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Problematization

Problematization is a philosophical and analytical technique, prominently developed by Michel Foucault, that examines how historical discourses and practices transform ordinary phenomena or behaviors into explicit "problems" necessitating scrutiny, regulation, or resolution, rather than treating them as inherent or unproblematic features of existence. Central to Foucault's later methodologies, such as genealogy, problematization uncovers the contingent emergence of issues—like madness, sexuality, or governance—within networks of power-knowledge, revealing them as products of specific epistemic regimes rather than universal necessities. This process emphasizes experimentation with thought to disrupt normalized views, influencing fields from social theory to policy analysis by highlighting how problems are not discovered but actively constituted through interpretive frameworks. In qualitative research, it has evolved as a method for generating inquiries by systematically interrogating assumptions embedded in prior scholarship, contrasting with conventional "gap-spotting" approaches that accept established paradigms at face value. While praised for enabling critical distance from dominant narratives, problematization faces for potentially subordinating empirical practices and causal mechanisms to discursive analysis, which some contend fosters perpetual without constructive alternatives or verifiable outcomes. Applications in and interdisciplinary studies have amplified its reach, yet critics note risks of ideological deployment, where routine social arrangements are reflexively framed as oppressive constructs, often aligning with prevailing academic orientations that prioritize over falsifiable explanation.

Definition and Core Concepts

Philosophical Foundations

Problematization emerges as a methodological orientation in late 20th-century , particularly through Michel Foucault's analyses, where it denotes the historical and discursive processes by which phenomena are rendered intelligible as problems demanding intervention, regulation, or ethical reflection. Rather than presupposing fixed essences or universal solutions, this approach interrogates the contingent conditions under which domains such as madness, sexuality, or become "problematized"—that is, constituted as objects of and power. Foucault articulated this in works like (1976), emphasizing that problematization reveals discontinuities in thought, challenging ahistorical views of truth by tracing how practices form what counts as thinkable or governable. A primary philosophical antecedent lies in Friedrich Nietzsche's genealogical critique, which Foucault explicitly invoked to dismantle illusions of timeless norms. In (1887), Nietzsche examined the origins of moral concepts like guilt and ascetic ideals, arguing they arose from contingent historical forces—such as among the weak—rather than rational or divine foundations, thereby "problematizing" their purported universality. Foucault adapted this by integrating power dynamics, viewing not as origin-hunting but as exposing how truths emerge from struggles, as seen in his 1971 essay "Nietzsche, , History," where he described effective history as one that "disturbs the solidity of the past" through fragmentation and difference. This Nietzschean influence underscores problematization's anti-teleological stance, rejecting progressivist narratives in favor of causal multiplicities in knowledge formation. Georges Canguilhem's historical epistemology further buttressed these foundations, providing Foucault with tools to analyze normativity's variability. In The Normal and the Pathological (first published 1943, expanded 1966), Canguilhem contended that medical and scientific norms are not static but evolve through crises where anomalies prompt redefinition of the "normal," as in shifts from humoral to bacteriological pathology in the 19th century. Foucault, who edited Canguilhem's works and dedicated The Birth of the Clinic (1963) to him, extended this to broader discourses, where problematization involves how deviations (e.g., sexual "perversions" post-1870s) are framed as pathologies requiring biopolitical management. This lineage highlights a commitment to empirical historicity over speculative metaphysics, grounding philosophy in verifiable shifts in conceptual thresholds. In essence, these foundations position problematization as a diagnostic rather than prescriptive practice, akin to a philosophical symptomology that uncovers enabling constraints in thought without dissolving into . Deleuze's contemporaneous emphasis on problems as irreducible virtualities— as their creation rather than resolution—complements Foucault, yet the core remains anchored in historical , as evidenced by Foucault's late lectures on (1981–1982), where ancient (truth-telling) exemplifies self-problematization amid power relations. This framework privileges concrete archival evidence over abstract deduction, fostering inquiries into how truths are enacted rather than assumed. Problematization differs from traditional forms of critique, such as those in , by eschewing normative judgments aimed at emancipation or unmasking in favor of descriptively tracing the contingent historical processes through which phenomena become intelligible as problems requiring . In , analysis integrates empirical with prescriptive goals to transform society, often presupposing a distinction between false and true ; problematization, by contrast, operates without such universal norms, emphasizing the specificity of problem formations in practices and thoughts as responses to situational uncertainties rather than revelations of hidden truths. Unlike (), which ideologically critiques language use to expose power asymmetries and promote , Foucault's problematization focuses on the historical of how domains of action lose familiarity and demand reflexive thought, extending beyond linguistic structures to encompass practical and ethical dimensions without inherent commitments to progressive reform. shares some overlap in examining relations but prioritizes archaeological descriptions of discursive formations, whereas problematization actively interrogates the double movement of solutions and their problematizing modalities in lived contexts. Problematization also contrasts with deconstruction, as developed by , which systematically dismantles binary oppositions and metaphysical privileges within texts to reveal aporias and deferrals of meaning, primarily operating at a textual and philosophical level. In contrast, problematization engages historical and practical contingencies, transforming difficulties into thinkable problems through interventions in domains of action, such as sexuality or , without reducing them to linguistic instabilities or logocentric exclusions. Within Foucault's own methodological repertoire, problematization is distinct from but intertwined with and : the former dynamically traces the emergence of relations forming problematizations across temporal discontinuities, while the latter articulates their static, synchronic structures; problematization itself denotes both the historical of problem-formation and the critical of posing such problems to unsettle present assumptions. This specificity avoids the subversive undermining of norms seen in Nietzschean or the vindicatory justification of practices in other historicist approaches, instead enabling responsive reconstructions attuned to .

