Picard language
Picard is a minority Romance language classified within the Oïl branch of the langues d'oïl, closely related to but distinct from standard French, and spoken primarily in the Hauts-de-France region of northern France and adjacent areas of Wallonia in Belgium.[1][2] Originating from Vulgar Latin with influences from Frankish Germanic substrates, it features distinct phonetic, lexical, and grammatical traits, such as the preservation of certain Latin vowels and unique verb conjugations, setting it apart from neighboring varieties.[1] With an estimated 200,000 to 700,000 speakers—predominantly elderly individuals—the language faces severe endangerment, as intergenerational transmission has sharply declined since the mid-20th century due to the dominance of French in education, media, and administration.[1][2] Despite a rich medieval literary heritage, including works like the Mystère de Saint Quentin, Picard lacks a unified orthography and official recognition in France, where it is frequently dismissed as a mere patois, though it holds regional language status in Belgium's French Community, supporting limited cultural and educational initiatives.[1][2] This precarious vitality underscores broader challenges for France's regional tongues amid centralized linguistic policies favoring French standardization.[2]
Linguistic Classification and Historical Origins
Classification as a Langue d'Oïl
The langues d'oïl constitute the northern branch of the Gallo-Romance languages, encompassing varieties derived from Vulgar Latin spoken primarily in northern France, southern Belgium, and adjacent regions, and unified by shared innovations including the affirmative particle öil (from Latin hoc ille, meaning "yes"), which contrasts with the òc of southern Gallo-Romance (langues d'oc).[3] These languages form a dialect continuum marked by gradual phonological shifts, such as palatalization of Latin /k/ and /g/ before front vowels (e.g., Latin cattus > chat "cat"), and retention of certain Latin case remnants in pronouns, distinguishing them from more southern Romance varieties influenced by different substrate effects.[4] Picard aligns with this classification through its geographic core in the historical Picardy region (northern France and Hainaut, Belgium), where it exhibits oïl-specific traits like the evolution of Latin ille to il (masculine definite article) and eul (feminine), alongside verb conjugations reflecting northern Gallo-Romance patterns, such as simplified past participles compared to standard French.[2] Linguistic analyses confirm Picard's inclusion via isoglosses shared with neighbors like Walloon and Norman, including front rounded vowels (e.g., /ø/, /œ/) absent in central French but typical of the oïl continuum.[5] Unlike Franco-Provençal varieties to the east, which show transitional features toward Arpitan, Picard lacks significant Alpine substrate influences and adheres to the oïl phonological inventory.[4] Historical evidence from 12th-century texts, such as the Chanson de Roland variants and Picard oaths (e.g., the 1174 alliance treaty between Philip Augustus and Flemish lords), demonstrates early attestation of oïl morphology, with Picard scribes using forms like öil explicitly, solidifying its non-dialectal status within the group rather than a mere patois of Francien French.[6] The French Ministry of Culture officially categorizes Picard among eight other langues d'oïl (e.g., Norman, Poitevin-Saintongeais) as a distinct "langue de France" since its 1990s policy framework, rejecting reductive views of it as corrupted French and emphasizing its independent evolution.[5] This recognition counters earlier 19th-century linguistic ideologies that marginalized oïl varieties outside Francien as dialects, a bias evident in exclusion from petitions like the 1870 Charter for Regional Languages. Despite internal variation, Picard's oïl affiliation persists in modern sociolinguistic studies, which document vitality in rural enclaves through features like interrogative inversion retained from medieval oïl (e.g., Vins-tu? "Did you come?"), absent or altered in standardized French.[7] Peer-reviewed assessments affirm that while standardization pressures have converged Picard toward French since the 20th century, core classificatory markers—rooted in 9th-11th century Vulgar Latin divergence—remain empirically verifiable via comparative reconstruction.[4]Etymology of Key Terms like "Ch'ti"
