venice exemplified mare clausum in the Adriatic Sea, treating it as the Gulf of Venice under exclusive dominion since the 13th century, requiring foreign ships to lower sails, fire salutes, and obtain licenses for fishing or trade. This practice influenced bilateral diplomatic exchanges, such as the 1478 request by Holy Roman Emperor Frederick III for passage permissions, and agreements with neighboring Italian states and Ottoman authorities that acknowledged Venetian sovereignty in exchange for regulated access, thereby embedding closed-sea claims into interstate pacts.^[40] ^[47] John Selden's Mare Clausum (1635) reinforced English state practice by justifying sovereignty over seas encircling Britain, leading to enforcement via naval patrols and licensing for fisheries, which pressured bilateral negotiations with rivals like the Dutch Republic. Post-Anglo-Dutch conflicts, treaties such as the 1609 Truce of Antwerp indirectly addressed these claims by affirming limited foreign trading rights while preserving British assertions of dominion, influencing subsequent pacts that balanced exclusive coastal control with reciprocal privileges.^[32] ^[28] In broader state practice, mare clausum underpinned customary acceptance of territorial seas beyond mere bays, as seen in Genoa's claims over the Ligurian Sea and Sweden's over the Gulf of Bothnia, where bilateral fisheries and toll agreements delimited zones of exclusion. These arrangements persisted into the 19th century, with Denmark's 1857 abolition of Sound Dues via multilateral treaty compensating for foregone sovereign revenues, evidencing how closed-sea doctrines had normalized negotiated bilateral concessions over absolute freedom.^[48] ^[46]

Transition to Codified Frameworks like UNCLOS (1982)

The shift from absolutist mare clausum doctrines to modern international law reflected growing consensus on balancing coastal state sovereignty with navigational freedoms, influenced by expanding state practice and technological advances in maritime capabilities. By the 19th century, customary international law had largely rejected unlimited closed sea claims, favoring a narrow territorial sea limited by the "cannon shot" rule—typically 3 nautical miles (nm)—beyond which high seas freedoms applied, as evidenced in bilateral treaties and arbitral decisions like the 1909 North Atlantic Fisheries case between the United States and Britain.^[40] This evolution was driven by naval powers' insistence on open access for trade and fisheries, marginalizing Selden's expansive dominion arguments in favor of Grotian principles, though coastal states continued asserting resource controls through practice.^[49] Post-World War II resource nationalism prompted unilateral extensions of territorial claims, with over 50 states declaring seas beyond 3 nm by the 1970s, alongside emerging exclusive fishing zones, necessitating multilateral codification to resolve conflicts. The First United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS I) in 1958 produced four conventions affirming a 3 nm territorial sea standard (with some flexibility to 12 nm) and high seas freedoms, but these failed to halt expansive claims amid decolonization and offshore oil discoveries.^[50] UNCLOS II in 1960 yielded minimal progress, highlighting the need for comprehensive reform; by UNCLOS III (1973–1982), debates incorporated hybrid elements, allowing limited "closure" for economic purposes while rejecting full sovereignty over vast areas.^[51] The 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), adopted on December 10, 1982, and entering into force on November 16, 1994, marked the culmination of this transition by establishing zoned regimes: a territorial sea up to 12 nm with innocent passage rights (partial clausum for security but open navigation), an exclusive economic zone (EEZ) extending to 200 nm granting sovereign rights over resources (echoing controlled access akin to historical claims), and free high seas beyond. Unlike pure mare clausum, UNCLOS prioritized global commons principles, influenced by mare liberum but accommodating state practice through EEZ provisions that effectively "close" zones to foreign exploitation without impeding transit.^[52] Its deep seabed regime initially faced resistance from industrialized states over equitable resource sharing, leading to 1994 Implementation Agreement modifications for market-oriented adjustments, underscoring pragmatic adaptations over ideological purity.^[51] Today, 169 parties adhere to UNCLOS, though non-signatories like the United States recognize much of it as customary law, reflecting the doctrine's dilution into a framework tempering sovereignty with interdependence.^[53]

