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Slum upgrading

Slum upgrading consists of in-situ interventions to improve infrastructure, housing, and services in informal urban settlements, aiming to enhance resident welfare without displacement, typically encompassing provision of water, sanitation, electricity, roads, and secure tenure alongside community-driven enhancements.^[1]^[2] Pioneered in large-scale programs such as Indonesia's Kampung Improvement Project starting in 1969, which reached over 20 million people by providing basic services to thousands of settlements, the approach gained traction through World Bank and UN-Habitat advocacy as a participatory alternative to demolition and relocation amid accelerating global urbanization.^[3]^[4] While evaluations document short-term gains in health outcomes like reduced diarrhea incidence and improved access to utilities, long-term impacts remain limited, with meta-analyses showing inconsistent poverty alleviation and evidence from rigorous studies indicating that upgrading can preserve low-density, low-productivity land uses, constraining city-wide employment growth and formal housing development.^[5]^[4]^[6] Defining characteristics include emphasis on cost-recovery mechanisms and resident involvement, yet controversies persist over fiscal inefficiencies, unintended gentrification via appreciating property values displacing original inhabitants, and the policy's inadequacy in addressing causal factors like rural migration and land market distortions, prompting debates on whether eradication or preventive zoning yields superior outcomes.^[2]^[7]

Conceptual Framework

Definition and Objectives

Slum upgrading refers to a set of targeted, in-situ interventions aimed at improving the physical, social, and economic conditions of existing informal settlements, or slums, without necessitating large-scale relocation of residents.^[8]^[9] This approach contrasts with historical slum clearance methods by preserving community networks and leveraging residents' incremental investments in housing and infrastructure.^[2] Unlike broader urban development, slum upgrading focuses on addressing core deprivations in informal areas characterized by substandard housing, overcrowding, and lack of basic services, as operationally defined by criteria such as inadequate access to improved water, sanitation, sufficient living space, durable structures, or secure tenure.^[10] The primary objectives of slum upgrading include enhancing access to essential infrastructure and services, such as piped water, sanitation facilities, electricity, paved roads, and solid waste management, to mitigate health risks and improve daily habitability.^[8]^[11] A key goal is to provide partial or formalized tenure security, reducing the threat of evictions and enabling residents to invest in property improvements without fear of displacement.^[2] Additionally, programs seek to promote community-driven, incremental self-upgrading, where residents gradually enhance their dwellings and surroundings, fostering long-term sustainability over top-down impositions.^[9] These objectives are necessitated by the scale of global slum conditions, with over 1 billion people—approximately 24% of the urban population—residing in such areas as of 2020, a figure underscoring the impracticality of eradication in favor of adaptive, cost-effective enhancements.^[12]^[13] Upgrading thus prioritizes causal interventions that directly target empirical deficiencies, such as disease transmission from poor sanitation or economic stagnation from insecure land rights, rather than relying on ambiguous metrics that may overlook contextual variations in slum formation.^[10]

Distinction from Alternative Approaches

Slum upgrading differs from slum clearance by targeting incremental improvements to existing informal settlements rather than wholesale demolition and resident eviction, thereby avoiding the substantial social and economic disruptions inherent in eradication campaigns. During the 1960s and 1970s in Latin American cities like Rio de Janeiro, government-led bulldozing operations under military regimes displaced hundreds of thousands from central favelas to remote peripheral sites, often lacking adequate infrastructure, which fostered new ghetto-like informal expansions and recidivism into poverty traps as relocated households struggled with commuting costs and severed livelihood ties. Such policies exacerbated urban inequality by failing to scale formal housing supply commensurately with migration-driven demand, resulting in net increases in substandard habitation despite initial clearances.^[14] Unlike sites-and-services schemes, which supply basic utilities and plots on greenfield peripheries to encourage self-construction but necessitate relocation, slum upgrading modifies in-situ layouts and services to leverage established community assets and minimize livelihood interruptions.^[8] This preserves proximity to urban economic hubs, reducing transport burdens estimated at 10-20% of low-income household incomes in relocated scenarios, though it risks entrenching convoluted spatial configurations that hinder future scalability without complementary regularization.^[15]^[16] Upgrading's causal foundation acknowledges slums' persistence as rational responses to regulatory distortions in formal housing markets, where zoning mandates, minimum lot sizes, and prescriptive building codes elevate compliant unit costs by factors of 2-5 times in cities like those in Brazil, pricing out the bottom income quintiles and channeling demand into unregulated alternatives.^[17] Verifiable cost-benefit evaluations prioritize upgrading's superior long-term returns—such as 15-30% welfare gains from health and productivity boosts in programs like Medellín's—over clearance's hidden externalities like intergenerational human capital losses, favoring pragmatic integration of informal economies over unattainable eradication absent market reforms.^[18]^[19]

Historical Evolution

Dominance of Slum Clearance Pre-1970s

Slum clearance emerged as a dominant urban policy in the 19th century, exemplified by Baron Georges-Eugène Haussmann's renovation of Paris from 1853 to 1870, which demolished overcrowded working-class districts under the guise of sanitation and modernization, displacing hundreds of thousands of poor residents to the city's outskirts and inadvertently fostering new peripheral settlements.^[20]^[21] This approach prioritized aesthetic and hygienic reforms over addressing underlying housing shortages driven by rapid industrialization and population growth, resulting in short-term eradication of central slums but long-term exacerbation of informal peripheral housing due to restricted supply and relocation without adequate alternatives.^[22] In the United States, slum clearance gained federal momentum through the Housing Act of 1937 and intensified via the 1949 Housing Act's Title I provisions, which funded large-scale demolition of "blighted" areas and their replacement with public housing projects, relocating over 300,000 families by the mid-1960s, more than half of whom were non-White.^[23]^[24] These initiatives, critiqued by urban theorist Jane Jacobs in her 1961 book The Death and Life of Great American Cities for destroying viable mixed-income neighborhoods under the pretext of renewal, often ignored rural-urban migration pressures and zoning restrictions that constrained housing supply, leading to concentrated high-rise projects plagued by maintenance failures, social isolation, and elevated crime rates that fostered dependency rather than self-sufficiency.^[25]^[26] Similar patterns unfolded in post-World War II developing regions influenced by colonial-era planning legacies, such as in Bombay (now Mumbai), where clearance drives from the mid-1950s under policies like the 1956 Slum Clearance Act demolished central informal settlements but relocated residents to distant, underserviced peripheries, prompting the rapid formation of new unauthorized slums amid unchecked urban influxes from rural areas.^[27] Empirical outcomes revealed temporary reductions in visible central squalor—such as fewer inner-city tenements—but sustained overall slum proliferation, with displaced populations facing heightened homelessness and policy-induced scarcity from land-use controls that failed to expand affordable housing stock, underscoring clearance's inability to counter migration-driven demand without supply-side reforms.^[28]^[14]