The term "Ch'ti," a colloquial designation for the Picard language and its speakers, particularly in the Nord-Pas-de-Calais region, originated during World War I among French soldiers from non-Picard areas who mimicked the local pronunciation of the French word petit ("small"), rendered in Picard as something approximating "ch'ti" due to characteristic phonetic shifts like palatalization of /p/ to /ʧ/ and elision.[8] This mocking imitation by poilus (frontline infantrymen) from southern or central France highlighted regional accent differences amid the war's mixing of troops, evolving into a broader slang label for northern dialects and people by the interwar period.[8] Variants like "chtimi" or "ch'timi" extend this, with "mi" possibly echoing affectionate or diminutive suffixes in local usage, though the core derives from that wartime phonetic caricature rather than endogenous Picard self-designation.[9] The name "Picard" for the language stems from its primary association with Picardy (Picardie), a historical region in northern France where it predominated from medieval times; the regional toponym "Picardy" itself traces to Old French picard, denoting a "pike-bearer" or warrior equipped with the pic (pike, a pointed spear-like weapon), reflecting the martial reputation of inhabitants in conflicts from the 12th century onward. First attested around 1300, "Picard" as an ethnonym and linguistic label distinguished speakers of this langue d'oïl variety from those of neighboring dialects, with the term solidifying by the 14th century to encompass the speech of Picardy and adjacent areas like parts of Artois and Hainaut.[10] Unlike "Ch'ti," which carries informal, external connotations, "Picard" emerged endogenously as a geographic-linguistic identifier, tied to feudal territories under Capetian rule by the 13th century.[11] Other regional endonyms, such as "rouchi" (used in Valenciennes and nearby areas), derive from Old French roux ("red" or "russet"), possibly alluding to soil color, reddish hair prevalence, or local textile dyes, but lack the widespread adoption of "Picard" or the popularized stigma of "Ch'ti."[12] These terms underscore Picard's dialectal continuum, where nomenclature varies by locale—e.g., "picard" in Somme department versus "ch'ti" farther north—without a unified autonym historically imposed by speakers themselves.[3]Evolution from Vulgar Latin to Medieval Picard
The Picard language, as a member of the langue d'oïl group, traces its origins to the Vulgar Latin varieties spoken in northern Gaul, particularly in the regions of modern-day Picardy and adjacent areas under Roman administration from the 1st century BCE onward.[13] During the Roman period, Vulgar Latin—the everyday spoken form diverging from classical Latin—gradually displaced indigenous Celtic languages like Gaulish, incorporating limited substrate influences such as phonetic shifts or lexical borrowings, though the core lexicon and grammar remained Romance.[5] By the 4th–5th centuries CE, following the empire's decline, this spoken Latin continued evolving amid political fragmentation, with Frankish conquests introducing a superstrate of Germanic elements, primarily lexical (e.g., words for warfare and governance), but without fundamentally altering the Romance phonological or morphological base.[13] Under Merovingian and Carolingian rule (5th–9th centuries), regional divergences within Gallo-Romance intensified due to geographic isolation and varying degrees of Latin literacy, yet evidence for a distinctly identifiable Picard variety remains limited before the 9th century, as vernacular writing was scarce and early texts reflect a mixed oïl koiné rather than localized norms.[5] Phonological developments common to northern oïl dialects included the reduction of Latin vowel systems (e.g., merger of short/long vowels) and early palatalizations, though Picard-specific traits like retention of certain intervocalic consonants or diphthongizations emerged gradually in spoken forms.[13] Grammatical simplification from Latin cases to analytic structures using prepositions and articles also progressed, mirroring broader Romance trends, with Picard showing heterogeneous features in surviving manuscripts, such as variable article forms and verb conjugations blending shared oïl patterns with local innovations.[5] By the 12th–13th centuries, Old Picard gained visibility in written texts from northern mercantile hubs like Arras and Lille, where it served administrative, poetic, and theatrical purposes, often comprising up to 30% unambiguously Picard elements amid oïl variability.[5] The earliest explicit reference to "langage pic kart" appears in the 1283 Livre Roisin, marking growing recognition of its distinctness, though the label "Picard" likely originated as a Paris-based exonym for northern speakers, carrying pejorative connotations in central French circles.[5] Lusignan argues that medieval Picard thrived in urban contexts of counties like Flanders and Hainaut, functioning as a sociolect of trade and literature rivaling Francien, but without a codified standard, leading to its eclipse by central French prestige forms after economic shifts around 1400.[14] This period solidified Picard's medieval profile, with literary output including epics and mysteries, before standardization pressures marginalized it.[13]Geographic Extent and Internal Variation