Modern Applications and Territorial Claims

Territorial Seas and Exclusive Economic Zones

The territorial sea, extending up to 12 nautical miles from a coastal state's baselines, grants the coastal state sovereignty over the waters, seabed, subsoil, and airspace, akin to sovereignty over its land territory, subject to the right of innocent passage for foreign vessels.^[54] This zone embodies a limited application of mare clausum principles, permitting exclusive national control for security, resource exploitation, and regulation while incorporating safeguards for international navigation to prevent absolute closure.^[55] The 12-nautical-mile limit, standardized in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) effective from 1994 following its 1982 adoption, resolved earlier disputes over varying claims, such as the historical three-mile versus broader assertions, by balancing coastal authority with global passage rights.^[54]^[56] Beyond the territorial sea lies the exclusive economic zone (EEZ), spanning up to 200 nautical miles, where coastal states hold sovereign rights primarily for exploring, exploiting, conserving, and managing natural resources, including fisheries, minerals, and energy production in the water column, seabed, and subsoil.^[57] Unlike the full sovereignty of the territorial sea, EEZ jurisdiction does not extend to prohibiting navigation, overflight, or laying submarine cables and pipelines by other states, preserving high seas freedoms in these respects and rejecting comprehensive mare clausum over the broader area.^[57] This framework, codified in UNCLOS Part V, emerged from 1970s negotiations amid expanding coastal claims for offshore resources, such as the 1970 U.S. proclamation of a 200-mile fishery zone, representing a partial evolution of closed-sea doctrines focused on economic stewardship rather than outright territorial dominion.^[49] EEZ enforcement has involved state practices like fishery patrols and licensing, with over 90% of coastal nations claiming such zones by 2023, though disputes arise when overlapping claims, as in the Arctic or Indo-Pacific, test the limits of resource exclusivity against navigational freedoms.^[58]^[56]

State Practice in Enforcing Closed Sea Doctrines

Portugal and Spain pioneered enforcement of closed sea doctrines following the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, which divided oceanic spheres of influence along a meridian 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, granting each exclusive dominion over designated seas.^[40] Portugal patrolled the Indian Ocean from bases like Goa, compelling vessels to obtain cartazes—official passes authorizing navigation and trade—while seizing unauthorized ships, as exemplified by the 1603 capture of the Dutch vessel Santa Catarina in the Strait of Singapore for violating these restrictions.^[16] ^[59] This naval enforcement, backed by superior armadas, aimed to monopolize spice routes and exclude rivals, sustaining the doctrine until challenges from Dutch and English interlopers eroded it by the mid-17th century.^[17] Denmark maintained a longstanding mare clausum over Baltic Sea access through the Sound Dues (Øresundstold), imposed from 1426 until their abolition in 1857, requiring ships transiting the Øresund strait to pay tolls calculated on cargo value or vessel size, with non-payment leading to detention or confiscation.^[48] Control was exercised via fortified castles like Kronborg and naval squadrons that inspected and taxed up to two-thirds of Europe's maritime trade, generating revenues equivalent to 40% of Denmark's state budget by the 18th century and effectively asserting sovereign dominion over the straits despite diplomatic protests from powers like England.^[47] This practice persisted through treaties granting exemptions to select allies, underscoring reliance on geographic choke points for enforcement rather than expansive high-seas claims.^[46] England applied closed sea principles domestically, particularly in fisheries, where from the late 16th century, royal edicts restricted foreign vessels in waters adjacent to British coasts, culminating in seizures of Dutch herring busses during the 1630s under Charles I's invocation of Selden's Mare Clausum to justify sovereignty over the North Sea and English Channel.^[44] Enforcement involved naval patrols arresting over 100 Dutch ships annually in peak disputes, imposing fines or bonds for future compliance, though inconsistent application and Anglo-Dutch wars limited long-term success.^[60] Similar assertions extended to blocking foreign passage in the Irish Sea and requiring licenses for trade, reflecting a pragmatic blend of proprietary rights and security motives.^[30] In contemporary practice, echoes of mare clausum appear in assertions over enclosed or semi-enclosed seas, such as Canada's 1985 declaration of straight baselines enclosing the Arctic Archipelago, treating the Northwest Passage as internal waters subject to full sovereignty and requiring foreign vessels to seek permission for transit.^[61] Enforcement includes coast guard patrols monitoring unauthorized entries, as during the 1985 U.S. Polar Sea voyage that prompted the baselines, and legislative mandates for licensing whaling or pollution controls in these zones since 1906.^[62] While UNCLOS permits innocent passage in territorial seas, Canada's position prioritizes environmental and security regulation, with RCMP detachments extending law enforcement to Arctic waters as of 2024.^[63] Such measures contrast with high-seas freedoms but align with bilateral agreements, like the U.S.-Canada 1988 Arctic cooperation pact, allowing limited transits under protest.^[64]