Historical Development

Pre-Foucauldian Antecedents

, a philosopher and historian of science, developed early formulations of problematization through his historical , emphasizing how scientific and medical concepts emerge as problems within specific historical contexts. In his seminal 1943 work The Normal and the Pathological, Canguilhem analyzed the evolution of norms in biology and medicine, arguing that the pathological does not represent a mere quantitative deviation from the normal but a qualitative rupture in vital values, thereby problematizing fixed notions of and as contingent historical constructs rather than eternal truths. This approach influenced subsequent thinkers by shifting focus from static definitions to the dynamic processes through which phenomena are rendered problematic, including how errors and anomalies in knowledge production drive conceptual shifts. Canguilhem's mentorship of , including supervision of his 1950s doctoral work, directly transmitted these ideas, as Foucault later credited Canguilhem's emphasis on the "formation of concepts" for shaping his analyses of how discourses constitute objects of knowledge. Building on Gaston Bachelard's earlier epistemological breaks (outlined in works like The Formation of the Scientific Mind in 1938), Canguilhem extended problematization to vital phenomena, examining how technical, cultural, and experimental practices rectify concepts over time, prefiguring Foucault's broader application to and subjectivity. Friedrich Nietzsche provided a philosophical precursor through his genealogical , which interrogated the historical contingencies behind moral and cultural norms. In (1887), Nietzsche traced the origins of concepts like guilt, bad conscience, and ascetic ideals to power dynamics and , demonstrating how they arose not from rational necessity but from interpretive struggles, thus challenging their presumed universality and rendering them problematic. This technique of "effective history," as Nietzsche termed it, exposed values as products of forgetting their violent or accidental births, aligning with later problematization by prioritizing causal origins over teleological narratives. While Nietzsche's approach remained tied to individual will to power and critique, it anticipated Foucault's genealogical extensions by emphasizing descent (Herkunft) and emergence (Entstehung) as means to destabilize present truths, influencing Foucault's 1970s shift toward analyzing how practices and institutions constitute domains of experience as problems. Earlier Socratic practices of dialectic in Plato's dialogues (circa 380 BCE), which systematically questioned doxic assumptions to reveal aporiae, offered rudimentary antecedents but lacked the historical-causal depth of modern variants.