Primary Speaking Regions in France and Belgium
Picard is primarily spoken in the Hauts-de-France region of northern France, encompassing the departments of Aisne, Nord, Oise, Pas-de-Calais, and Somme.[3][2] This area corresponds to the historical provinces of Picardy, Artois, and parts of French Flanders, where dialects such as those around Amiens (central Picard) and Lille (Ch'ti variant) predominate.[15] The linguistic continuum extends from the Somme valley southward to the borders with Normandy and Île-de-France, though usage has declined due to standardization of French since the 19th century.[9] In Belgium, Picard speakers are concentrated in the western portion of Hainaut province within Wallonia, particularly in districts surrounding Tournai (Tournaisien dialect) and Mons (Borinage and Centre dialects).[16][1] This cross-border extension reflects historical ties across the Franco-Belgian frontier, with Picard varieties blending into adjacent Walloon dialects eastward.[15] Estimates suggest around 200,000 speakers in French Hainaut as of the early 2000s, though intergenerational transmission remains limited.[17]Dialect Continuum and Sub-Dialects
![Aire de répartition du picard][float-right] The Picard language constitutes a dialect continuum across its primary regions in northern France and southern Belgium, where linguistic features transition gradually without abrupt demarcations between varieties. Adjacent local forms remain mutually intelligible, though comprehension decreases with increasing geographic separation, reflecting the continuum's nature typical of regional Romance languages.[1] Sub-dialects of Picard are geographically defined and exhibit variations in phonology, vocabulary, and syntax. Prominent varieties include the Amienois, spoken around Amiens in the Somme department; the Artois dialect in the Pas-de-Calais region near Arras, Béthune, and Lens; the Boulonnais along the coastal areas of Boulogne-sur-Mer; the Santerre in eastern Somme; and the Hainaut variant in the Belgian province of Hainaut near Mons.[18] Additional sub-dialects encompass the Tournaisien near Tournai, Belgium, and the Rouchi around Valenciennes in northern France, often distinguished by substrate influences from neighboring Flemish or Walloon.[19] Further internal differentiation occurs at the micro-dialect level, with local patois or parlés varying by village or commune, contributing to the rich mosaic of Picard speech. Northern varieties, commonly termed ch'ti or chtimi in the Nord department, differ from southern forms in Picardie through features like distinct vowel shifts and lexical preferences, yet all align within the broader Oïl continuum.[6]Influence of Adjacent Languages
The Picard language, primarily spoken in northern France and parts of Belgium, borders regions where Dutch and Flemish varieties prevail, fostering lexical exchanges through historical trade, migration, and border interactions. This proximity has introduced Germanic loanwords into Picard vocabulary, distinguishing it from more central Oïl languages with lesser such influences. For instance, the Picard term wassingue ("dishrag") derives from Dutch wassching ("laundry"), reflecting phonetic adaptation while retaining core semantic ties.[9] Standard French, as the prestige language enveloping Picard-speaking areas, imposes ongoing superstrate effects, including lexical borrowings and grammatical regularization toward Francien norms. This convergence is evident in modern Picard speech, where French terms supplant native forms in formal or urban contexts, accelerating dialect leveling since the 19th century amid centralizing policies. Historical texts show earlier resistance, but post-Revolution standardization amplified French dominance, reducing Picard's distinctiveness.[9] Eastern Picard variants near Walloon-speaking zones exhibit minor mutual influences, though both being Oïl languages limits stark contrasts; shared Romance substrate predominates. Germanic superstrate from Frankish invasions affected all northern Oïl varieties, including Picard, via early vocabulary like terms for warfare and governance, but adjacent Dutch/Flemish contacts amplified localized integrations in western dialects.[9]Phonological and Grammatical Features
Distinctive Phonology Compared to Standard French