Achievements and Criticisms

Benefits for National Security and Resource Stewardship

The doctrine of mare clausum enabled coastal states to assert sovereignty over adjacent waters, thereby enhancing national security by restricting unauthorized foreign naval access and facilitating defensive patrols. In 17th-century England, claims advanced by John Selden in his 1635 treatise Mare Clausum justified supreme authority over surrounding seas, allowing the Royal Navy to enforce order, demand flag salutes from foreign vessels, and deter potential invaders through legal and military precedence rooted in historical precedents like Roman maritime control.^[32] This control extended to levying tolls on passage through channels such as the English Channel, generating revenue that bolstered naval capabilities and economic resilience against rivals like the Dutch Republic.^[32] Such sovereignty also permitted exclusion of enemy fleets during conflicts, as evidenced by King James I's 1609 assertions over coastal waters, which underpinned broader maritime defense strategies amid Anglo-Dutch rivalries.^[32] By treating seas as territorial extensions, states could regulate smuggling, piracy, and espionage more effectively than under open-sea principles, aligning with arguments for "safety through laws" articulated by jurists like John Boroughs in 1633.^[32] In terms of resource stewardship, mare clausum provided mechanisms for exclusive management of fisheries and marine assets, averting the tragedy of unregulated exploitation inherent in mare liberum. England's claims allowed licensing of foreign fishermen and imposition of taxes, as implemented by James I in 1609 along English and Irish coasts, preserving stocks for domestic use and generating fiscal benefits to support sustainable practices.^[32] This exclusivity enabled coastal authorities to impose quotas and regulations without interference, fostering long-term viability of resources like herring fisheries central to the Anglo-Dutch disputes of the 17th century.^[65] The doctrine's emphasis on dominion facilitated stewardship by treating seas as proprietary domains, where states could prioritize conservation over open-access depletion, a principle echoed in Selden's defense of English rights to adjacent waters for economic self-sufficiency.^[65] Historical outcomes included reduced foreign overfishing pressures, allowing for replenishment and controlled harvesting that aligned with national interests in food security and trade.^[65]