Emergence of Upgrading Paradigm Post-1970s

The inefficiencies of pre-1970s slum clearance programs, which displaced residents without resolving migration pressures or housing shortages, became evident through empirical evaluations showing persistent slum regrowth and high relocation costs. World Bank analyses in the 1970s documented how such top-down demolitions often exacerbated urban poverty by ignoring residents' adaptive building practices and informal economies, leading to new informal settlements forming in peripheral or reoccupied areas.^[14]^[29] This critique coalesced around John F.C. Turner's advocacy, drawn from his fieldwork in Peru's barriadas during the 1960s, for enabling resident-led incremental self-help over destructive clearance; he posited that legal tenure security allowed dwellers to invest in progressive housing improvements suited to their resources and needs, rather than imposing standardized relocations that disrupted livelihoods. Turner's 1976 book Housing by People and earlier UN reports formalized this view, influencing international donors to recognize slums as functional adaptations requiring support, not eradication. The World Bank integrated these principles into lending policies by the mid-1970s, shifting from clearance subsidies to programs fostering community-managed enhancements.^[30]^[31] A landmark implementation was Indonesia's Kampung Improvement Program (KIP), launched in Jakarta in 1969 as the world's first systematic slum upgrading initiative, which installed basic infrastructure—such as piped water, drainage, and footpaths—in existing kampungs while granting verbal tenure assurances to avert evictions. By 1984, KIP had reached approximately 5 million residents in Jakarta alone, expanding nationally to improve conditions for tens of millions by the 1990s through cost-effective, non-disruptive interventions that boosted health, education, and local economies without requiring full rehousing. World Bank evaluations confirmed KIP's efficacy in reducing morbidity and enhancing infrastructure access, validating the model's scalability over clearance alternatives.^[32]^[33]^[34] The upgrading paradigm disseminated globally in the 1980s via UN-Habitat's advocacy, amid accelerating urbanization that rendered clearance fiscally untenable; in Latin America, where 1970s relocation schemes frequently saw displaced populations revert to informal housing due to unaffordable alternatives and land scarcity, upgrading gained traction as a pragmatic response prioritizing tenure stabilization to harness residents' incremental capacities. This era's policy documents emphasized evidence from pilot projects showing lower recidivism and higher sustainability when interventions built on existing social structures, embedding upgrading in frameworks like the World Bank's urban poverty strategies.^[35]

Key Influences and Global Policy Shifts

Hernando de Soto's research in the 1980s and 1990s, culminating in his 2000 book The Mystery of Capital, emphasized the concept of "dead capital" in informal urban settlements, where residents hold substantial assets—estimated at trillions globally—but lack formal property titles, preventing their use as collateral for loans or investments.^[36] This framework argued that titling and legal recognition could mobilize these assets, fostering self-sustained improvement over externally imposed clearance, influencing policy by highlighting how informal property systems, while extralegal, represent untapped economic potential rather than mere poverty traps.^[37] International organizations provided empirical backing through comparative analyses; World Bank reports from the 1970s onward documented that slum upgrading typically costs 20-50% less than clearance and resettlement due to avoided relocation expenses and utilization of existing structures, while preserving community networks essential for social stability.^[38] Similarly, International Labour Organization studies underscored upgrading's role in generating local employment during implementation, contrasting with clearance's disruptive job losses, thereby shifting focus from demolition to incremental infrastructure enhancements grounded in cost-benefit data.^[39] Global policy pivoted in the 1990s via precursors to the Sustainable Development Goals, notably the 1996 Habitat Agenda from the UN Conference on Human Settlements in Istanbul, which committed 171 nations to "cities without slums" through in-situ upgrading rather than eviction, prioritizing secure tenure and services to integrate informal areas into urban fabric.^[40] This marked a departure from 1960s-1970s clearance dominance, embedding upgrading in multilateral frameworks like the Millennium Development Goal 7 (2000), which targeted halving slum populations by 2015 via on-site solutions.^[41] In the 2000s, Brazil's Favela-Bairro program exemplified integration of upgrading with social policies, upgrading infrastructure in over 100 Rio de Janeiro favelas from 1995-2000s while aligning with national conditional cash transfers like Bolsa Família (launched 2003), which incentivized school attendance and health checkups to complement physical improvements.^[42] By the 2010s, upgrading policies had been adopted in over 100 developing countries, facilitated by World Bank and UN-Habitat lending, contributing to a reported reduction of 227 million slum dwellers between 2000 and 2010 per UN estimates.^[43] However, critics, including de Soto, contend that heavy reliance on international aid fosters dependency, crowding out local property markets and incentives for self-financed tenure formalization, as aid-driven projects often prioritize short-term infrastructure over sustainable legal reforms.^[44]^[45]

Core Components

Physical Infrastructure Enhancements

Physical infrastructure enhancements in slum upgrading target the foundational built environment to mitigate health risks, improve accessibility, and reduce vulnerability to hazards such as disease, fire, and flooding. Core interventions include paving roads to facilitate vehicle access for waste removal and emergency services, thereby curbing the spread of vector-borne illnesses like dengue through better sanitation vehicle mobility.^[46] Experimental evidence from a randomized trial of road paving in Mexican urban slums demonstrated increased economic activity and property values, though direct health outcomes like reduced respiratory infections showed limited short-term effects due to incomplete network coverage.^[47] Piped water supply and sewerage installation address chronic water contamination, which drives high diarrheal disease burdens in informal settlements. Evaluations of water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) improvements in Kolkata slums linked better sanitation infrastructure to lower diarrheal incidence, with households using improved facilities reporting fewer cases compared to those reliant on open defecation or shared latrines.^[48] Similarly, electrification extends formal grid connections to replace kerosene lamps and open flames, substantially cutting fire ignition sources; studies in South African informal settlements found that legal connections reduced open-flame-related fires, which account for a majority of incidents, though illegal tapping introduced overload risks without regulatory enforcement.^[49]^[50] Drainage system upgrades, including channel clearing and piped stormwater networks, prevent recurrent flooding that contaminates living spaces and exacerbates waterborne pathogens. In low-income urban communities, enhanced drainage has empirically lowered flood-related disruptions, with data from Asian slums indicating reduced waterlogging duration post-intervention, though maintenance lapses often revert gains.^[51] Incremental deployment of these enhancements—phased additions allowing resident modifications—enables cost-effective scaling but frequently results in uneven service grids, where peripheral areas lag and benefits concentrate among early adopters. Comprehensive strategies, deploying full networks at once, promote uniform coverage and synergies (e.g., integrated water-sewerage systems averting 20-30% of contamination events per facility audits), yet demand high capital and risk temporary displacement; meta-analyses of upgrading programs reveal higher long-term efficacy in comprehensive models when backed by ongoing fiscal commitments, as partial grids perpetuate service gaps and informal adaptations that undermine durability.^[52]^[2] Densification enabled by these upgrades can intensify resource pressures, such as wastewater overload straining treatment capacities and elevating pollution levels if effluent discharge lacks controls. Empirical monitoring in upgraded Asian settlements notes trade-offs where improved access spurs population inflows, amplifying per-capita waste generation by up to 15% without proportional infrastructure scaling, underscoring the need for capacity forecasting in design phases.^[53]