Foucault's Formulation

Michel Foucault developed the concept of problematization primarily in his later works during the 1980s, marking a methodological shift from his earlier archaeological analyses of toward a genealogical focus on , subjectivity, and historical contingencies of thought. Problematization denotes the process through which human experiences, behaviors, or phenomena—such as , criminality, or sexual conduct—are transformed into objects of concern, requiring systematic reflection, practices, and forms of . This formulation underscores not inherent problems in reality but the contingent historical emergence of domains that demand intervention, thereby linking , and self-formation. In a May 1984 interview titled "Polemics, Politics and Problematizations," Foucault articulated it as "the development of a domain of acts, practices, and thoughts that seem to me to pose problems for politics," emphasizing that politics responds by elaborating these difficulties rather than resolving them definitively. He applied this to fields like sexuality, where problematization reveals how shared experiential challenges spawn diverse solutions, shaping institutional and ethical frameworks without assuming universal truths. This approach critiques modern tendencies to normalize problems through scientific or administrative means, instead highlighting their openness to alternative responses rooted in freedom and contingency. Foucault operationalized problematization in , Volume 2: The Use of Pleasure (1984), analyzing ethics of sexual behavior as a case where aphrodisia (pleasures) became a deliberate ethical issue rather than a natural imperative. He structured this through four interrelated dimensions: the ethical substance (the material aspects of conduct targeted by ), the mode of subjectivation (how individuals recognize themselves as ethical subjects), the ethical work (practices of self-mastery, such as or askesis), and the (the ultimate aim, like achieving a beautiful existence). This framework illustrates problematization as both a historical event—evident in texts from to —and an analytical verb, enabling inquiry into how uncertainty provokes self-transformation and truth production. Problematization thus serves a dual function in Foucault's oeuvre: as a methodological tool for "thinking problematically" to unsettle taken-for-granted ontologies, and as an object of study tracing the "history of thought" across epochs. In contrast to dialectical negation or symptom interpretation, it prioritizes experimental responses to difficulties, fostering a "history of truth" that avoids relativism by grounding analysis in verifiable discursive and practical shifts. This formulation influenced his lectures at the Collège de France, such as those on The Hermeneutics of the Subject (1981–1982), where it connects ancient self-care practices to modern ethical crises.

Methodological Applications

In Actor-Network Theory

In actor-network theory (), problematization constitutes the initial phase of the translation process, wherein a focal actor articulates the identities, interests, and problems of other entities—both human and non-human—to position itself as an indispensable or "obligatory passage point" through which their objectives can be realized. This process, as delineated by Michel Callon in his 1986 analysis of scallop cultivation efforts in St. Brieuc Bay, , involves the focal actor—such as researchers proposing a larval strategy—redefining the s' "problem" of unpredictable as solvable only via their intervention, thereby attempting to lock in the network's configuration around their devices and expertise. Problematization thus serves not as neutral problem identification but as a strategic maneuver to redefine heterogeneous actors' relations, compelling alignment by framing alternative paths as infeasible. Callon's posits problematization as preceding interessement (securing allies' interests), (roles' acceptance), and (representatives' solidification), forming a sequential yet precarious chain that builds sociotechnical networks. In the St. Brieuc case, researchers problematized fishermen's declining catches and ' biology by proposing collector ropes as a mediator, claiming exclusivity in bridging these elements; however, the network's fragility was evident when scallop larvae failed to attach stably, leading to breakdown. ANT scholars like extend this to emphasize symmetry between human agencies (e.g., policymakers) and ones (e.g., scientific instruments), where problematization reveals not as inherent but as emergent from successful translations that render networks "black-boxed" as stable punctualized entities. Empirical applications in ANT studies, such as those tracing in electric vehicles or systems, underscore problematization's role in contesting established actor alignments, yet critiques note its descriptive emphasis often overlooks exogenous causal constraints, prioritizing relational multiplicity over deterministic mechanisms. For instance, John Law and colleagues highlight how failed problematizations expose networks' to or drift, as actors may redefine interests independently, challenging the theory's assumption of negotiable realities without privileging empirical hierarchies of . This thus encapsulates ANT's constructivist , where phenomena are not pre-given but enacted through contested framings, though its efficacy hinges on verifiable translations rather than rhetorical assertion alone.