Picard exhibits word-initial vowel epenthesis as a systematic phonological process, inserting epenthetic vowels (often schwa or a high vowel) before certain consonant clusters to ensure syllabification and avoid impermissible onsets, applying categorically in some grammatical contexts and variably in others based on linguistic conditioning.[20][21] This contrasts with Standard French, where such epenthesis is absent or limited to specific morphological environments without the same degree of cluster-breaking regularity.[20] In the realm of liquids, the lateral approximant /l/ in Picard is phonologically specified as [coronal], rendering it prone to optional deletion in liquid-glide onsets (e.g., across word boundaries like /ʃe#ljøv/ surfacing as [ʃe.jøv]) due to constraints against coronal clustering in onsets.[22] Conversely, the rhotic /r/ lacks [coronal] specification, promoting its stability through resyllabification, epenthesis, or metathesis rather than deletion (e.g., /gɛɲ#rjɛ̃/ as [gɛ.ɲe.r.jɛ̃]), and it favors the realization of suffixes like the subjunctive morpheme /ʃ/ in coda position more than /l/ does (e.g., [mœrʃ] vs. [bryl]).[22] Standard French treats liquids more uniformly, with /l/ velarizing in codas and /r/ realized as a uvular fricative [ʁ] without the same onset deletion patterns or underspecification-driven asymmetries observed in Picard.[22] These liquid behaviors highlight Picard's greater sonority sensitivity in codas and onsets, where /r/ patterns as more sonorous than /l/, influencing morpheme distribution and cluster resolution in ways divergent from Standard French's prosodic structure.[22] Additionally, across-word regressive assimilation processes, such as voicing or nasal spreading, occur more prominently in Picard, contributing to its rhythmic and segmental distinctiveness from the more liaison-dependent prosody of Standard French.[23]Verb Morphology and Tense Systems
Picard verbs are classified into three conjugation groups, analogous to those in standard French: the first group comprises verbs with a single radical ending in -er (e.g., warder 'to guard'), the second group includes -ir verbs following a model like finit- (e.g., finit 'to finish'), and the third group encompasses irregular verbs with multiple radicals varying by tense (e.g., mintir 'to lie', moérir 'to die').[24] These groups determine the stem and suffixation patterns for person and number marking in finite forms.[24] The tense system relies on a mix of synthetic simple tenses and analytic compound tenses, with a preference for periphrastic constructions over certain synthetic forms found in standard French. Simple tenses include the present indicative (e.g., éj warde 'I guard', tu wardes 'you guard (sg.)', i warde 'he guards' for warder in Amiénois dialect), imperfect, and future, but the passé simple (simple past) is absent or archaic in contemporary usage.[24] [25] Compound tenses predominate for past and future anteriority, formed with the auxiliary avoér ('to have') plus the past participle for most verbs, including transitives, intransitives, and pronominals—deviating from standard French, where être ('to be') serves as auxiliary for verbs of motion or state change (e.g., j'ai wardé 'I guarded'; exceptions like naître 'to be born' may use ête).[24] [26] The plus-que-parfait (j'avoais wardé 'I had guarded'), futur antérieur (j'érai wardé 'I will have guarded'), and even surcomposé forms (j'ai yeu wardé 'I had guarded', emphasizing remoteness) extend this analytic pattern.[24] Moods include the indicative for factual statements, subjunctive for subordination and hypotheticals (present: qu'éj warde 'that I guard'; passé: q'avoé wardé 'that I have guarded'), conditional (j'warderoais 'I would guard'), and imperative.[24] Subjunctive morphology features a morpheme /!/ (realized variably) appended to stems ending in vowels or liquids, influencing syllable codas and morpheme ordering (e.g., 1pl suffix precedes, 3pl follows the subjunctive marker to optimize phonological realization).[27] Unlike standard French, Picard lacks subject-verb inversion in questions (éj pux-ti vnir? 'can I come?') and employs conditional in both protasis and apodosis for hypotheticals (siq al varoait jé l’séroais 'if she saw it, I would know it').[24] Regional variation affects pronoun integration and endings, with dialects like Amiénois using os wardons (1pl present) versus Vimeu no.[24]| Tense/Mood | 1sg | 2sg | 3sg | 1pl (Amiénois) |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Present Indicative (warder) | éj warde | tu wardes | i warde | os wardons |
| Passé Composé | j’ai wardé | tu as wardé | i a wardé | os avoms wardé |
| Subjunctive Present | qu’éj warde | qu tu wardes | qu i warde | qu os wardons |
Nominal and Pronominal Systems