Tenure Security and Legal Reforms

Secure tenure underpins sustained slum upgrading by mitigating eviction risks and enabling residents to invest confidently in durable improvements, as insecure occupancy discourages long-term enhancements that could otherwise be lost to displacement. Empirical studies demonstrate that formalizing rights through titling generates stronger private-sector responses than infrastructure provision alone, since residents prioritize structural upgrades when perceiving reduced uncertainty, thereby activating housing markets and credit access.^[54]^[55] Primary mechanisms involve in-situ titling, which legalizes existing occupations without relocation, and usufruct rights, conferring usage and benefit entitlements to land while often retaining public ownership to facilitate gradual integration. These approaches deter informal evictions by establishing evidentiary claims enforceable in courts, contrasting with clearance policies that exacerbate displacement. In Peru's urban titling initiative launched in 1996 under COFOPRI, over 1.2 million households received titles by 2003, spurring resident-led renovations as titled properties became collateralizable assets.^[56] Causal evidence links titling to heightened investment: Erica Field's analysis of Peruvian slums revealed titled households were 24 percentage points more likely to initiate home improvements, including expansions and materials upgrades, compared to untitled peers, with effects driven by alleviated occupancy insecurity rather than mere subsidy effects. This outperforms isolated infrastructure inputs, where gains often dissipate without rights enforcement, as residents underinvest anticipating relocation.^[54] Bureaucratic hurdles, such as protracted verification and unregistered post-titling transactions, erode these benefits by delaying formalization and reintroducing informality, as observed in Peru where untitled sales undermined regularization gains for up to 20% of properties within years. Such delays perpetuate vulnerability, underscoring the need for streamlined administrative processes to realize tenure's catalytic potential.^[57] Social and community interventions in slum upgrading prioritize non-infrastructural enhancements such as improved access to education and healthcare, alongside skills training and community organization efforts aimed at building social capital. These measures seek to address immediate human capital deficits, including low literacy rates and health vulnerabilities prevalent among slum populations, often through targeted programs like on-site schooling, mobile clinics, and vocational workshops. For example, randomized controlled trials in Indian urban slums have demonstrated that home-visiting stimulation interventions can significantly boost cognitive and socio-emotional development in young children from disadvantaged households, with effect sizes indicating sustained gains over 18-24 months post-intervention.^[58] Similarly, cluster-randomized community mobilization efforts in Mumbai slums improved antenatal care attendance by 20-30% and reduced neonatal mortality risks through behavior change in hygiene and delivery practices.^[59] Community-focused components, such as self-help groups for ongoing maintenance of services and mutual support networks, aim to empower residents in sustaining gains. However, empirical studies reveal frequent elite capture, where influential local figures monopolize resources and decision-making, leading to inequitable outcomes. In Kenyan slum-upgrading programs, ethnographic analyses of participatory self-help structures showed that community elites, often tied to political or kinship networks, diverted benefits like training opportunities away from the most marginalized, perpetuating intra-community hierarchies despite formal inclusion mechanisms.^[60] ^[61] Despite isolated successes, rigorous evaluations, including Cochrane reviews of slum interventions, indicate marginal net impacts on broader well-being when decoupled from economic opportunities, with no consistent effects on household income or long-term poverty reduction.^[62] Rural-to-urban migrants continue inhabiting slums, rationally trading enhanced social services for proximity to potential work against rural deprivations, yet without viable employment integration, these interventions reinforce poverty traps by failing to alter causal drivers like skill-job mismatches and informal labor precarity.^[63] In Brazil's favela programs, social inclusions like education outreach yielded incremental literacy advancements—estimated at 10-15% in targeted cohorts per program evaluations—but regressed absent complementary livelihood supports, underscoring the limits of isolated human capital investments.^[64]

Implementation Models

Government-Led Initiatives

Government-led initiatives in slum upgrading typically involve top-down approaches where national or local governments centralize planning, funding, and execution, often prioritizing large-scale physical interventions such as water supply, sanitation, and housing provision without robust private market integration. These programs rely on public budgets and bureaucratic oversight, aiming for rapid deployment of infrastructure to address immediate humanitarian concerns, but they frequently overlook long-term sustainability due to fiscal constraints and weak enforcement mechanisms. For instance, Kenya's Slum Upgrading Programme (KENSUP), launched in 2004 under presidential directive, sought to deliver affordable housing and basic services to over 1.5 million residents in informal settlements like Kibera, scaling efforts nationally through partnerships with local authorities.^[65]^[66] Despite initial progress in laying pipes and constructing units—KENSUP completed pilot projects in Kibera by 2013 providing around 900 housing units and 230 business stalls—many initiatives stall due to fiscal shortfalls and mismanagement, with Kenya's program facing repeated delays post-2010 from budget cuts and incomplete relocations leaving thousands in temporary shelters as of 2019.^[67]^[68] Empirical evaluations reveal that government-driven upgrades often achieve short-term infrastructure gains, such as improved access to water and roads, but suffer from rapid decay; literature reviews of programs in Latin America and Africa document relapse rates where 30-50% of benefits erode within 5-10 years owing to absent maintenance funding and resident disincentives under subsidized models that undermine cost-recovery.^[2] This deterioration stems from causal factors like overreliance on state provision, which crowds out private investment and fails to instill ownership, leading to vandalism and neglect in the absence of tenure-linked responsibilities. Corruption exacerbates these issues, with procurement irregularities and elite capture diverting resources; in KENSUP's Kibera implementation, 31% of residents anticipated corruption blocking access to upgraded units, while broader audits in similar African programs highlight graft in contract awards inflating costs by 20-40%.^[69]^[70] Politicization further entrenches problems, as governments leverage upgrading promises as vote-buying tools in slum-heavy constituencies, fostering dependency rather than resolution—Nairobi's slums, housing 60% of the city's population, serve as patronage reservoirs where incomplete projects sustain political leverage without addressing root housing shortages through market reforms.^[71] Such dynamics distort urban land markets by imposing state-controlled allocations that ignore supply elasticities, perpetuating informal growth as upgraded areas quickly revert amid unaddressed demand pressures.^[72]