In Social Sciences and Cultural Analysis

In the social sciences, problematization functions as a methodological tool for interrogating the discursive and historical processes through which social phenomena are constituted as problems, thereby exposing underlying assumptions and power dynamics rather than accepting them as natural or inevitable. Drawing from Michel Foucault's later works, researchers apply it to trace how issues like madness, sexuality, or governance emerge as objects of concern within specific epistemic regimes, emphasizing contingency over universality. For example, in sociological inquiries, it has been used to analyze how poverty or inequality is framed not as inherent conditions but as artifacts of institutional discourses that render certain behaviors or states pathological. This approach contrasts with positivist methods by prioritizing genealogical reconstruction—detailing the "how" of problem formation—over empirical verification of causes, though critics note its tendency to overlook material factors in favor of interpretive relativism. Cultural analysis employs problematization to deconstruct taken-for-granted cultural norms and artifacts, revealing how they sustain or challenge dominant ideologies. Alvesson and Sandberg (2011) outline its use in generating research by systematically challenging core assumptions in existing literature, such as the presumed rationality of organizational behaviors, leading to alternative theorizations that question idealized models of efficiency or identity. In studies of media and self-improvement texts, for instance, it uncovers how narratives of personal failure in career contexts are problematized to promote individualistic solutions, often masking structural economic constraints documented in labor statistics from the early 21st century onward. Applications in policy-oriented cultural critique, as in poststructural analyses, examine how environmental or health crises are rendered political problems, highlighting shifts in framing from the 1970s onward amid neoliberal reforms. Despite its utility in fostering critical depth, problematization in these fields has drawn scrutiny for amplifying interpretive ambiguity, with empirical studies showing its frequent alignment with institutional biases in academia that favor discursive over causal explanations—evident in the predominance of Foucault-inspired works in humanities departments since the 1980s. Realist scholars argue it risks conflating historical contingency with ontological indeterminacy, potentially undermining evidence-based interventions; for example, quantitative analyses of social mobility data from sources like the World Bank (post-2000 datasets) reveal persistent causal patterns in inequality that problematization alone underemphasizes. Nonetheless, when integrated with mixed methods, it has informed targeted reforms, such as in public health discourse analyses that trace the problematization of epidemics like HIV/AIDS from 1981 onward.

Process and Engagement

Steps in Problematizing Phenomena

Problematizing phenomena entails a deliberate analytical process aimed at disrupting the apparent naturalness of social, ethical, or experiential domains by examining their historical and discursive constitution. In Michel Foucault's framework, this method uncovers how behaviors, practices, or objects of knowledge emerge as "problems" not through inherent properties but via contingent interactions of power, discourse, and thought. The approach emphasizes contingency over universality, revealing how what is taken as self-evident arises from specific historical conditions rather than timeless truths. The initial step involves identifying a domain of action or phenomenon that has undergone a "becoming uncertain," where familiar practices lose their taken-for-granted status due to disruptions such as social upheavals, economic shifts, or political changes; for instance, Foucault traces how ancient Greek ethical concerns with pleasure became problematized in early Christianity through intensified ascetic discourses. Subsequently, thought intervenes creatively to transform these uncertainties into explicit problems, formulating them through reflective practices and discourses that demand solutions; this stage highlights the productive role of rationality in constituting the problem's form, as seen in Foucault's analysis of sexuality, where 19th-century medical and juridical discourses recast pleasures into pathologies requiring regulation. A core methodological phase requires genealogical inquiry into the historical processes of , tracing the of problematized objects via archival examination of texts, institutions, and practices; this reveals abandoned alternatives and the exclusionary mechanisms that solidified particular framings, such as the shift from sovereign power to disciplinary techniques in penal systems. Finally, the culminates in demonstrating the and reversibility of the problematization, fostering critical distance from dominant solutions and inviting consideration of alternative rationalities; Foucault exemplifies this in his late work on , where ancient techniques of the self contrast modern governmental subjectivation, underscoring that problems are not eternal but malleable through ethical reinvention.

Responses and Historical Analysis

In Foucault's conceptualization, responses to a problematization constitute the historical practices, discourses, and institutions that emerge as attempts to resolve or govern the identified difficulties, forming a core element of analytical inquiry. These responses are not mere reactions but creative, contingent constructions that reflect the conditions under which thought operates amid , enabling and potential . As Foucault articulated in a 1984 , problematization "responds to these difficulties, but by doing something quite other than expressing them or manifesting them: in connection with them, it advances an interrogation on the basis of which a certain number of responses can be constructed." This underscores the non-deterministic nature of historical , where responses arise from situational freedoms rather than inevitable causal chains. Historical analysis of responses examines how these solutions intensify or interrupt prevailing patterns of problem-solving, often revealing shifts in domains of experience such as , , and ethics. For instance, the problematization of madness in late 18th-century , amid concerns over reason and social order, elicited diverse responses including Philippe Pinel's clinical reforms in France, which emphasized observation and restraint removal, and William Tuke's at the York Retreat in England, prioritizing humane environment and labor as therapy—both marking a transition from mere exclusion to regulated care. Similarly, in penal practices during the same era, the problematization of crime as a social threat prompted responses like Jeremy Bentham's design, envisioning constant surveillance for self-discipline, alongside broader shifts toward incarceration over , as analyzed in Foucault's (1975). These cases illustrate how responses bundle contingent elements—knowledge, power, and ethics—into historically specific forms, contingent on prior disruptions rather than universal rationality. In the domain of sexuality, historical responses to its problematization evolved from self-cultivation practices, involving moderated pleasures as ethical responses to bodily , to 19th-century medical and discourses that pathologized deviations, constructing sexuality as an object of scientific and moral control. Foucault traced this in (1976–1984), highlighting how Christian pastoral techniques intensified as a response, evolving into modern psychiatric categorizations by figures like , who in (1886) classified anomalies through case studies drawn from legal and medical records. Such analyses reveal responses as "intensifying or interrupting existing patterns," per interpretations of late Foucault, where thought detaches from action to reflect it problematically, fostering freedom in relation to conduct: "Thought is freedom in relation to what one does, the motion by which one detaches oneself from it, establishes it as an object, and reflects it as a problem." This historical lens critiques assumptions of linear progress, emphasizing instead the multiplicity and revisability of responses across epochs.