The nominal system in Picard languages features a binary distinction of grammatical gender (masculine and feminine) and number (singular and plural), with no inflection for case, mirroring the analytic structure of other modern langues d'oïl. Nouns themselves remain uninflected, while gender and number are marked through concord with determiners, adjectives, and past participles; for instance, masculine singular nouns typically pair with the definite article li, feminine singular with la, and plural with les, subject to phonological elision before vowels (e.g., l'ome for "the man"). Indefinite articles follow suit as un or yin (masculine singular) and eune (feminine singular). Adjectives agree accordingly, often adding -e for feminine and -s for plural, though some dialects exhibit irregular or suppletive forms retained from medieval stages, such as variable plural marking influenced by adjacent Walloon varieties where proclitic es- may appear on certain nouns or adjectives in liaison contexts.[28] Picard's pronominal system emphasizes clitic pronouns, particularly subject clitics that obligatorily precede finite verbs and function as agreement markers, even in subject-doubling constructions with lexical subjects (e.g., i sont content "they are happy," where i doubles the subject). Unlike standard French, which largely restricts neuter usage to ce/il, Picard varieties maintain a more robust neuter category for impersonal, weather, and existential expressions, especially in subject position. In the Vimeu dialect (Somme department, France), three neuter subject clitic forms occur: ch' (etymologically from Latin eccum via French ce, realized as /ʃ/ before consonants), a (from ça with aspiration), and a null variant (Ø), distributed according to predicate type and phonology.[29] Ch' pairs with nominal predicates (e.g., ch'est un livre "it is a book"), while a/Ø appears with adjectival or verbal predicates (e.g., a soupe "it is hot"; null before mid/low vowels to prevent hiatus, as in Ø est froid "it is cold"). These neuters trigger default masculine singular agreement on associated elements, overriding the gender of any lexical subject (e.g., a feminine noun like la plume yielding masculine grand in a est grand la plume "the pen is big").[29][30] Language revival efforts since the 1980s have introduced variation, with neo-speakers (non-native learners) favoring ille (from French il) over traditional a/ch' in some communities, potentially simplifying the neuter paradigm under French influence, as observed in recordings from traditional speakers versus revival contexts in northern France.[30] Object pronouns lack a dedicated neuter clitic, relying instead on strong forms like o for neuter reference (e.g., j'veux o "I want it [neuter]"), while personal subject clitics include forms like j', t', i (3sg masc), ale (3sg fem), with dialectal shifts such as mi for emphatic "I." Strong pronouns exhibit tonic forms for emphasis or isolation, e.g., moé ("me/I"), toé ("you"), reflecting conservative Oïl traits. This system underscores Picard's interface of phonology, morphology, and syntax, where clitics undergo gemination or deletion in prosodic contexts, as in Vimeu where consonant-final clitics double before vowel-initial verbs.[29][31]Lexical Characteristics
Core Picard Vocabulary and Semantic Fields
The core vocabulary of Picard, rooted in Vulgar Latin substrates shared with other northern Oïl languages, prioritizes terms for daily necessities, rural labor, and interpersonal relations, reflecting the historical agrarian and artisanal economy of its speaking regions. Unlike Standard French, Picard's lexicon exhibits phonetic adaptations such as palatalization and vowel shifts, yielding forms like cose for "thing" or caleur for "heat," which anchor semantic fields related to tangible objects and environmental conditions.[32] These elements form the foundational lexicon, with dialectal variations across zones like Vimeu or Boulonnais introducing minor lexical divergences, such as regional synonyms for tools or produce.[33] In the semantic field of numerals, Picard employs a decimal system with forms closely paralleling Latin origins but adapted phonologically: un or in (masculine one), eune (feminine one), deus (two), troés or tros (three), quate (four), chonc (five), sis (six), sèt (seven), ût (eight), neuf (nine), and dis (ten). Higher cardinals compound similarly, e.g., dous-dis (twenty), maintaining utility for counting livestock or harvests without the vigesimal irregularities of southern French dialects.[34][35] Semantic fields tied to household and habitat emphasize construction and domesticity, drawing from medieval building practices: maison (house), chambre (room), fenétre (window), porte (door), bau (beam), cavron (rafter), and échelles (steps or ladder). Materials like paillotis (wattle and daub) or faitissure (ridge beam) highlight vernacular architecture suited to the region's damp climate and thatched roofs.[36] Agriculture dominates another key semantic domain, given Picard's historical association with arable farming in the plains of northern France and Belgium: champs or chés cans/tchans (fields), patures or campiaches (pastures), kvaus (horses), chl'étchurie (stable), à chuchon (sowing), and aroyer (plowing). Tools and actions include baté (beater for flax), biar (dung), and asméte (harrow), evidencing a lexicon optimized for crop rotation, animal husbandry, and soil management in loamy terrains.[32] This field integrates Germanic loans for implements, underscoring cross-linguistic contacts via trade routes.[37] Basic interpersonal and sensory terms further delineate core usage, such as familie (family), père (father, often pèr in speech), mère (mother, mére), and body-related words like tête (head), yeu (eye), or bouque (mouth), which facilitate everyday discourse while embedding regional phonetics.[38] These fields collectively sustain Picard's viability in informal, context-bound communication, though standardization efforts have cataloged over 1,000 high-frequency equivalents to French for preservation.[39]Borrowings from Dutch, German, and French