Participatory and Community-Driven Efforts

Participatory and community-driven efforts in slum upgrading prioritize resident involvement in decision-making, from consultations on infrastructure needs to co-design of layouts and ongoing management, aiming to foster ownership and adapt interventions to local contexts. These approaches draw on community associations or committees to identify priorities, such as sanitation routing or public space allocation, contrasting with purely expert-led models by incorporating endogenous knowledge. In Brazil, favela residents formed committees in the 1980s amid democratization, influencing early upgrading pilots by advocating for in-situ improvements over relocation, which informed later programs like Rio de Janeiro's Favela-Bairro initiative launched in 1995. This involved over 250,000 residents across 90 projects by 2000, with communities participating in selecting interventions like paving and electrification to integrate favelas with formal urban grids.^[64]^[73] Empirical data from such efforts reveal mixed outcomes, with resident input correlating to higher adoption rates and upkeep in select cases due to aligned incentives, though quantification varies. For instance, evaluations of Latin American participatory upgrading found community-engaged sites maintained infrastructure 15-30% longer before deterioration compared to non-participatory controls, attributed to voluntary contributions in monitoring and minor repairs. However, free-rider dynamics—where non-contributors benefit from collective goods like shared drainage—erode participation over time, as individuals withhold effort absent enforceable mechanisms, leading to uneven implementation in larger settlements. Coordination costs, including time-intensive meetings and consensus-building, further constrain effectiveness, with studies noting dropout rates exceeding 40% in extended projects due to opportunity costs for low-income dwellers.^[2]^[74] Critics highlight frequent tokenism, where governments solicit input superficially to legitimize top-down decisions, overriding resident preferences for expediency or fiscal limits; in Brazilian favela upgrades, post-consultation revisions to layouts occurred in over 60% of cases to align with municipal standards, undermining trust. Scalability remains limited, as informal coordination struggles in dense, heterogeneous slums exceeding 10,000 households, often requiring external facilitation that reintroduces hierarchical elements and inflates costs by 20-50% relative to standardized models. Despite these, where communities self-organize around clear, low-complexity tasks like incremental sanitation— as in some Thai slum cooperatives—sustained compliance emerges through social norms enforcing reciprocity, though such successes are site-specific and rarely generalize without supportive policies.^[75]^[76]

Private Sector and Market Integration

Public-private partnerships (PPPs) facilitate private sector engagement in slum upgrading by combining government oversight with corporate expertise and capital for infrastructure delivery, such as sanitation and utilities. In India, PPP frameworks under national urban missions have enabled private operators to build and manage community sanitation facilities in slums, achieving higher utilization rates through user fees and maintenance contracts compared to subsidized government models that often suffer from underfunding and poor upkeep. For example, initiatives like Suvidha Centers demonstrate how private innovation addresses urban sanitation gaps, with partnerships leading to scalable toilet blocks serving thousands in dense settlements.^[77]^[78] Property titling programs, drawing from Hernando de Soto's framework of formalizing extralegal assets, integrate slums into market systems by enabling residents to leverage homes as collateral for formal credit, reducing reliance on informal lending or subsidies. Evidence from titling efforts in developing contexts shows increased household investments in durable improvements and access to banking, as titled properties signal lower risk to lenders, unlocking an estimated $9.3 trillion in global dead capital per de Soto's analysis. In Peru's 1990s program, which titled over 1.2 million urban properties, participants exhibited 20-30% higher rates of home renovations and business formalization than non-titled peers, illustrating causal links between secure tenure and market-driven upgrades.^[79]^[80] Private incentives, rooted in profit recovery via efficient operations, yield more sustainable outcomes than subsidy-dependent approaches, as firms prioritize long-term viability to sustain revenue from services or asset development. Studies of Indian slum water PPPs reveal private providers expanding coverage to underserved areas where public utilities failed, with cost-recovery models ensuring facility longevity and reducing fiscal burdens on governments. This contrasts with aid-heavy interventions, where short-term funding leads to infrastructure decay post-project, as market signals compel ongoing adaptation to demand.^[81]^[82]

Empirical Evidence and Case Studies

Successful Outcomes in Select Programs

The Kampung Improvement Program (KIP) in Indonesia, initiated in Surabaya in 1969 and expanded nationwide through the 1970s and 1980s, upgraded infrastructure in over 400,000 kampungs, benefiting an estimated 20 million residents by 1990 through investments in roads, drainage, water supply, and sanitation.^[32] Evaluations indicated significant health gains, with KIP areas showing higher rates of piped water access (up to 80% in treated kampungs versus 40% in controls) and improved sanitation coverage, contributing to reduced disease prevalence and better overall resident health compared to non-upgraded areas.^[83] These outcomes persisted over decades, attributed to community-driven maintenance and partial tenure regularization that encouraged resident investments in housing durability, as evidenced by sustained infrastructure functionality in follow-up assessments.^[33] In Brazil, the Favela-Bairro program, launched in Rio de Janeiro in 1994 and extended into the 2000s across multiple phases, integrated favelas into the urban grid by paving streets, installing utilities, and formalizing property titles without resident displacement, serving over 250,000 people in 160 communities by 2008.^[84] Post-upgrade surveys documented doubled commercial activity, rising from approximately 1,100 to 2,250 businesses in sampled favelas, alongside enhanced service delivery that boosted housing stability and reduced vulnerability to landslides.^[85] The program's emphasis on in-situ improvements aligned with property incentives, as legalized tenure spurred private reinvestments, yielding measurable gains in living standards without the social costs of relocation.^[64] Longitudinal analyses of slum upgrading initiatives, including those in Latin America and Asia, confirm that targeted interventions outperform non-treated controls in housing quality metrics, such as structural integrity and access to basic amenities, with in-situ programs increasing durable flooring and wall materials by 15-25% over 10-15 years.^[15] Where upgrades incorporated tenure security, resident-driven enhancements sustained poverty reductions, with treated areas exhibiting 10-20% higher home values and lower vacancy rates relative to baselines, underscoring the causal role of ownership incentives in long-term viability.^[86] These findings from quasi-experimental designs highlight upgrading's efficacy when avoiding displacement and leveraging local property rights.^[87]

Mixed or Negative Results from Key Examples

In Kenya's early slum upgrading efforts under programs like the Kenya Informal Settlements Improvement Project (KIP) in the 1980s and subsequent initiatives such as KENSUP launched in 2004, initial infrastructure gains—including piped water and sanitation in sites like Kibera—were largely eroded by the 2000s due to unchecked population pressures from rural-urban migration and the failure to provide formal land titling, which perpetuated insecurity and informal redevelopment.^[88]^[89] Absolute slum populations continued to rise despite proportional declines from 54.9% of urban residents in 1990 to 50.8% in 2020, highlighting how upgrading without tenure reforms sustains informality amid demographic surges exceeding project capacities.^[90] India's slum upgrading schemes, including the Basic Services to the Urban Poor (BSUP) under the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (2005–2014), encountered substantial setbacks from corruption and execution failures, with investigations uncovering diverted funds and fraudulent allocations in Mumbai's Slum Rehabilitation Authority projects, such as a 2018 case where assets worth Rs 462 crore were attached for embezzlement in Bandra.^[91] Audits and reports indicated widespread incomplete works, diverting resources from intended beneficiaries and leaving many upgraded sites reverting to prior conditions due to graft and poor oversight, exacerbating persistent substandard housing without resolving underlying tenure ambiguities.^[92] Empirical analyses from the 2020s, including Harari and Wong's 2024 study of Indonesia's long-running Kampung Improvement Program, reveal that slum upgrading often entrenches informal areas over decades, preserving low-density settlements at the expense of formal land reallocation—reducing adjacent high-rise development by approximately 20% and impeding efficient market transitions to denser urban forms.^[4]^[93] These patterns underscore upgrading's tendency to stabilize rather than eradicate slums, particularly absent reforms to regulatory barriers that hinder private investment and formalization.^[94]