Drawbacks Including Trade Restrictions and Imperial Overreach

The enforcement of mare clausum by Iberian powers in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans imposed severe trade restrictions, channeling all commerce through monopolistic institutions like Spain's Casa de Contratación, established in 1503 to regulate transatlantic trade exclusively via Seville.^[66] This system mandated licenses for navigation and trade, prohibiting foreign vessels and limiting colonial exports to specified goods, which resulted in chronic shortages, inflated prices, and widespread smuggling by Spanish colonists desperate for unregulated access to European goods.^[67] Smugglers, often colluding with foreign interlopers from England, France, and the Netherlands, evaded duties that reached up to 20-30% on imports, undermining official revenues and fostering corruption within the Casa's bureaucracy by the mid-17th century.^[68] Portugal's analogous policy in the Indian Ocean, asserting sovereignty over sea lanes via papal grants and cartaz licensing from 1505 onward, similarly restricted non-Portuguese shipping, but enforcement proved futile against determined competitors.^[69] Dutch incursions by the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC), founded in 1602, systematically dismantled Portuguese forts and trade posts, capturing key nodes like Malacca in 1641 and transforming the region from a closed monopoly to competitive mare liberum by the 1660s, which accelerated Portugal's economic decline as spice revenues plummeted from dominance to marginal shares.^[70] These restrictions not only stifled broader European mercantile expansion but also encouraged piracy and illicit trade networks, diverting potential legal commerce into shadowy economies that eroded the monopolists' fiscal base. England's adoption of mare clausum principles, articulated in John Selden's 1635 treatise to claim dominion over the North Sea and fisheries, exacerbated trade frictions and precipitated imperial overreach through naval confrontations.^[30] The Navigation Acts of 1651, enforcing preferential English shipping, directly sparked the First Anglo-Dutch War (1652-1654), where combined naval and mercantile losses—estimated in millions of pounds for disrupted convoys—offset short-term gains in fishery licensing, while Dutch resilience in global trade routes prolonged economic strain on Britain's treasury.^[71] Subsequent wars (1665-1667, 1672-1674) further illustrated overextension, as maintaining exclusionary patrols over vast maritime zones demanded unsustainable expenditures on shipbuilding and squadrons, diverting resources from domestic development and provoking alliances against English pretensions. In broader terms, mare clausum doctrines facilitated imperial overreach by presupposing indefinite naval supremacy, yet historical practice revealed enforcement costs often exceeding benefits, as seen in Spain's flota system requiring annual armed convoys that, despite protecting silver shipments averaging 20 million pesos annually in the 16th century, failed to halt contraband flows equivalent to 30-50% of official trade by the 1700s.^[72] Such policies bred resentment among excluded powers, catalyzing shifts toward mare liberum frameworks that prioritized mutual economic gains over zero-sum enclosures, ultimately rendering closed-sea claims diplomatically and fiscally untenable without commensurate military dominance.^[73]