Picard, owing to its geographic position in northern France bordering Flemish-speaking regions of Belgium, has incorporated a modest number of loanwords from Dutch (particularly its western dialect, Flemish) into its lexicon, especially in border dialects like those of French Flanders. These borrowings, facilitated by centuries of trade, agriculture, and cross-border migration, appear predominantly in semantic fields such as commerce, nautical activities, and everyday social practices. For example, the term dringaÿe (meaning "tip" or gratuity for service, akin to a drink money) derives from Dutch drinkgeld, illustrating lexical transfer tied to shared economic customs in the Low Countries region.[40] Similarly, expressions reflecting physical actions or idioms show Flemish substrate, such as ess sus dénéqué (literally "on the neck," used idiomatically for urgency or pressure), borrowed from Dutch de nek (neck), highlighting syntactic and lexical blending in contact zones like Gravelines to the Touquet area.[41] Such influences remain localized and do not dominate Picard's core Romance vocabulary, with mutual exchanges noted but Picard-to-Dutch transfers historically more prevalent in Flemish orthography and phonology.[42] Direct borrowings from German into Picard are sparse and largely indirect, mediated through Low German dialects or historical Frankish elements rather than High German. The region's Germanic substrate, inherited from the 5th-century Frankish invasions, contributes broadly to northern Oïl languages like Picard via early superstrate vocabulary (e.g., terms for warfare or governance shared across Romance-Germanic frontiers), but modern German loans are negligible due to limited cultural or economic ties. No substantial corpus of High German-derived words has been systematically documented in Picard lexicography, underscoring that any perceived "German" influence aligns more with pan-Germanic archaic layers common to Dutch and Low German neighbors. This contrasts with stronger Romance-Germanic fusion in Picard's phonology and morphology, where Frankish impacts predate distinct German-Dutch divergence around the 9th century. Borrowings from standard French into Picard intensified from the 17th century onward, coinciding with French centralization under absolutism and the imposition of Parisian norms via education and administration post-Revolution (1789). As the prestige variety, French supplied neologisms and formal terms absent in traditional Picard, leading to lexical hybridization in "Franco-Picard" speech forms prevalent in urbanizing areas. Quantitative analyses reveal Franco-Picard varieties incorporate a higher density of French-derived items—up to 20-30% more in administrative and technical domains—compared to conservative rural idiolects, reflecting diglossia where Picard handles informal, concrete referents while French fills abstract gaps. Examples include adopted terms for bureaucracy (permis, impôt) and technology (téléphone, voiture), often unadapted or lightly phonetically integrated, accelerating since the 20th-century media dominance. This unidirectional flow has contributed to Picard's lexical erosion, with empirical surveys estimating 15-25% of contemporary Picard utterances containing French loans in semi-formal contexts.[5][43]Common Phrases, Numerals, and Idiomatic Expressions
Picard employs a set of cardinal numerals that diverge from standard French, reflecting its distinct phonological and lexical evolution within the langues d'oïl group. For instance, the numbers one through ten are rendered as un (or eune in feminine contexts), deus, troés, quate, chonc, sis, sèt, ût, nué, and dich, respectively.[35] Higher teens compound with dis- (e.g., dis-sèt for seventeen), while decades from thirty onward include forms like trent, quarent, chonquante, sissante, sètante, ûtante, and novante.[35] Dialectal variations exist, such as troés versus tros for three or chonc versus chinq for five, influenced by regional substratal elements.[35]| Number | Picard Form | Standard French Equivalent |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | un/eune | un/une |
| 2 | deus | deux |
| 3 | troés | trois |
| 4 | quate | quatre |
| 5 | chonc | cinq |
| 6 | sis | six |
| 7 | sèt | sept |
| 8 | ût | huit |
| 9 | nué | neuf |
| 10 | dich | dix |