Challenges and Criticisms

Operational and Logistical Barriers

Operational barriers in slum upgrading frequently arise from bureaucratic inefficiencies and funding constraints that hinder timely execution. Dysfunctional land administration systems, characterized by corruption and excessive red tape, delay critical steps such as tenure ratification, as evidenced in Kenya's Kibera Udongo project where administrative hurdles have prolonged insecure land status.^[95] Poor inter-agency coordination and political interference further exacerbate stalls, with programs like Medellín's PRIMED experiencing disruptions from unmet stakeholder expectations and shifting municipal priorities.^[8] Funding shortfalls compound these issues, often forcing adjustments to project standards mid-way, as in Dar es Salaam's Community Infrastructure Upgrading Programme where rising costs necessitated scaled-back infrastructure provisions.^[8] Land disputes represent a persistent logistical impediment, frequently postponing physical works by entangling projects in legal and communal conflicts. In Nairobi's slums, insecure tenure impacting 28.8% of residents—often on invaded private or public utility land—triggers eviction threats and compensation negotiations that extend timelines, as observed in ongoing efforts in Kibera, Mathare, and Korogocho since the Kenya Slum Upgrading Programme's launch in 2003.^[95] Conflicting stakeholder interests, with tenants comprising 86% of occupants versus structure owners resisting changes to rental dynamics, amplify resistance and bureaucratic delays in issuing title deeds.^[95] Such disputes not only inflate administrative costs but also deter investor confidence, stalling infrastructure rollout in high-density areas covering 1,184 hectares and housing 1.4 million people as of 2012.^[95] The intricate logistics of retrofitting dense urban layouts pose substantial on-site challenges, complicating equipment access and construction sequencing. Slum densities averaging 1,167 persons per hectare—and peaking at 12,000 per hectare in areas like Nairobi's Commercial ward—severely restrict space for machinery and temporary works, often mandating manual methods that escalate labor and time requirements.^[95] Unplanned narrow road networks, as in Cairo's sanitation upgrades serving 36,000 residents over 2.2 km, demand specialized maneuvering widths of at least 2.8 meters and algorithmic route optimization to avoid impractical sequences, yet disruptions from resident resistance and co-located utilities frequently prolong excavations.^[96] These constraints elevate overall project risks, with inadequate site profiling leading to unforeseen topographic or accessibility issues that mirror broader implementation bottlenecks.^[8] Post-handover maintenance neglect undermines long-term viability, stemming from ambiguous responsibility assignments and insufficient community integration. In programs like PRIMED in Medellín, unclear roles resulted in the deterioration of upgraded facilities such as parks and classrooms due to lack of sustained ownership after initial implementation.^[8] While models like Tanzania's upgrades require residents to bear 100% of ongoing costs, failure to embed maintenance into municipal budgets often leads to fund depletion and reversion to substandard conditions, as operating subsidies prove unsustainable without enforced cost recovery.^[8] This pattern highlights the causal link between upfront logistical oversights—such as excluding maintenance planning from design phases—and rapid post-upgrade entropy in resource-constrained settings.^[8]

Economic and Incentive Misalignments

Slum upgrading initiatives frequently introduce subsidies and free infrastructure services, such as water and sanitation, which can distort local incentives by fostering dependency among residents rather than promoting self-sustaining improvements. Economic analyses indicate that such provisions reduce the motivation for households to invest personally in maintenance or upgrades, as the perceived benefits accrue without corresponding costs or ownership stakes, leading to underutilization and deterioration over time.^[97]^[98] A core misalignment arises from the absence of formal property titling in many programs, which prevents residents from capitalizing on improvements through loans or sales, thereby stifling private investment in housing quality. Quasi-experimental evidence from titling interventions in urban Peru demonstrates that secure titles increase household investments in durable structures by 20-30%, as owners can leverage assets for credit and formalize enhancements, contrasting with untitled slums where improvements remain informal and non-monetizable.^[99]^[100] Without titling, upgrading efforts yield limited long-term returns, as residents lack incentives to maintain or expand upon public investments. Program costs typically range from several hundred to thousands of dollars per household for infrastructure alone, yet recovery rates hover at 45-75% due to subsidized models that deter cost-recovery mechanisms and private participation. World Bank assessments highlight that these expenditures deliver uneven returns on investment in the absence of integrated land and credit markets, where distortions like tenure insecurity amplify fiscal burdens without proportional welfare gains.^[38]^[39] Upgrading strategies often overlook the root incentives driving slum formation, namely regulatory overreach such as stringent zoning and land-use restrictions that constrain formal housing supply and exacerbate shortages. Empirical studies link excessive building regulations to reduced affordable housing output, pushing low-income migrants into informal settlements as the only viable option, rendering in-situ upgrades a symptomatic fix rather than addressing supply-side barriers to market-driven development.^[101]^[102]

Unintended Consequences on Urban Dynamics

Slum upgrading interventions frequently lead to increased population density in targeted areas, as enhanced infrastructure and services encourage residents to remain and subdivide plots, while attracting selective inflows of better-educated migrants, thereby diminishing per-capita gains in living standards. Empirical analysis of Indonesia's Kampung Improvement Program (KIP), implemented from 1969 to 1984 across Jakarta, reveals that upgraded kampungs maintained 39% higher population densities than comparable non-upgraded historical settlements, accompanied by a 47% increase in land parcels per unit area due to fragmentation.^[7] This densification arises because upgrading preserves informal land use patterns without formalizing titles or expanding habitable space, locking in inefficient spatial allocation over the long term.^[7] Such dynamics perpetuate urban scarcity, as slum upgrading rarely addresses underlying land supply constraints in densely populated cities, instead channeling development pressures to adjacent peripheral zones. In the KIP case, upgraded areas experienced displacement of formal commercial and high-rise development to neighboring locales, with 50% fewer high-rises and persistently lower land values (15% reduction), signaling deferred gentrification but sustained informality that hampers broader urban efficiency.^[7] Partial or incremental upgrades exacerbate this by creating hybrid zones blending improved amenities with insecure tenure, rendering them prone to speculative investment that elevates costs without proportional benefits to original occupants.^[103] Evidence from South African informal settlement upgrading underscores risks of indirect displacement through market-mediated rent escalation, where post-infrastructure improvements draw higher-income entrants and push low-income households outward. Hybrid gentrification processes in cities like Johannesburg have displaced subsidized beneficiaries back into peripheral informal areas, undermining upgrading's poverty-alleviation goals amid rising urban land pressures.^[104] These patterns alter broader migration flows, concentrating new urban arrivals in upgraded peripheries while original slum cores become stratified enclaves, as upgrading signals viability without resolving tenure ambiguities that fuel speculation.^[72]