Criticisms and Philosophical Challenges

Epistemological Relativism

Critics of problematization argue that its method of historicizing epistemic practices and discourses undermines the foundations of objective , engendering epistemological relativism. By treating truth regimes as contingent products of relations rather than anchored in , problematization implies that justification standards vary across historical contexts without a neutral arbiter for superiority, rendering all epistemic claims equally provisional. This approach, rooted in Foucault's and , reveals formation as embedded in specific institutional and discursive constraints, but critics maintain it dissolves distinctions between warranted and mere assertion. Jürgen Habermas, a prominent detractor, charged that Foucault's of validity origins with their historical —central to problematization—leads to a crypto-normative that cannot sustain its own critical standards. Habermas contended in that this historicist reductionism traps truth claims within originating discourses, lacking transcendental criteria for rational , thus performing a self-undermining without universalist grounding. Similarly, Charles Taylor critiqued the method's rejection of universal moral or epistemic horizons, arguing it fosters a radical contingency where no framework escapes arbitrary power imposition, vulnerable to as all truths become "regimes" without hierarchical evaluation. Such , opponents assert, erodes causal by prioritizing interpretive over empirical verification, complicating assessments of phenomena like scientific . For instance, problematization's emphasis on discourse-embedded challenges claims of cumulative truth in fields like physics, where paradigm shifts (e.g., Newtonian to in 1905–1915) are reframed not as approximations to reality but as power-mediated constructs. Critics like Christopher Norris echoed this, noting that discursive constraints limit subject autonomy, rendering problematization's own genealogical assertions susceptible to the same it diagnoses, without recourse to realist . Defenders of Foucault counter that problematization avoids blanket by enabling situated critiques that expose specific power effects without denying truth's efficacy within practices, yet the charge persists due to the method's aversion to . Empirical studies in science and technology studies applying problematization have faced analogous rebukes, as when actor-network analyses equate laboratory facts with social negotiations, blurring ontological distinctions. This epistemological challenge highlights tensions between historicist diagnostics and commitments to invariant causal structures, informing ongoing debates in .

Practical Limitations and Relativism

The application of problematization encounters significant practical hurdles due to its reliance on extended historical rather than empirical testing or predictive frameworks. Foucault's , centered on tracing the emergence of problems through and relations, operates over scales—often centuries of evolving practices—which resists adaptation into concise, actionable tools for scientific or . This temporal breadth, while illuminating , complicates real-time diagnostics of contemporary phenomena, as disruptions in domains of action do not yield straightforward causal mappings but demand creative, interpretive responses that evade . Consequently, scholars report persistent gaps in translating problematization into operational methodologies, where theoretical abstraction fails to bridge to empirical practice or protocols. A core limitation stems from problematization's prioritization of discursive formations over material or behavioral practices, inviting critiques that it underemphasizes tangible causal mechanisms in favor of interpretive . In genealogical pursuits, solutions to "problems" emerge not as direct reflections of exigencies but as situated inventions, rendering origins opaque and evaluation subjective—lacking the self-correcting rigor of scientific epistemologies. This interpretive latitude, while avoiding outright , exposes the approach to distortions in historical , as evidenced by its absence of controlled experimentation akin to scientific standards Foucault himself admired for . Relativism arises as a practical , wherein the relentless historicization of truths as power-immanent constructs erodes anchors for cross-contextual judgment, despite Foucault's insistence on empirical truth-telling (). Critics, including Habermas and Descombes, contend this framework collapses into epistemic by subordinating validity to contingent relations, fostering normative indeterminacy that hampers ethical or policy commitments—e.g., all problematizations risk equivalence without hierarchical criteria for assessment. In practice, such manifests as analytical , where deconstructive insights proliferate without reconstructive traction, selectively applied in academic discourses often aligned with prevailing ideological currents rather than universal scrutiny. This selectivity underscores a methodological : while problematization disrupts "naturalized" states, it seldom furnishes scalable alternatives, limiting its beyond descriptive .