Contemporary Controversies

South China Sea Disputes and Neo-Mare Clausum Claims

The South China Sea disputes center on overlapping territorial and maritime claims by China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and Taiwan, primarily involving the Spratly and Paracel Islands, Scarborough Shoal, and surrounding waters covering approximately 3.5 million square kilometers. China asserts sovereignty over nearly 90% of the area via its "nine-dash line," a demarcation originating from a 1947 Republic of China map that evolved into claims of historic rights predating modern international law, effectively treating the region as subject to exclusive Chinese jurisdiction akin to a neo-mare clausum doctrine.^[74] ^[75] This stance prioritizes unilateral historical entitlement over codified rules, enabling control over fisheries, hydrocarbon resources estimated at 11 billion barrels of oil and 190 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, and strategic sea lanes handling one-third of global maritime trade.^[76] China's neo-mare clausum claims conflict with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), ratified by China in 1996, which establishes exclusive economic zones (EEZs) extending 200 nautical miles from baselines and guarantees freedom of navigation beyond territorial seas. Beijing maintains that historic rights supersede UNCLOS provisions in the South China Sea, rejecting requirements for innocent passage or transit rights for foreign warships without prior notification or approval, positions that echo closed-sea exclusivity but lack explicit endorsement in the treaty.^[77] ^[78] In practice, China has enforced these through maritime militia vessels, coast guard interdictions, and demands for foreign militaries to seek permission, as evidenced by repeated challenges to Philippine resupply missions at Second Thomas Shoal since 2023.^[76] On July 12, 2016, a tribunal constituted under UNCLOS Annex VII in the Philippines v. China arbitration ruled unanimously that China's nine-dash line exceeds permissible maritime zones, invalidates historic rights incompatible with EEZs, and deems features like Mischief Reef as low-tide elevations incapable of generating territorial seas.^[79] ^[78] China boycotted the proceedings and rejected the award as "null and void," arguing it violated sovereignty and was politically manipulated, a position reiterated by Foreign Minister Wang Yi on the ruling's ninth anniversary in July 2025.^[80] ^[81] Despite non-binding status, the decision has bolstered claimants like the Philippines in bilateral talks and international forums, though enforcement remains limited absent multilateral action. To operationalize its claims, China has dredged and militarized artificial islands since 2013, constructing over 3,200 hectares of land reclamation across seven Spratly outposts, including Fiery Cross Reef, equipped with airstrips, radar, missile systems, and harbors capable of hosting destroyers.^[82] ^[76] By 2025, satellite imagery confirmed ongoing expansions, with potential dredging at Scarborough Shoal signaling intent to extend militarized control.^[83] ^[84] These bases facilitate power projection, including harassment of fishing vessels and patrols enforcing de facto exclusion zones, contrasting with UNCLOS's emphasis on shared resource management. In response, the United States has conducted over 20 Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs) since 2015 to challenge excessive claims, such as USS Halsey's May 2024 transit near the Paracels and an August 2025 operation at Scarborough Shoal, asserting rights under international law without recognizing sovereignty.^[85] ^[86] Allies including Australia and Japan have joined patrols, while ASEAN nations pursue code-of-conduct negotiations stalled by China's insistence on bilateral resolutions.^[87] These disputes underscore tensions between neo-mare clausum assertions and open-seas principles, with empirical risks of escalation evident in over 100 incidents of vessel ramming and water cannon use reported by the Philippines in 2024 alone.^[88] The principle of freedom of navigation, enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) adopted on December 10, 1982, establishes rights for all states to conduct innocent passage through territorial seas—extending up to 12 nautical miles from baselines—and to exercise freedoms of navigation, overflight, and related activities in exclusive economic zones (EEZs) up to 200 nautical miles, subject to coastal state resource management but without interference beyond specified limits.^[54] ^[89] Article 19 of UNCLOS defines non-innocent passage as activities prejudicial to the peace, good order, or security of the coastal state, such as weapons exercises or intelligence gathering, allowing coastal states to regulate but not prohibit transit except in narrow straits under transit passage rules.^[54] These provisions reflect a customary international law consensus favoring open access to mitigate historical enclosure tendencies, with over 160 states parties to UNCLOS by 2023 affirming the framework despite non-ratification by major naval powers like the United States, which adheres to most navigation-related articles as customary law. Mare clausum doctrines, originating in 17th-century arguments like John Selden's Mare Clausum (1635) for British dominion over adjacent seas, posit sovereign exclusivity over maritime domains, enabling states to bar foreign navigation or impose unilateral controls akin to territorial sovereignty.^[90] This contrasts sharply with UNCLOS's calibrated balance, as mare clausum permits denial of passage rights without the reciprocity or proportionality required under innocent passage regimes, potentially treating seas as closed domains for national security or economic monopoly.^[91] Historically, such claims fueled 16th- and 17th-century Iberian assertions over Atlantic and Indian Ocean routes under papal bulls like Inter Caetera (1493), which divided oceans between Spain and Portugal, prompting Dutch and English challenges that elevated Grotius's Mare Liberum (1609) as a counter-doctrine prioritizing universal access.^[40] Contemporary tensions emerge when coastal states exceed UNCLOS bounds by demanding prior approval for warships in territorial seas—contrary to Article 18's automatic right to innocent passage—or by designating EEZ security zones that curb military navigation, reviving mare clausum exclusivity under guises of national defense.^[92] For example, since the 1980s, dozens of states have enacted domestic laws requiring notification or authorization for foreign naval transits, which the U.S. Department of Defense has challenged via over 300 freedom of navigation operations (FONOPs) annually by 2022 to protest such restrictions as violations of customary freedoms. These practices erode the high seas freedoms outlined in UNCLOS Article 87, fostering disputes where resource-rich or strategically vital areas see coastal assertions prioritizing sovereignty over global commons, as evidenced in analyses of post-UNCLOS claim proliferation that undermine trade routes handling 90% of world commerce by volume.^[93] Such conflicts highlight mare clausum's latent incompatibility with navigation principles, as absolute claims risk escalatory responses without the doctrinal restraints of innocent passage or EEZ accommodations.^[90]

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