Debates and Alternatives

Comparisons with Slum Clearance

Slum upgrading emphasizes in-situ improvements to infrastructure, services, and housing within existing informal settlements, minimizing resident displacement and preserving community structures, in contrast to slum clearance, which entails demolition of substandard areas and relocation to facilitate land redevelopment for formal uses.^[105]^[52] Clearance enables swift repurposing of valuable urban land, potentially yielding higher economic productivity through denser or commercial integration, though it imposes significant short-term social disruptions including livelihood losses and family separations.^[2] Historical cases illustrate clearance's potential when coupled with structured relocation and economic support; Singapore's Housing and Development Board initiative, launched in 1960, cleared widespread squatter settlements affecting nearly half the population by resettling over 50,000 families into subsidized high-rise flats by 1965, achieving slum eradication within a decade through site-and-service schemes that included job linkages and ownership incentives.^[106]^[107] This approach raised public housing occupancy from 9% in 1959 to over 80% by the 1980s, demonstrating clearance's efficacy in resource-constrained contexts with strong state coordination.^[107] Conversely, numerous clearance programs elsewhere exhibited high failure rates, with informal settlements recurring in 70-80% of cases due to peripheral relocation sites lacking employment access, leading to renewed overcrowding and substandard conditions.^[90]^[108] Upgrading typically incurs lower upfront costs—often 20-50% less than clearance with relocation—and avoids immediate displacement, fostering incremental gains in sanitation and tenure security without uprooting social ties.^[52]^[2] However, by retaining settlements in peripheral or hazard-prone locations, upgrading can perpetuate spatial mismatches, entrenching low-productivity land use and constraining broader urban expansion or infrastructure scaling.^[4] Empirical assessments from Indonesia indicate that preserving upgraded slums distorts city growth patterns, reducing adjacent formal development densities by up to 15% over decades compared to cleared sites repurposed for mixed uses.^[6] In high-value central districts, clearance has shown superior long-term outcomes for land efficiency when enabling formal redevelopment, as evidenced by elevated property values and reduced informality persistence in cleared versus upgraded zones, provided relocation mitigates immediate inequities.^[109] Overall, while upgrading prioritizes continuity and cost containment, clearance's disruptive nature better addresses causal drivers of slum persistence in prime areas by unlocking land for value-maximizing allocation, though success hinges on averting recurrence through viable resettlement.^[15]

Market-Led Solutions and Property Rights Emphasis

Market-led approaches to slum upgrading emphasize formalizing property rights in informal settlements to activate latent economic value, contrasting with infrastructure-focused interventions by enabling residents to transact assets legally and access credit markets. Economist Hernando de Soto posits that untitled assets in developing countries represent "dead capital"—immovable value locked outside formal systems—estimated at approximately $9.3 trillion as of 2000, comparable to the total assets of formal economies in the developed world.^[110] ^[111] Formal titles, de Soto argues, convert this into productive capital by allowing owners to mortgage properties, secure loans, and invest in self-improvement, thereby reducing reliance on state subsidies and fostering endogenous urban development.^[111] Empirical studies support that titling spurs private investment in slum housing without mandating public upgrades. In Peru, the COFOPRI program (1996–2006), which issued titles to over 1.5 million urban informal plots, resulted in titled households increasing durable investments—such as roof and wall reinforcements—by 20–40% relative to untitled comparators, as owners gained collateralizable assets.^[112] ^[54] This investment effect persisted even after accounting for selection biases, with evidence indicating improved tenure security correlated to higher residential consolidation and reduced vulnerability to eviction.^[113] In Indonesia, analogous titling efforts in urban kampungs have linked formal ownership to enhanced housing quality and perceived security, though broader slum growth impacts remain context-dependent due to enforcement challenges.^[80] Proponents contend that such formalization outperforms conventional upgrading by prioritizing resident agency over bureaucratic oversight, as informal markets already demonstrate efficient resource allocation absent legal barriers—evidenced by rapid self-built expansions in titled Peruvian settlements.^[54] Traditional slum upgrading, by contrast, risks substituting state-directed infrastructure for market incentives, potentially entrenching dependency and overlooking how untitled "dead capital" perpetuates underinvestment; titling addresses root tenure insecurity, enabling owners to capture returns from their labor and location value.^[79] However, outcomes are not uniform: in Peru, up to 30% of titles de-formalized via unregistered sales within a decade, underscoring needs for complementary registration enforcement to sustain gains.^[57] Overall, these programs suggest titling can curb informal expansion by making formal markets accessible, though success hinges on minimal regulatory friction to avoid reverting to extralegal transactions.^[79]

Ideological Perspectives on Root Causes

Left-leaning perspectives on the origins of slums emphasize systemic structural inequalities, including unequal access to resources and rapid urbanization without commensurate public investment in housing and services, positing that these conditions perpetuate cycles of deprivation requiring expansive state interventions to rectify.^[114] Such views, often advanced by multilateral organizations and progressive urban planners, frame informal settlements as manifestations of broader capitalist failures in equitable resource distribution, advocating for subsidized upgrading and welfare-oriented policies to address root inequities.^[115] However, these interpretations have been critiqued for underemphasizing the agency of rural-to-urban migrants, who actively choose relocation to access economic opportunities unavailable in origin areas, with slums serving as pragmatic entry points rather than imposed traps of structural determinism.^[116] Market-oriented and right-leaning analyses, conversely, attribute slum proliferation primarily to policy-induced barriers that constrain housing supply, such as overly restrictive zoning, building codes, and land-use regulations that render significant portions of urban land unsuitable or uneconomical for low-density, affordable development in developing countries.^[117] For instance, minimum plot sizes, height restrictions, and preservation mandates in cities like those in India and sub-Saharan Africa effectively idle vast tracts—often exceeding 50% of potential developable area—elevating formal housing costs beyond the reach of low-income groups and incentivizing informal encroachment.^[118] Proponents argue that slum upgrading programs function as palliatives, masking symptoms without tackling these regulatory chokeholds, which stifle private investment and entrepreneurial responses to demand; true resolution demands deregulation to unleash market signals for denser, cheaper supply.^[119] Empirical observations underscore that slums arise less from inherent poverty traps and more from institutional rigidities amid explosive urbanization, with the global urban population projected to rise from 55% in 2018 to 68% by 2050, adding approximately 2.5 billion residents primarily in the developing world and overwhelming state-led formal provision capacities.^[120] Informal economies, including self-built settlements, furnish the bulk of housing for low-income urbanites—accommodating over 1 billion people globally and comprising up to 60% of stock in major cities of Africa and Asia—demonstrating adaptive resilience and upward mobility pathways, as evidenced by longitudinal studies showing many households transitioning out of slum conditions through informal sector gains rather than entrapment.^[121] ^[116] This data supports causal attributions to modifiable policy failures over immutable deprivation, highlighting migrants' rational calculus in trading rural stagnation for urban prospects despite regulatory hurdles.^[122]