Reception and Contemporary Impact

Academic Influence

Problematization, originating in Michel Foucault's genealogical method, has exerted substantial influence on interpretive and critical approaches within the and sciences, emphasizing the historical construction of phenomena as problems rather than their objective discovery. Foucault's lectures and writings from the 1970s and 1980s, such as those compiled in (1978–1979), positioned problematization as a tool for examining how discourses render everyday practices contestable, influencing fields like history of ideas and . This framework has informed analyses of and , as seen in poststructural that traces how issues like or are framed through governmental practices. In and organizational studies, problematization gained traction as a rigorous alternative to incremental "gap-spotting" in literature reviews, with Mats Alvesson and Jörgen Sandberg's 2011 article in the Academy of Management Review advocating its use to interrogate foundational assumptions and generate novel research questions. Their methodology, which involves identifying inconsistencies in theories and exploring alternative interpretations, has been applied in over 500 subsequent studies by 2020, particularly in exploring innovation, leadership, and strategy. This adoption reflects a shift toward more theoretically disruptive inquiries, though critics note its potential to prioritize over empirical validation. Educational research has integrated problematization to challenge normative assumptions in and design, drawing on Foucault to analyze how educational "problems" like or production are historically contingent. For instance, studies since the early 2000s have used it to reexamine classroom dynamics, influencing qualitative methodologies in teacher training and policy critique. Similarly, in and health sciences, it underpins interpretive analyses of clinical practices, such as how patient care norms are problematized amid ethical dilemmas, promoting reflexive over positivist models. Despite its prevalence in left-leaning circles—where it aligns with critiques of institutional norms—problematization's remains concentrated in interpretive paradigms, with limited uptake in quantitative or realist-oriented fields due to its emphasis on over causation. Peer-reviewed metrics, including citation networks from databases like , show peak influence in the 2010s, driven by interdisciplinary journals, though source biases toward postmodern skepticism warrant scrutiny in causal analyses.

Critiques from Realist Perspectives

Critical realists, such as Andrew Sayer, argue that Foucault's problematization method inadequately addresses by prioritizing discursive formations over the real, stratified mechanisms that generate social phenomena. In this view, problematization historicizes how issues emerge as "problems" through contingent practices and discourses, but it conflates the intransitive domain of objective causal structures—such as emergent powers from social positions, resources, and relations—with their transitive, discursively mediated representations. This approach, realists contend, results in a form of descriptive that explains persistence or change in phenomena (e.g., power relations or ) primarily through shifting problematizations, while neglecting the generative causal powers independent of human cognition or language. Roy Bhaskar's critical realism further objects that such methods embody an "actualist" ontology, focusing on observable events and discourses without positing underlying real mechanisms or structures that endure across contexts. For instance, in analyzing institutions like prisons or sexuality, Foucault's genealogy problematizes their taken-for-granted status by tracing discursive shifts, yet realists maintain this obscures how material and relational causations—such as economic dependencies or biological imperatives—constrain and enable those discourses, producing outcomes not reducible to interpretive contingency. Bhaskar critiques this as irrealist, arguing it undermines explanatory science by dissolving necessary connections into empirical regularities or nominalist critiques, thus impeding identification of transformative interventions grounded in real possibilities. Normative deficiencies also feature prominently in realist critiques, as problematization's emphasis on avoids evaluating or problems against criteria of human flourishing or rooted in real needs. Sayer notes that while Foucault describes 's capillary diffusion via problematized practices, critical insists on assessing its desirability through thick ethical concepts tied to causal impacts, such as whether certain relations enhance or thwart via emergent properties like or cooperation. This relativization, realists argue, renders problematization politically quiescent, as it treats all framings of issues (e.g., as versus ) as equally valid historical artifacts, without adjudicating based on ontological depth or empirical effects on stratified reality. Proponents of critical propose integrating problematization's insights into a causal framework, where discourses are retrodictively explained by real structures, enabling more robust, non-relativistic social analysis.

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