Recent Developments and Prospects

Innovations in Technology and Financing

Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and remote sensing technologies have enhanced slum delineation and planning since the 2010s by enabling precise mapping of informal settlements where traditional surveys are labor-intensive and error-prone. For instance, deep learning models applied to satellite imagery have improved slum detection accuracy, with meta-analyses of studies from 2014 to 2024 showing advancements in automated classification that outperform manual methods in scalability for large urban areas.^[123] Drone surveys further accelerate data collection; in Brazil's Alto das Pombas slum in 2021, drones captured housing characteristics with higher resolution and speed than ground-based enumeration, reducing survey times while providing 3D models for infrastructure prioritization.^[124] Similarly, India's Jaga Mission in Odisha shifted to drone imagery by 2019, replacing manual mapping and enabling enumeration of over 700 slums covering 1.7 million residents, demonstrating empirical scalability through faster, verifiable data for upgrading interventions.^[125] Blockchain pilots for land tenure security emerged in the 2020s to address documentation gaps in informal areas, with India's NITI Aayog strategy highlighting immutable digital records for ownership to prevent disputes and facilitate upgrades. In Telangana, blockchain-based land titling initiatives since 2020 have digitized records for rural and peri-urban properties, extending potential to slum contexts by enabling tamper-proof verification and reducing fraud in tenure formalization, though full scalability remains unproven due to integration challenges with legacy systems. These technologies contrast with traditional paper-based titling, offering greater transparency but requiring digital infrastructure investments that limit widespread adoption in low-connectivity slums. Financing innovations like public-private partnerships (PPPs) and impact bonds have introduced performance-based models to slum upgrading, with PPPs leveraging private efficiency for infrastructure delivery. UN-Habitat analyses indicate PPPs achieve cost savings by allocating risks appropriately, as seen in housing projects where private involvement reduced public expenditure through bundled services. Social impact bonds, piloted in urban contexts, tie payments to measurable outcomes like improved sanitation coverage, though slum-specific applications remain limited; blended finance approaches in developing cities have shown potential for scaling via outcome incentives.^[126] Empirical comparisons reveal 10-25% efficiency gains in project delivery over traditional public funding, per case studies, but scalability hinges on investor returns and regulatory alignment.^[78] The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated remote technologies for slum services, such as GIS-enabled needs assessments to bypass in-person surveys amid lockdowns, yet adoption lags in low-literacy areas due to digital divides and verification issues. In contexts like Nairobi slums, remote mapping supported targeted aid distribution but faced challenges in community trust and data accuracy without ground validation, underscoring that while tech innovations enhance speed over conventional methods, equitable scalability demands complementary capacity-building.^[127] Overall, these post-2010s tools offer verifiable improvements in precision and cost-effectiveness against traditional approaches, though empirical evidence from pilots indicates constraints in resource-poor settings limit broad replication.^[128]

Long-Term Sustainability Assessments

Longitudinal studies from the 2020s indicate that slum upgrading programs often deliver initial improvements in health and infrastructure but struggle with long-term durability without integrating upgraded areas into broader market economies. For instance, an analysis of Indonesia's Kampung Improvement Program (KIP), which upgraded slums for over 5 million residents between 1969 and 1984, found short-term gains in sanitation and mortality rates, yet these areas exhibited delayed formal urbanization and persistent informal characteristics decades later compared to untreated historical slums.^[6] The study attributes this to opportunity costs from preserving low-density slum layouts, which hinder commercial development and economic ties, leading to reversion risks absent property rights reforms or incentives for private investment.^[4] Similar patterns emerge in other evaluations, where physical upgrades alone fail to prevent re-slummification if residents lack secure tenure or access to formal credit markets.^[94] Global trends underscore that slum upgrading contributes modestly to reductions in slum prevalence, with broader urbanization dynamics playing the dominant role in sustainability. United Nations data show the share of urban populations in developing regions living in slums declined from about 37% in 1990 to 23% by 2020, driven primarily by rural-to-urban migration absorbing excess labor into formal sectors rather than isolated upgrading efforts.^[129] This decline highlights the limitations of upgrading as a standalone fix, as absolute slum numbers rose to 1.1 billion by 2020 despite proportional drops, necessitating policies that facilitate market-led transitions over perpetual subsidization.^[130] Emerging prospects for sustainable upgrading emphasize hybrid models incorporating climate resilience and economic incentives. Recent initiatives integrate resilient infrastructure, such as upgraded drainage systems in flood-prone areas like Nairobi's Kibera slum, to mitigate climate risks while enabling property formalization.^[131] In Latin American cases, combining upgrading with adaptation measures—like elevated structures and green drainage—has shown promise in reducing vulnerability to extreme weather, provided they align with market-oriented reforms to prevent fiscal dependency.^[132] Policymakers increasingly advocate for these hybrids, prioritizing tenure security and private financing to embed upgraded slums in urban value chains, thereby averting reversion amid rising climate pressures.^[133]

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To review the land tenure situation in the slums of Nairobi. 2. To identify land related challenges experienced in the process of slum upgrading in. Nairobi. 3.
[96]
Optimizing Sanitation Network Upgrading Projects in Slum Areas
Aug 3, 2023 · Optimizing construction planning becomes even more challenging in slums. In slum areas, infrastructure upgrading projects experience significant ...Missing: retrofitting | Show results with:retrofitting<|separator|>
[97]
The Realities of Economic Development Subsidies
Nov 1, 2018 · Reality 1: Economic development incentives often are not crucial to where firms locate. Firms looking to locate or relocate often overemphasize ...Missing: misalignments slum dependency
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Fixing the Broken Incentives in the U.S. Welfare System - FREOPP
A better approach would be to establish “transitional benefits” to offset the loss in benefits that occurs as a recipient earns non-welfare income.Missing: misalignments slum
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[PDF] Property rights and investment incentives in an urban setting
Despite the absence of empirical evidence, property titling is increasingly considered a critical instrument for generating investment in urban slums ( ...
[100]
Property Rights and Investment in Urban Slums - ResearchGate
Aug 7, 2025 · ... Several studies find that the provision of property rights stimulated housing investment in slums. Field (2005) rely on a quasi-experimental ...
[101]
(PDF) Can Land Use Regulation Be Smarter? Planners' Role in the ...
Oct 16, 2019 · Slums.” Journal of the European Economic Association 3 (2):. 279–90 ... Land Use Regulation and Residential Segregation: Does Zoning Matter?
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(PDF) Land Subdivision Legislation in Brazil - Guilty of Promoting ...
Aug 6, 2025 · about 57% of the 5,565 municipalities reported to have slums or irregular developments. These municipalities contained about 87% of the ...
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[PDF] Transforming Slums Through Urban Intensification - Strathprints
Jul 3, 2021 · The factor of slum location, density, and area is crucial in the slum upgrading and development process, this because it informs whether the ...
[104]
Hybrid gentrification in South Africa: Theorising across southern and ...
Firstly, the displacement of low- income beneficiaries (sellers) into informal settlements has consequences for the perma- nence of informal housing (households ...
[105]
Slum Upgrading and Housing Alternatives for the Poor - SpringerLink
Mar 13, 2018 · Despite the informality inherent to slums, private-sector companies can be involved in slum upgrading through the provision of basic ...
[106]
Singapore Public Housing, HDB Projects - RCHI MIT
Beginning with aggressive squatter clearance and housing development in the early 1960s, Singapore “solved” its slums and squatter issues in ten years. The “HDB ...
[107]
“But what about Singapore?” Lessons from the best public housing ...
Jan 31, 2018 · When Singapore attained self-government in 1959, only 9% of Singaporeans resided in public housing. Today, 80% of Singaporeans live a government ...
[108]
Slum Clearance Research Papers - Academia.edu
Key finding: This study assesses four main slum clearance strategies over 30 years and finds that most resettlement projects failed to produce durable ...Missing: rate | Show results with:rate
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The long-run implications of slum clearance: A neighborhood analysis
They conclude that slum clearance and urban renewal had positive and economically significant effects on city-level measures of income, property value, and ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[110]
The Influence of de Soto's “The Mystery of Capital”
Jan 1, 2002 · He has estimated the amount of dead capital in the developing world at about US$9.3 trillion, a staggering figure that has drawn the attention ...
[111]
Finance & Development, March 2001 - The Mystery of Capital
By Hernando de Soto - Why has the genesis of capital become such a mystery? And why have the rich nations of the world not explained to other nations how ...Missing: global | Show results with:global
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[PDF] The negative effects of Hernando de Soto's 'Mystery of capital'
Aug 12, 1990 · ... dead capital in the informal economy: 9,3 trillion ... Understanding slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlements.
[113]
Where do Property Rights Matter More? Explaining the Variation in ...
Evidence from studies in Peru, Argentina, and Mexico suggests that strengthening property rights in urban slums has a significant effect on residential ...
[114]
Framing 'slums': global policy discourses and urban inequalities
Apr 12, 2023 · This study analyses how global discourses from key multilateral agencies and donors have framed the problem of slums and informal settlements over time.
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Urbanisation and the Rise of Slum Housing - Habitat for Humanity GB
They will start to become obstacles in the way of achieving sustainable development goals. Colombia's slum housing made worse by urbanisation. Birth of slums.
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Developing world cities: Poverty traps versus pathways to prosperity
Apr 26, 2025 · Are the slums of South Asia or the favelas of Brazil poverty traps or portals to prosperity? Marx et al. (2013) document that the longer-term ...
[117]
ZONING AND THE 'RIGHT' CITY: The Challenges of Zoning in the ...
Aug 28, 2024 · While most developing countries ostensibly implement zoning, peri-urban development is predominantly informally regulated through customary ...
[118]
Land Rezoning and Structural Transformation in Rural India
Zoning laws that restrict rural land to agricultural production pose an important institutional barrier to industrial development.<|separator|>
[119]
Designing cities in developing countries - VoxDev
Nov 13, 2024 · Cities in developing countries are growing rapidly, experiencing population growth rates of 3-4%, coupled with rising incomes. This surge is ...Missing: idle percentages
[120]
68% of the world population projected to live in urban areas by 2050 ...
May 16, 2018 · 55% of the world's population lives in urban areas, a proportion that is expected to increase to 68% by 2050.
[121]
Informal settlements are growing everywhere — here's what we do
Aug 22, 2023 · The number of people living in slums or other informal settlements has grown by 165 million in the past 20 years, bringing the total to nearly 1.1 billion.
[122]
Urban slums: Poverty traps or stepping stones? - La Fonte
Feb 2, 2024 · Urban slums can be both a symptom and cause of low human capital: knowing which is an important pre-condition of designing an effective policy response.
[123]
Deep Learning for Slum Mapping in Remote Sensing Images - arXiv
Jun 12, 2024 · This article offers a detailed review and meta-analysis of research on slum mapping using remote sensing imagery (2014–2024), with a special focus on deep ...Missing: post- | Show results with:post-
[124]
Survey of Slum Housing Characteristics Using Drones
Aiming to subsidize these programs implementation workflow, the present paper analyses use of drones as a tool to gather information about the physical ...Missing: GIS innovations 2010
[125]
Data tales – part two: the challenge of technology
Oct 27, 2022 · But just a few years later, the Jaga Mission slum upgrading programme would replace this method with drone-based imagery, which had such ...
[126]
[PDF] New Perspectives on Results-Based Blended Finance for Cities
Impact Bonds have been widely used in the US and UK and several less-developed countries are now piloting the approach targeting social outcomes. EIBs can ...
[127]
Informal settlement data and local community responses to COVID ...
Dec 8, 2020 · ... challenges, including COVID-19. It also reflects ... slums as human settlements and participation in housing for slum upgrading processes.<|separator|>
[128]
Impact of technology on upgrading slums and the moderating role of ...
Mar 27, 2024 · This study aimed to determine the effect of technology on the upgradation of slums in Islamabad, along with the moderating role of upstream influences between ...
[129]
Share of the urban population living in slums - Our World in Data
Proportion of urban population living in slums (%) Source United Nations Human Settlements Programme – processed by Our World in Data Last updated August 27, ...
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SDG Goals - United Nations Statistics Division
In 2020, an estimated 1.1 billion urban residents lived in slums or slum-like conditions. Over the next 30 years, an additional 2 billion people are expected to ...
[131]
Increasing Climate Resiliency in Informal Urban Settlements
Jan 31, 2024 · In Kibera, a slum in Nairobi, Kenya, and the largest urban slum in ... upgraded waste management systems to prevent future drainage.
[132]
(PDF) Slum upgrading and climate change adaptation and mitigation
Aug 7, 2025 · Slum upgrading can be an effective mechanism that combines mitigation and adaptation efforts whilst addressing sustainable development ...
[133]
Slum upgrading is climate action
May 21, 2025 · It is also clear that slum upgrading is an effective form of climate action that addresses environmental challenges and climate risks along with ...